ALMAGHRIBIA — broadcast
20261012 000000 UTC
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[00:00:00] Justice and Development and the left alliance, I mean, with an
[00:00:03] initial reading, I mean, how did you read
[00:00:07] the first 100 days to show the intention to this round? First, I believe that since
[00:00:12] Party, which raised a number of the announcement of the election results and the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira
[00:00:15] party leading the scene, a set of scenarios were drawn up,
[00:00:18] separating those who would go into opposition
[00:00:21] and those who would be nominated
[00:00:23] because everyone wanted to influence to join this anticipated government.
[00:00:27] I think the first to
[00:00:30] announce its alignment with
[00:00:33] second gamble is the issue Justice and Development and thus to definitively
[00:00:38] of portfolios and satisfying state that it would not join this government, despite the seats it obtained,
[00:00:42] So, if we follow these which, I believe, made it the fourth
[00:00:44] political force today, and then the left
[00:00:47] alliance, the left alliance, with eight seats,
[00:00:50] also announced that it would not
[00:00:52] 2027 will give us an idea of join the next government. Even
[00:00:55] in the consultations, the choices were clear,
[00:00:59] and thus the scenarios
[00:01:01] began. From the consultations held the
[00:01:05] following day by Mrs. Mansouri, we saw the reception of the
[00:01:07] Istiqlal Party,
[00:01:09] the reception of Mr. Shawqi, the representative of the National
[00:01:12] something he is looking for, which is Rally of Independents, the Socialist Union, the Socialist
[00:01:15] Progress, the Popular Movement, and others. So, according to the Constitutional
[00:01:23] Moroccans. So, what is expected from the next government in he retained some of his strength. Party as well. Here, before. Their influential power a set of scenarios were drawn up. The first scenario, which was, or to this hour, the expected
[00:01:26] first scenario is achievable, despite.
[00:01:31] so that it can give it some breathing room
[00:01:36] on the performance of the next
[00:01:46] Socialist Progress and also the components of the center, the Popular Movement or the Constitutional Union, and thus we will have
[00:01:50] I said, is waiting for answers to many a formation consisting of five parties from different spectra, including the political
[00:01:54] dimension and the technocratic dimension, which is present. Thus, this
[00:01:58] formation is likely to
[00:02:01] give the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira party an absolute and comfortable majority
[00:02:04] above 228,
[00:02:07] and Development. But when we look reaching 235 seats. Before we reach this numerical
[00:02:13] reassuring measures in tensions that create a problem the government cannot, I mean, take at there are fundamental differences approach and the number of seats that might be in
[00:02:17] a set of reassuring measures in able to return are the cities. the next alliance, in an initial reading, most of the parties that Mrs. Fatima
[00:02:20] Zahra met expressed their desire to
[00:02:23] participate in this upcoming government. Does this make the negotiations
[00:02:26] to form this alliance easy, or are there perhaps hidden
[00:02:30] matters that will make these
[00:02:33] issues of demolition, especially negotiations not as they seem? There is an easy part, which is that most
[00:02:36] of the parties
[00:02:39] that obtained seats in parliament
[00:02:43] expressed their desire to join the government. Thus, if
[00:02:46] we compare it to other periods, especially the Justice
[00:02:50] and Development government, there
[00:02:54] Rabat and Casablanca. the government, but today this issue has been overcome. The second
[00:02:57] Today we need to reduce part, which is the most difficult, is choosing from
[00:02:59] these components. The third part, which is the most difficult,
[00:03:03] is distributing portfolios among these parties
[00:03:08] We saw this with Justice and components. What is
[00:03:10] and turn them into indicators, also beyond that is coordination between them during the period of governmental
[00:03:13] work. So, the easiest part has been overcome, but there
[00:03:17] are still obstacles today facing Mrs. Mansouri. Are
[00:03:20] these components today in harmony with each other?
[00:03:24] We have components today that have been in opposition for years
[00:03:27] and will join the government. They will join parties
[00:03:30] for years. No, this is a scenario, so the issue of accepting
[00:03:34] the government today has implemented the government coalition, even
[00:03:36] the major powers today, for example, the Istiqlal Party,
[00:03:40] if it is confirmed that it will be a member of the government, it must be
[00:03:44] taken into account whether it will also agree to the presence of other
[00:03:47] components. The ruling here is that some things have started to leak,
[00:03:51] indicating that the Istiqlal Party prefers certain components
[00:03:55] to agree on a specific to be in the government. So, the issue, as we said,
[00:03:58] even though this program the issue of post-consultations, the issue of accepting
[00:04:02] participation in the government,
[00:04:04] must be solid from the numerical is easy and has been overcome.
[00:04:05] from these elections? The second issue is whether all components are willing to be in the same
[00:04:09] formation, the same bloc. This is a question that arises
[00:04:12] today. And here the role will fall to the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira
[00:04:16] Party to coordinate and choose who will board the government
[00:04:21] presence more than a technocratic ship today. Will it be the first scenario we talked about,
[00:04:23] or will there be another scenario that the National
[00:04:27] Rally of Independents will choose?
[00:04:29] implementation of social Here, at this point, perhaps it's an important point
[00:04:32] because there was a lot of discussion about it, which is
[00:04:36] the dispute. The dispute
[00:04:37] health and education, emerged shortly before the election campaign
[00:04:40] and continued during
[00:04:43] Party. Regarding the scenarios, the election campaign, and there was a fierce
[00:04:45] dispute. So, despite this, can we find the National
[00:04:49] Rally of Independents and the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira Party in the same alliance
[00:04:52] in the future? We are facing two different
[00:04:56] contexts: a purely electoral context
[00:05:00] and a government formation context. Each context
[00:05:03] adheres to a set of
[00:05:07] reduction in income rules. First, when we talk about the end of the government's term and the beginning of the
[00:05:10] election campaign, we are talking about each component of the government
[00:05:14] coalition trying to tip the scales in its favor in one way or
[00:05:18] another, even at the expense of attacking another party. We saw that before
[00:05:21] we talk about the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira
[00:05:24] issues, such as corruption and others, we are talking about the Istiqlal
[00:05:28] Party, which was the first to raise a number of issues, including corruption.
[00:05:32] This was understandable in its context
[00:05:35] public opinion to attract the largest number of votes, whether
[00:05:39] what was said was true or not. The issue of
[00:05:42] talking about corruption and others requires investigation committees, and
[00:05:46] today there is a parliamentary investigation committee working on this.
[00:05:49] And we are waiting for the result. So we cannot say that these are
[00:05:53] absolute facts, despite the fact that a lot of data confirms
[00:05:56] a lot of things. But today we are in a different context.
[00:06:00] The goal is no longer to influence voters to get their votes,
[00:06:03] but the goal has become to form a government coalition that enjoys
[00:06:07] an absolute majority in the face of an opposition
[00:06:11] that seems to be fierce and organized. So, since
[00:06:15] you brought up this issue, I was going to discuss it in my speech,
[00:06:18] but since you brought up this point, should the next government
[00:06:22] really fear a strong opposition? No, certainly not. Because today,
[00:06:26] the line between the opposition, neither the conservative current
[00:06:30] nor the leftist current, today they are more numerous than
[00:06:35] will be greater. They will be more aware of the issues, including the electoral
[00:06:37] issues. Thus, they will be more knowledgeable about
[00:06:41] what they should do during the next period. Moreover,
[00:06:44] the opposition today, for the first time in Morocco's history,
[00:06:48] has vowed to bring down the government before its
[00:06:51] formation. Yes, and this is a precedent in the history
[00:06:55] of elections and in the history of government work in Morocco.
[00:06:58] So the opposition announced, there was even a break, because
[00:07:02] the context shows that there is a fierce opposition,
[00:07:05] even the refusal of the Justice and Development Party to meet
[00:07:09] the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira Party and the left also indicates
[00:07:13] that the opposition will be fierce. Even if today we are talking
[00:07:17] about a conservative current and a leftist current,
[00:07:22] at the ideological level, but this does not negate the possibility
[00:07:26] of pragmatic alliances to deal with a number of issues in the
[00:07:30] face of the government. So, today the government, which will be
[00:07:32] formed under the leadership of Mrs. Mansouri, takes this into account even
[00:07:36] in its upcoming alliances. It takes this into account,
[00:07:40] and therefore it needs a solid numerical base so that there
[00:07:43] is no withdrawal of confidence from the government. Yes, and we are
[00:07:46] talking about some of the mechanisms that the constitution gives to
[00:07:50] the opposition, namely, motions of censure or fact-finding committees.
[00:07:54] Numerically, a motion of censure requires
[00:07:56] one-fifth, which is easily achievable today.
[00:08:00] So, as you said, the designated Prime Minister,
[00:08:04] when forming the government, must also take into account
[00:08:07] what the opposition will produce. Certainly, because today,
[00:08:11] in the government whose term has ended, the issue
[00:08:14] of opposition was not strongly present. We said that it
[00:08:17] had the advantage that the opposition was weak. Even the party
[00:08:20] whose voice was heard had only 13 seats, meaning it
[00:08:24] did not constitute a numerical force to exert pressure, other
[00:08:28] than simply opposing and raising issues. This did not bother
[00:08:31] the government or affect it in any way. But today, at least
[00:08:35] it can mobilize 60-70 seats, and if it mobilizes
[00:08:38] more in some issues, and if the National Rally
[00:08:41] of Independents is no longer in power, then 67 seats
[00:08:45] will be added to 70 seats, and you will have 150
[00:08:48] or 160 seats, all in opposition. Fact-finding
[00:08:51] committees require one-third, which is about 132 seats,
[00:08:54] and the government today is moving to the new government
[00:08:57] with open files from the old government. The fact-finding
[00:09:01] committee has not yet given us data regarding the corruption
[00:09:04] file. Thus, the opposition has ready files. Therefore, today
[00:09:07] the government must be ready from day one
[00:09:10] to receive blows from the opposition. And therefore,
[00:09:14] the next government structure
[00:09:17] base so that neither the motion of censure nor
[00:09:21] the fact-finding committee can break this governmental
[00:09:24] cohesion. And at the same time, it must have the ability
[00:09:27] to confront and be louder than the opposition's voice.
[00:09:30] And this requires a political
[00:09:34] presence in the next government. Yes, as you mentioned
[00:09:37] at the beginning of your speech, the closest scenario is the
[00:09:41] continuation of the same ruling
[00:09:51] alliance due to the election results. The previous
[00:09:54] government alliance remained at the forefront. It
[00:09:58] maintained its lead. So, can we consider this an endorsement
[00:10:02] from the voter for this government alliance to continue? Or, on
[00:10:05] the other hand, some interpret that the National Rally
[00:10:08] of Independents, as it was leading this previous government
[00:10:11] alliance, perhaps suffered a punitive
[00:10:14] vote, meaning it lost almost a third
[00:10:17] of its seats. Therefore, it is a form
[00:10:21] of punishment, and thus logically, perhaps,
[00:10:24] should it be or should it not be, given the election
[00:10:28] results? Excuse me on this point, the issue of classification.
[00:10:32] Is there an endorsement of the government
[00:10:36] coalition or is there a punitive vote? Now,
[00:10:39] allow me to say it in Moroccan Arabic, we need to get
[00:10:42] out the calculator and start a calculation. First
[00:10:45] of all, the endorsement is real, because
[00:10:47] today the previous government
[00:10:51] bloc, whose term has ended, did not lose
[00:10:55] a large number of seats to the extent that it was
[00:10:58] relegated in the ranking. There was only a slight
[00:11:02] adjustment in the ranking. Rather, a party that was
[00:11:05] part of the government formations and held important portfolios
[00:11:09] within the government, the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira Party,
[00:11:13] was endorsed. This is a comparison. The Istiqlal Party also remained
[00:11:16] in second place, not much changed in its seats.
[00:11:20] As for the punitive aspect, I can tell you that it was
[00:11:23] a partial punitive vote, because today the party
[00:11:27] that suffered losses in terms of seats, which party is
[00:11:30] it? It is the Al-Ahrar Party. Here,
[00:11:34] those who go in this direction say that the head of the government
[00:11:37] is always the one who suffers the biggest blows
[00:11:41] because he was leading the alliance. It was not decisive, meaning
[00:11:46] He lost a third, but this third represents
[00:11:49] seats that moved from him to another party. Yes, another
[00:11:53] reading. And here it will appear
[00:11:57] that even the punitive vote did not convince them of the
[00:12:01] government's results, especially regarding your interaction with the
[00:12:04] point. How can we, on the other hand, read the return of the Justice
[00:12:08] and Development Party from far behind, from 13 seats,
[00:12:11] when it was practicing strong opposition against the National
[00:12:15] Rally of Independents? Thus, this type of return
[00:12:18] is a vote in exchange
[00:12:20] for, in quotation marks, punishment for the Progress
[00:12:23] Party. We said that it was a partial punitive vote, and we
[00:12:25] will continue with this narrative. The voting bloc chose to
[00:12:28] give its votes to Justice
[00:12:32] at the electoral map and the distribution of voters
[00:12:35] in Morocco, we see that the most important centers where it was
[00:12:41] Yes, the demands of the city residents were linked to a
[00:12:44] number of government policies that were the subject of
[00:12:47] a number of questions and the subject of a strong
[00:12:51] opposition discourse, especially Justice and Development.
[00:12:54] The issues of support, the
[00:12:58] regarding the redevelopment of a number of cities where there
[00:13:01] were deputies from the left. Because even the return
[00:13:04] of the conservative current and the return of the left
[00:13:08] is also read at a level other than public policies of the
[00:13:11] state, even at the level of daily presence on a number of issues,
[00:13:15] including the redevelopment of
[00:13:19] Thus, there was great communication with city residents,
[00:13:22] residents of a number of city areas, and thus there was
[00:13:26] a positive vote. Because they played a role
[00:13:29] in the opposition, even though the left had only two
[00:13:32] deputies, and the Justice and Development Party had
[00:13:36] only 13 deputies. But it was able to make its voice
[00:13:39] heard loudly enough that it was able to convince
[00:13:42] a segment of city residents to vote for it.
[00:13:46] And this is the logical explanation for the return
[00:13:49] of the Justice and Development Party to the forefront.
[00:13:52] Moreover, for the first time today, the left alliance
[00:13:55] has also obtained eight seats, and we see that the nature
[00:13:58] of the voters are all from urban areas. But here
[00:14:02] we must ask whether we are witnessing a change in
[00:14:06] the centers of gravity. Because in the past, the center of
[00:14:10] gravity for voting was the countryside, the village. Today, in
[00:14:13] 2024, there was a national census that showed
[00:14:17] us that for the first time there was a demographic reversal.
[00:14:21] The city today demographically constitutes the majority of
[00:14:25] Morocco's population. Therefore, can we talk from now on
[00:14:28] that politics should give greater importance to the city
[00:14:32] at the expense of the countryside, whose voting bloc is in
[00:14:36] decline? This will lead to a change in a number of
[00:14:39] things within the parties, their ideological references,
[00:14:42] their discourse and communication methods, and their way of presenting
[00:14:46] programs and promises. So today we are witnessing
[00:14:50] a soft revolution. Few parties have paid attention
[00:14:52] to it and started using
[00:14:55] it to their advantage. And the first parties to
[00:14:58] use it successfully were the parties that were in opposition during the previous term,
[00:15:02] led by the left alliance
[00:15:04] and the Justice and Development
[00:15:08] there is another scenario that is being widely
[00:15:11] discussed, which is if the National Rally
[00:15:15] of Independents is absent from the government coalition,
[00:15:19] there is another scenario: the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira Party,
[00:15:22] in addition to what are called the bloc
[00:15:25] parties, the historical bloc. To what extent
[00:15:29] is this scenario realistic and achievable? I
[00:15:33] give it almost 50-50. The scenario that includes
[00:15:36] the National Rally of Independents in the next government
[00:15:39] has a price, a price that the party bloc can pay later,
[00:15:43] especially since there is a large segment of citizens who are
[00:15:47] still not convinced by the result of the party that
[00:15:50] headed the government. However, the issue of
[00:15:54] relying only on the national bloc or the historical
[00:15:57] bloc will also have a price, because this numerical bloc
[00:16:01] will not give you the same number as if you had the National
[00:16:05] Rally of Independents. So this is a first gamble. The
[00:16:10] of coordination between this bloc and the distribution
[00:16:15] the components of this bloc. And this work will not be
[00:16:18] limited to the first moment after which the government
[00:16:22] is formed; it will continue throughout the government's term.
[00:16:25] Thus, the issue of fragmentation will make the next government
[00:16:29] coalition more fragile than if the National Rally
[00:16:33] of Independents remained. Not to mention that today we
[00:16:36] will bring in new parties
[00:16:38] that have been out of government for a long time, for example,
[00:16:41] the Socialist Union, for more than a decade.
[00:16:45] It has not practiced government work, so it was in opposition.
[00:16:47] Also, the Progress and Socialism Party.
[00:16:51] Its last presence in the government was during the era of
[00:16:54] Mr. El Othmani in 2021. The Popular Movement as
[00:16:58] well. Even the elites today that the political parties
[00:17:02] of the bloc will present, except for the Istiqlal Party,
[00:17:04] before it entered government work, it was more in opposition
[00:17:08] than in government. So, this may also have some repercussions
[00:17:13] government. Therefore, I believe both scenarios have a 50-50
[00:17:16] chance. Each scenario has its own cost. There
[00:17:20] is no scenario that only has a low cost. Perhaps
[00:17:23] we can conclude that regarding alliances,
[00:17:27] it is almost certain that the number of parties
[00:17:30] forming the next alliance will not be more than three,
[00:17:34] perhaps four or five, more than three. This raises
[00:17:37] a number of issues related to the distribution of portfolios
[00:17:41] and the number of ministries. We will have a fragmentation
[00:17:44] and at the same time some
[00:17:47] in the convergence of policies. In other words, the more
[00:17:51] parties you have, the more you are forced to create
[00:17:53] more ministerial portfolios in the convergence of public
[00:17:57] policies. Today, for example, we have divided a number of
[00:18:01] ministries and created secretariats of state and others.
[00:18:04] The Ministry of Finance is divided into a secretariat,
[00:18:07] a minister delegate, and a minister. So, to satisfy
[00:18:11] these parties that will form this next government alliance,
[00:18:15] I will distribute. This is an additional financial
[00:18:19] cost that burdens the state budget. But it also weakens
[00:18:23] the implementation of public policy and the convergence
[00:18:26] of policies, and makes government policies today
[00:18:30] burdened by a number of procedures and additional ministries.
[00:18:35] the number of portfolios and citizens have started to
[00:18:38] review the electoral promises and hold them accountable
[00:18:42] through the ballot boxes.
[00:18:45] and Development and with the Al-Ahrar Party, albeit partially.
[00:18:48] And therefore, all political parties in the future will
[00:18:51] take into account that if they make promises to the
[00:18:55] Moroccan citizen, they must fulfill them. And if they
[00:18:58] do not fulfill the electoral promises, they may be subject
[00:19:01] to an electoral punishment, and this is a legitimate
[00:19:04] right guaranteed to the citizen through the ballot boxes.
[00:19:08] This is the first challenge, and therefore, the challenge
[00:19:11] linked to this challenge is how it will be implemented,
[00:19:15] because no party wants to be punished by the voters.
[00:19:18] Since you mentioned citizens, we would like to hear some
[00:19:21] of their opinions. We have gathered opinions regarding
[00:19:25] their expectations from the next government.
[00:19:28] Let's follow up. We hope for a strong,
[00:19:32] harmonious government with an opposition that has
[00:19:35] a strong proposal power. What does the Moroccan
[00:19:39] citizen expect
[00:19:43] Of course, public policies must serve the citizen.
[00:19:47] Purchasing power, improving living standards, health,
[00:19:51] education, spatial justice. We expect regions to be
[00:19:54] strong. We expect Morocco not to have two speeds.
[00:19:58] We want one Morocco, a Morocco
[00:20:00] of justice. We are waiting for the actual,
[00:20:03] practical, and rapid
[00:20:07] and economic priorities, primarily stimulating the
[00:20:10] labor market, improving public services such as
[00:20:15] and the actual implementation of the program proposed
[00:20:18] by the party. Today's challenge is for the Moroccan
[00:20:22] citizen to feel the impact of these policies in their
[00:20:25] daily lives through concrete measures
[00:20:29] and efficiency in implementation. We hope that this government,
[00:20:33] first of all, to be a promising government, is to fulfill
[00:20:36] its promises, because the essence of trust in political
[00:20:40] work is fulfilling promises. This government
[00:20:44] must also focus on education,
[00:20:47] health, and employment. Also,
[00:20:51] raising wages, especially in the private sector,
[00:20:54] and reducing taxes. Urgent
[00:20:58] and immediate expectations, especially in the social aspect, when we talk about
[00:21:01] supporting citizens' purchasing power and finding solutions
[00:21:05] to curb prices, in addition to enhancing
[00:21:08] and strengthening social protection, in addition
[00:21:11] to prioritizing sectors of social
[00:21:15] nature such as health, education, and transportation.
[00:21:18] This is in addition to economic expectations
[00:21:22] mainly related to the need to create
[00:21:26] income to enhance employment opportunities.
[00:21:32] opinions, an initial comment on these citizens' opinions.
[00:21:34] Everyone is eagerly
[00:21:38] awaiting how these promises will be implemented,
[00:21:42] promises related to raising wages, related to prices,
[00:21:46] especially fuel and others. So, the citizen today
[00:21:49] has gone beyond the stage of debates and is eagerly
[00:21:52] awaiting the formation of this government, what its pillars
[00:21:56] are, and how it will deal with its basic
[00:22:00] concerns in the first hundred days. I believe
[00:22:03] the issue of raising wages will be present in the first
[00:22:07] hundred days. What will the government do,
[00:22:10] especially today, I will not dwell only
[00:22:14] on the promises of other parties, I will stick
[00:22:17] to the promise of the party. we will only focus on
[00:22:20] positions and portfolios and who will board the government
[00:22:24] ship and who will disembark. Only after that will we
[00:22:27] reach the stage of drafting a government program that
[00:22:31] will be agreed upon by all, and then we will move
[00:22:34] to implementation. In brackets, the electoral programs are
[00:22:37] always one thing, and the government programs are perhaps different.
[00:22:41] To what extent is this logical? I mean, in the
[00:22:44] end, you committed to the citizens with certain
[00:22:48] commitments. And the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira Party said
[00:22:52] that if it leads the government, it will insist on these
[00:22:55] commitments that it put forward in its program. So, what
[00:22:59] are the things that, for you, are impossible to deviate
[00:23:03] from? Your words indicate that the Al-Asala Wal-Muasira
[00:23:07] Party is the most concerned today with implementing its
[00:23:11] program. It is the one that heads the government,
[00:23:14] it has the powers, but it has other constraints
[00:23:18] because it does not have
[00:23:20] an absolute majority. Because when you raise the issue
[00:23:24] of the party, that you contracted with me, because
[00:23:26] this vote is a contract. You contracted to implement
[00:23:30] the government program, but you do not have an absolute
[00:23:33] majority. So, if I want to implement the program
[00:23:37] as it was drafted, presented, and proposed during the election
[00:23:40] campaign, I should have been given an absolute
[00:23:44] majority of 198 seats. I don't have it. So,
[00:23:47] today, the broad outlines and major lines will remain.
[00:23:52] What I am asking from citizens today is
[00:23:54] to preserve these programs
[00:24:00] and continue to evaluate the government's work, because
[00:24:03] evaluating the government's work is not only a matter for
[00:24:06] parliament to do officially, and civil society and opposition
[00:24:09] parties to do differently. Even the conscious citizen
[00:24:13] today, who is required to come tomorrow and vote again
[00:24:17] and choose the next government in 2001,
[00:24:20] must follow up on whether
[00:24:24] its promises or not, so that when the election
[00:24:27] date comes, and we have a date for municipal elections,
[00:24:31] he will find indicators and data to be able to
[00:24:34] discuss with the candidates and discuss the promises.
[00:24:37] I believe that today the issue is difficult for
[00:24:41] all parties, not just Al-Asala Wal-Muasira,
[00:24:45] program,
[00:24:48] does not go beyond the concerns. The second thing I want
[00:24:52] to point out now is that today the government
[00:24:55] must be quick in its formation, not only because
[00:24:59] of the opening of the legislative session, because this is also
[00:25:02] a constraint, but also because of a very important
[00:25:05] thing here, which is the finance law. Because
[00:25:08] we cannot draft the finance law while we have not
[00:25:11] yet formed the new government and do not know the sectors
[00:25:15] we have. We cannot issue the 2027 finance law
[00:25:18] and then say, no, the Ministry
[00:25:20] of National Education and Education has been merged, let's just
[00:25:24] unify the budget, or we will separate or restore.
[00:25:27] So, here, the government structure must be in place
[00:25:30] first, on which we will base the financial structure.
[00:25:34] And therefore, today, Mrs. Mansouri has another major constraint.
[00:25:37] Yes, since you mentioned the constraints, which is our
[00:25:40] next topic, what are the most important challenges and constraints,
[00:25:44] and also the expectations that citizens have from the next government?
[00:25:48] The expectations and challenges. The majority party is the majority party. It did not propose
[00:25:51] capping the minimum wage, but it proposed something else. It proposed a gradual
[00:25:57] tax, and I believe that within the first 100 days, the intention to
[00:26:00] implement this proposal will become clear, and this is the only one.
[00:26:06] Gradual, but at least taking the first decisions happens within
[00:26:10] implement this. This is a challenge because in the first 100 days, the opposition
[00:26:14] will give you a grace period, the citizen will give you a grace period, and therefore the first
[00:26:17] 100 days will be about decisions, even if they have a lasting
[00:26:21] impact over time. That's not a problem. The second thing I believe is that one of the most
[00:26:24] pressing issues that must be addressed in the first 100 days, at least,
[00:26:28] is the fuel issue. I believe that today, with fuel exceeding
[00:26:31] 16 dirhams and rising to 17 dirhams, it will be the first issue
[00:26:34] presented to Mrs. Mansouri so that she can intervene in it, because if she does not intervene, it
[00:26:38] may become the snowball that may push it in another direction. So,
[00:26:42] the first 100 days are crucial for
[00:26:44] evaluating the work and the overall
[00:26:47] consistency and cohesion of the next government. At the same time, even
[00:26:51] the design of the financial law for
[00:26:55] the sectors that will be important, the new sectors, and the sectors that
[00:26:58] will be merged or abandoned. So, the citizen is waiting for all
[00:27:02] these expectations, because the citizen does not have a lot of patience. At least, a number of things need to be done to show that the government
[00:27:06] has started working on them, because
[00:27:09] as you said, the citizen also has
[00:27:15] things that affect his livelihood. We followed the statements,
[00:27:19] everyone is talking about purchasing power, purchasing power, which has become
[00:27:22] a concern for all
[00:27:25] dealing with this? I hope, I hope that this
[00:27:28] year will be somewhat merciful to the government. I hope, first of all, for rainfall
[00:27:33] at least and a little relief. Secondly,
[00:27:37] also the prices of fuel, which are soaring globally,
[00:27:40] that they will decrease, especially
[00:27:42] because of the Strait of Hormuz and what is happening between Ukraine and Russia
[00:27:46] and so on. But if these things do not happen, then it will be a difficult year for the government
[00:27:49] today, because the Moroccan citizen, as
[00:27:53] pressing questions. Was it not considered that we have these constraints?
[00:27:56] How can we avoid these
[00:28:00] commitments from becoming an intangible reality, evaporating
[00:28:03] in the face of these transformations that can make things difficult? Look, the citizen
[00:28:06] now has great expectations regarding these issues. Now there will be
[00:28:10] a great state of frustration if
[00:28:13] least some
[00:28:16] the beginning. It is impossible for there to be
[00:28:19] the beginning, at least to inaugurate
[00:28:22] the beginning of the government's work, which will extend for five years. So today,
[00:28:25] the citizen is waiting to see what will happen, even the reports from research centers.