ALMAGHRIBIA — broadcast 20261012 193000 UTC 452 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:00] But at the coalition more fragile same time, it shows that the inventory began remained a party. than if the National Rally of Independents [00:00:04] to decline with continued consumption during the autumn months. [00:00:11] of the most important wetlands in [00:00:21] Morocco is moving towards strengthening the production of desalinated water in the city [00:00:26] some components from being of Laayoune through a new project to expand the water desalination plant. [00:00:32] and therefore this upcoming [00:00:36] capable of being in [00:00:37] base so that The National Office of Electricity and Drinking Water launched a study [00:00:39] to determine the components of a new [00:00:42] began to exploit in their favor. desalination unit [00:00:43] fall to the Authenticity and Modernity Party aimed at providing an additional flow of up to 300 liters per second by [00:00:48] The map resulting from the ballot boxes 2050. Early October. [00:00:50] This [00:00:55] unit relies on reverse osmosis technology, and [00:00:59] the estimated cost [00:01:02] Annual rainfall in of the study is about 1.29 million [00:01:04] dirhams, and the implementation period will extend to nine [00:01:09] in the months. The study [00:01:11] of restoring citizens' trust includes the construction of a new canal for drawing and transporting water with a length of approximately 10 [00:01:15] kilometers, in addition to strengthening pumping equipment and [00:01:20] we consider this an endorsement electricity supply. in the next [00:01:24] The drinking water system [00:01:24] coalition to continue, or, in Laayoune currently has [00:01:29] Rally of Independents, as it was leading two seawater desalination plants, with a production capacity of [00:01:32] 300 liters per second for each plant, or a total [00:01:36] of 600 liters per second. The system also relies on [00:01:39] additional materials, including [00:01:43] in its favor in one way or the Umm Al-Wad field wells, which [00:01:43] rising temperatures, and pressure on water. provide about 95 liters per second during [00:01:47] 2026. [00:01:53] The project will also assess the environmental impact of the desalination [00:01:56] process, especially regarding the discharge of highly saline [00:02:01] the scene, a set of scenarios water resulting from the treatment process and its potential impact on the terrestrial environment. [00:02:06] to attract the largest number of [00:02:17] To cope with the increasing pressure on water resources, the kingdom [00:02:21] is expanding the use of treated wastewater. [00:02:24] معاالجتها. [00:02:30] a different context. The goal is no longer According to data published by the Bou Regreg and Chaouia Water [00:02:34] Basin Agency on October 2, the agency allocated [00:02:38] 11.64 million dirhams in 2024 [00:02:41] to support projects for the reuse of treated wastewater. [00:02:45] المعالجه. [00:02:51] Studies for the reuse of treated water for irrigating [00:02:54] green spaces in the city of Settat, in addition to [00:02:58] similar studies in the province of Ouazzane. [00:03:03] more difficult to The agency also contributed to projects [00:03:06] for the reuse of treated water for irrigating golf courses [00:03:10] in several cities, including Casablanca, [00:03:13] Skhirat, Temara, Harhoura, and Mohammedia. [00:03:16] These projects allow treated water to be directed [00:03:20] towards specific uses instead of relying solely on [00:03:24] fresh water for irrigation operations. This approach [00:03:27] falls within the expansion of the use of non-conventional [00:03:31] water resources and the reduction of pressure on traditional resources, [00:03:34] especially in cities and areas where irrigation needs are high. [00:03:50] From water to energy, preparations are underway for a project that combines [00:03:53] the protection of water resources [00:03:56] that will probably be in and the production of electricity from renewable sources. The Bou Regreg [00:03:59] Water Basin Agency is preparing to launch a feasibility study [00:04:02] for the establishment of floating [00:04:05] met with expressed their desire to solar power plants on the lakes of 12 dams [00:04:07] in the basin. The list includes dams distributed across [00:04:11] the provinces of Kenitra, Khemisset, Ouazzane, Moulay Yaacoub, Sefrou, [00:04:14] Taza, [00:04:15] matters that will make these and Taounate. [00:04:20] The idea is based on installing floating solar panels [00:04:23] over parts of the water surfaces, which allows [00:04:27] expressed their desire to for electricity production and at [00:04:30] the same time benefits from reducing water [00:04:32] evaporation. Initial [00:04:39] a positive vote the scale and duration project data indicate the possibility of reducing evaporation [00:04:42] by a percentage ranging between 50% and 70% depending on the [00:04:46] coverage rate of each dam's [00:04:47] surface. The study [00:04:50] will first focus on identifying the most suitable [00:04:53] locations, then evaluating the technical, energy, [00:04:56] economic, and environmental feasibility before identifying priority [00:05:00] projects and their funding models. The project [00:05:03] But you have an opposition today thus combines two goals: producing renewable energy and reducing [00:05:07] water loss due to [00:05:09] evaporation. [00:05:18] In northern Greece, Lake Koronia has transformed from one [00:05:23] the country into limited water areas surrounded [00:05:27] by cracked [00:05:28] lands. [00:05:32] Satellite data reveals that the lake's area [00:05:35] has shrunk from [00:05:37] 34.4 square kilometers in [00:05:40] 2016 to only 2.7 square kilometers [00:05:44] currently, meaning that the lake has lost approximately [00:05:48] 92% of its area within one [00:05:51] decade. [00:05:55] This decline is linked to a set of factors, including [00:05:59] a decrease in rainfall and an increase in temperatures, [00:06:02] in addition to water withdrawal for irrigation [00:06:05] purposes. [00:06:14] the region is currently about 400 millimeters, which is [00:06:18] about 150 millimeters less compared to [00:06:22] previous decades. [00:06:25] In contrast, the rise in temperature led to an [00:06:29] increase in evaporation ranging between 100 and [00:06:32] 150 millimeters [00:06:33] annually. [00:06:36] The lake was home to migratory birds [00:06:39] and a source of agricultural and tourist activities. [00:06:43] However, its shrinking area now threatens the ecosystem [00:06:47] and related activities. Koronia provides [00:06:50] a clear example of the interaction of three [00:06:53] factors: drought, [00:07:16] On the Indonesian island of Borneo, residents [00:07:18] are facing a dual crisis: water scarcity on one [00:07:21] hand, and peatland fires on the other. [00:07:24] اخرى [00:07:30] The region is experiencing severe drought linked to the intensification [00:07:34] of El Niño, which has led to a decline in water levels in rivers [00:07:37] and local sources on which residents depend. [00:07:40] In some villages, residents have been forced [00:07:43] to buy bottled water after nearby water sources dried up. [00:07:47] The danger of the fires is exacerbated [00:07:51] by the peatlands, which have been subjected to drainage and degradation [00:07:54] for decades, especially as a result of converting [00:07:57] parts of them into agricultural [00:07:59] land. When [00:08:06] these lands dry out, they become more [00:08:09] susceptible to ignition, while fires can continue [00:08:13] within the peat layers and become [00:08:16] extinguish. [00:08:20] The smoke from the fires has also led to a deterioration [00:08:24] in air quality, with its effects reaching areas in Malaysia [00:08:27] and the Philippines. [00:08:31] Three factors interact in this crisis: [00:08:34] drought, the degradation of peatlands, and fires, [00:08:38] which makes water scarcity itself an obstacle that complicates [00:08:41] the firefighting process. [00:08:55] The United Nations Environment Programme warns that the world [00:08:59] will soon exceed the 1.5 degree Celsius [00:09:02] threshold above pre-industrial levels in the coming [00:09:06] years. The UN [00:09:09] report indicates that the continuation of current climate policies [00:09:13] could push the average global temperature to [00:09:16] about 2.6 degrees Celsius by the end [00:09:20] of the century. [00:09:26] This increase means a planned increase in heat [00:09:29] waves, droughts, floods, and forest fires, [00:09:33] in addition to the exacerbation of sea [00:09:35] level rise. [00:09:38] The report stresses that exceeding the threshold of [00:09:43] not only makes it impossible to return to it, [00:09:46] but also makes faster action crucial to limit [00:09:50] of this overshoot. [00:09:54] The United Nations calls for accelerated greenhouse [00:09:57] gas emissions, emphasizing that every additional fraction of a degree [00:10:00] of warming increases long-term climate risks. [00:10:04] Good [00:10:45] evening, dear viewers, and welcome to a new episode [00:10:49] and a new look of your program, Moroccan [00:10:52] Meeting. The elections have ended [00:10:56] one phase and opened another. After His Majesty [00:10:59] King Mohammed VI, may God grant him victory, entrusted [00:11:03] Mrs. Fatima Zahra Mansouri with forming the government, attention [00:11:06] is focused on one question: who will form [00:11:09] the majority and on what basis? [00:11:13] does not grant the Authenticity and Modernity Party, [00:11:16] which is in the lead, the ability to form [00:11:19] a government alone, which makes alliances for the next [00:11:22] phase and away from calculations. The next [00:11:25] government has files that cannot be postponed: employment, wages, [00:11:29] housing, health, and continuing the social state projects. [00:11:33] Above all, the challenge [00:11:36] in the promises they heard during the election campaign. [00:11:39] Alliances, challenges, and stakes are what we discuss [00:11:43] in this episode with our guest, Professor Badr Al-Azraq, a university professor [00:11:47] at Hassan II University in Casablanca and an expert in business [00:11:51] law and economics. Welcome, Professor Azraq. Hello, and thank you for the invitation. [00:11:55] I am very happy to have you with me in this episode. So, [00:11:58] first, we followed the first round of consultations that [00:12:02] Mrs. Fatima Zahra Mansouri, the appointed Prime [00:12:05] Minister, held. She received a large number of parties, with the exception [00:12:08] of the Justice and Development Party and the Left Alliance. [00:12:11] So, with an initial reading, how did you read this [00:12:15] round? First, I believe [00:12:18] that since the announcement of the election [00:12:22] results and the Authenticity and Modernity Party leading [00:12:26] has been drawn up, differentiating between who will [00:12:30] go to the opposition and who will be [00:12:33] a candidate to join this anticipated government. I believe [00:12:37] the first one who had the initiative to announce joining [00:12:40] the opposition was the Justice and Development Party, and therefore [00:12:43] he eliminated any doubt that he would not meet with this government, [00:12:47] despite the number of seats he obtained, which, I believe, [00:12:50] made him the fourth political force [00:12:53] today. Then, the Left Alliance [00:12:56] with eight seats announced in turn that it would [00:13:00] not join the next government, even [00:13:03] in the consultations. Therefore, there were clear [00:13:06] choices, and thus the scenarios began to be drawn [00:13:09] based on the consultations held [00:13:12] by Mrs. Mansouri, from receiving the Istiqlal Party [00:13:15] to receiving [00:13:18] Mr. Shawki, the representative of the National Rally of Independents, to receiving [00:13:22] the rest of the parties: the Socialist Union, the Socialist Progress, the Popular [00:13:26] Movement, and others, as well as the Constitutional Party. So, here [00:13:29] a set of scenarios was drawn up. The first scenario, which is still [00:13:33] expected to be the first possible scenario [00:13:36] to be realized, despite what we will [00:13:40] talk about later, because we are talking about the formation, [00:13:43] will be headed by the Authenticity [00:13:46] and Modernity Party, then the National Rally of Independents, then the Istiqlal [00:13:49] Party, and the door will be open for one of the left-wing [00:13:53] components to join, either the Socialist Union or the Progress Party, [00:13:56] as well as centrist components, the Popular Movement or the Constitutional Union. Thus, we will have a formation [00:14:00] consisting of five parties from different [00:14:03] spectrums, with a political dimension and a technocratic dimension present. Therefore, this formation [00:14:07] is likely to give the Authenticity and Modernity [00:14:11] Party an absolute and comfortable [00:14:13] majority, even above 285. Before we reach [00:14:16] this numerical approach and the number of seats [00:14:21] the next coalition, [00:14:25] in an initial reading, most of the parties that Mrs. Fatima [00:14:30] participate in this upcoming [00:14:33] government. Does this make the negotiations for forming this coalition easy [00:14:37] negotiations, or are there hidden [00:14:40] negotiations not as they appear? There is an easy [00:14:44] part, which is that most of the parties [00:14:46] that [00:14:49] obtained seats in parliament [00:14:52] join the government. Therefore, if we compare [00:14:55] it to other periods, especially the Justice and Development government [00:14:59] with Mr. Abdelilah Benkirane, there was something called the bloc, meaning the issue [00:15:02] of joining the government was problematic. Today, this issue [00:15:05] has been overcome. The second part is the most difficult: choosing [00:15:09] from among these components. The third part, which is the most difficult, [00:15:12] is the distribution of government portfolios among these parties and these [00:15:16] components. What is also beyond that is [00:15:19] the coordination among them during the period of government work. So, the easiest [00:15:23] part has been overcome, but there are still obstacles today facing Mrs. [00:15:26] Mansouri. Are these components today consistent [00:15:29] with each other? We have components today that have been in opposition [00:15:33] for years and will join the government. They will join parties [00:15:37] for years. [00:15:39] No, this is a scenario. So, the issue of accepting the government [00:15:43] coalition, even the major powers today, for example, the Istiqlal [00:15:47] Party, if it is confirmed that it will be a member [00:15:50] of this government, should be taken into consideration. It will also [00:15:53] agree to the presence of other components in the government, because the issue [00:15:56] of the government began to resolve some matters, meaning [00:16:00] that the Istiqlal Party rejects [00:16:03] in the issue. We said the issue of post-consultation is the issue of acceptance. [00:16:07] Participating in the government is easy and has been overcome. The second issue is, [00:16:11] first, are all components the same formation? [00:16:15] This question arises today, and here [00:16:17] the role will [00:16:21] in coordinating and choosing who will board the government's ship [00:16:25] today. Will it be the first scenario we talked about, or will it be another [00:16:28] scenario that will exclude the National Rally of Independents? Here, [00:16:32] at this point, we might point out something that was [00:16:36] heavily discussed, which is the animosity and dispute that [00:16:39] emerged before the election campaign and continued during [00:16:43] the election campaign, and which involved a certain ferocity [00:16:47] animosity. So, with [00:16:49] what has started, can we find the National [00:16:52] Rally of Independents and the Authenticity and Modernity Party in the same coalition [00:16:56] in the future? We are facing two different contexts: [00:16:59] the context of the elections and the context of government [00:17:02] formation, and each context adheres to [00:17:06] a set of rules. First, when we talk about the end of the government's [00:17:09] term and also the beginning of the election [00:17:13] campaign, we are talking about each component of the government [00:17:16] coalition trying to tip the scales [00:17:20] another, even if it means attacking the other party. We saw [00:17:24] before we talked about the Authenticity and Modernity Party, which raised a set of issues, including the issue of corruption, [00:17:28] we are talking about the Istiqlal Party, which was the first to raise a set of issues, [00:17:32] primarily the issue of corruption, and consequently, the Authenticity [00:17:35] and Modernity Party followed suit, and this was understandable, because [00:17:39] today everyone wanted to influence public opinion [00:17:44] votes, whether what was said was true [00:17:47] or not, because the issue of talking about [00:17:50] the issue of support, the issue of corruption, etc., requires [00:17:54] investigation committees, and today there is a parliamentary investigation committee in this regard, and we await its results. [00:17:57] Therefore, we cannot say that those are absolute facts, despite [00:18:01] the fact that a set of data confirms a set of things, [00:18:04] but today we are in [00:18:08] to influence voters to get their votes, but rather the goal [00:18:10] has become to form a government coalition that enjoys [00:18:14] an absolute majority in the face of an opposition [00:18:17] that appears to be fierce and organized. Therefore, since [00:18:21] you raised the issue of the opposition, I might have addressed it [00:18:24] in the course of my speech, but since you raised this point, should the next [00:18:28] government really fear a strong opposition? Yes, absolutely. [00:18:32] Today, because the two poles of the opposition are still not [00:18:35] Sheikh's conservative current nor [00:18:46] the election campaign, and therefore more [00:18:48] knowledgeable about what needs to be done during the next term, [00:18:51] but rather today, for the first time in the history [00:18:55] of Morocco, the government was threatened with overthrow before [00:18:58] its formation, and this is a precedent in the history of elections and in the history [00:19:01] of government practice in Morocco. So, the opposition [00:19:05] announced, and there was even a break [00:19:07] until the event, because the context shows that there will be a fierce opposition, [00:19:11] even without threats. Even the refusal of the Justice [00:19:14] and Development Party to enter into a meeting other than a meeting with the Authenticity [00:19:18] and Modernity Party and the Left, this also happened here. [00:19:21] These indicators suggest that the opposition, [00:19:24] even if today we are talking about a conservative current and a leftist [00:19:28] current, and that there are fundamental ideological differences, this does not negate [00:19:32] that there may be pragmatic alliances to deal with a set of [00:19:35] issues in confronting the government. So, today, the government, [00:19:39] of course, that will be formed under the leadership of Mrs. Mansouri [00:19:43] takes this into account, and therefore, even in forming [00:19:45] its future blocs, it takes this into account, and therefore [00:19:49] it needs a solid numerical [00:19:51] base. There is a withdrawal from [00:19:53] the governments that the constitution gave [00:19:57] to the opposition, meaning motions of no confidence or real investigation committees. Numerically, [00:20:00] a motion of no confidence requires a fifth, meaning this [00:20:03] is easy to achieve now, meaning numerically, [00:20:07] of course. Therefore, as I said, the appointed Prime [00:20:10] Minister, when moving, must take into account what the opposition [00:20:14] will also produce. Of course, because we said that today the opposition [00:20:18] in the government whose term has ended, [00:20:21] meaning the issue of the opposition was not strongly present. We said that it was [00:20:24] a privilege that the opposition was weak, even the party whose voice [00:20:28] was heard had 13 seats, meaning it did not constitute a numerical [00:20:31] force to pressure, other than the aspect of opposition [00:20:33] and raising issues only. Therefore, this did not bother the government [00:20:37] or affect it in one way or another. [00:20:41] that can mobilize about 60 or 70 seats. Yes, [00:20:45] and if [00:20:47] the Authenticity Party leaves, if the National Rally of Independents [00:20:51] is no longer in the government, these 67 seats will be added to [00:20:54] 70 seats, and you will have 150 or 160 [00:20:57] seats all together. The investigation committee needs a third, which is 132 [00:21:01] seats, approximately. And the government today is moving to the new [00:21:04] government with open files from the old government, because [00:21:08] the investigation committee has not yet given us data regarding [00:21:11] the issue of corruption. Therefore, the opposition has ready files, and therefore today [00:21:15] the government must be ready from day one [00:21:18] to receive blows from the opposition, [00:21:22] governmental structure must be solid from the numerical [00:21:27] neither the motion of no confidence nor the investigation committee can [00:21:30] undermine this governmental cohesion, and at the same time, it [00:21:34] must have the ability to confront, so that its voice is louder than the voice of the opposition, [00:21:38] and therefore, for its voice to be louder than the voice of the opposition, it will require a political [00:21:41] presence rather than a technocratic presence in the next government. Yes, [00:21:45] so, as you mentioned at the beginning of your speech, [00:21:48] the closest scenario is the continuation of the same government coalition, [00:21:52] perhaps with the addition of a leftist party [00:21:56] or a movement. [00:22:00] In an initial reading of the election results, the previous government [00:22:03] coalition remained in the lead in general, meaning [00:22:07] it retained the lead. So, can [00:22:10] from the voters for this government [00:22:14] on the other hand, for those who read that the National [00:22:19] the previous government coalition, perhaps suffered a punitive [00:22:22] vote, meaning it lost [00:22:25] almost a third of its seats, [00:22:29] and therefore it is a kind of punishment, and therefore logically, [00:22:32] perhaps, should it be or not be, [00:22:36] considering the election results at this [00:22:39] point, meaning the issue of classification? Is there [00:22:42] an endorsement for the government, the government [00:22:46] coalition, or is there a punitive vote? Now, excuse me, I will say [00:22:52] that we will start with a mathematical operation. [00:22:55] First, the endorsement [00:22:58] is indeed because today the previous [00:23:01] government bloc, or the one whose term has ended, [00:23:05] did not lose a large number of seats to the point [00:23:08] of falling in the ranking. There was a slight adjustment [00:23:12] in the ranking within, but two parties within the government [00:23:16] formations were endorsed and held important portfolios within the government formation, and the Authenticity [00:23:21] and Modernity Party. This is a comparison of the endorsement [00:23:25] of the Istiqlal Party, which also remained in third place and did [00:23:28] not change much in terms of seats. [00:23:31] As for the aspect of punishment, I can tell you that it was there, but [00:23:35] it was a partial punishment, because today the party [00:23:38] that is held responsible for the loss of seats is the National Rally of Independents. [00:23:42] Here, they say, meaning those who go in this direction say that [00:23:46] the head of the government is always the one who suffers the biggest [00:23:49] blow. If he was leading the coalition, it was not a fatal blow, and the party [00:23:53] retained part of its strength. It lost a third, but this third is [00:23:57] seats that moved from it to another [00:24:00] party. Yes, this is another reading, and therefore here it will appear [00:24:04] that even the punitive vote was present, and we cannot deny it, because [00:24:07] some citizens were not convinced by the results of the government, [00:24:09] especially this point. How can we, [00:24:13] on the other hand, read the return of the Justice and Development Party [00:24:16] from far behind, from 13 seats, while it was practicing strong [00:24:20] opposition against the National Rally of Independents? Therefore, this kind [00:24:23] of return is a vote in exchange for [00:24:27] punishment, in quotation marks, if we consider it a punishment [00:24:28] for the Progress Party. [00:24:31] We said that it was a partial punitive vote, and we will continue [00:24:34] this narrative. From the voting electorate, they chose to give their votes [00:24:37] to the Justice and Development Party, but where, when we look [00:24:41] at the electoral map and the distribution of voters in Morocco, we see that the most important [00:24:45] centers where the Justice Party was able to return are the cities. Yes, the demands [00:24:48] of city residents were linked to a set of government [00:24:52] policies that were the subject of a set of [00:24:55] questions and a strong opposition discourse, especially [00:24:59] from the Justice and Development Party. The issues of support, [00:25:02] the issues of demolition, especially at the level of redeveloping [00:25:05] a set of cities where leftist deputies were present, because even [00:25:09] reading the return of the conservative current [00:25:12] and the return of the left must also be read at two levels, not just the major [00:25:16] public policies of states, but also at the level of daily presence on a set [00:25:20] of issues: the redevelopment of the city of Rabat and Casablanca, etc. Therefore, there was [00:25:24] great communication with city residents and residents of a set of city [00:25:26] areas, and therefore there was [00:25:29] because they played a role in the opposition, even if the left [00:25:33] had two deputies and the Justice and Development Party had only 13 [00:25:36] deputies, but they were able to make their voice heard loudly [00:25:40] enough to convince a segment of city residents to vote [00:25:44] for them. Therefore, this is the logical explanation for the issue [00:25:48] of the return of the Justice [00:25:50] and Development Party's name. Moreover, for the first time today, the Left [00:25:54] Alliance also has eight seats, and when we look at the nature of [00:25:58] the voters, they all belong to urban areas. But here we must ask [00:26:02] whether we are witnessing a change in even the centers of gravity, [00:26:05] because in the past, the center of gravity for voting was the countryside, the village. [00:26:09] Today, in 2024, there was a national census that [00:26:12] showed us that for the first time, a demographic reversal occurred, [00:26:16] and the city today demographically constitutes the majority of Morocco's [00:26:19] population. Therefore, can we talk from now on about political [00:26:23] parties needing to pay more attention to the city [00:26:27] at the expense of the countryside, whose voting bloc is declining? This will [00:26:31] lead to a change in a set [00:26:33] of things within these parties, their ideological references, their [00:26:37] discourse and communication methods, and their programs and promises. So, today we are facing a soft [00:26:41] revolution that parties that noticed it [00:26:44] The first parties that exploited it successfully were the parties that were in opposition [00:26:48] during the outgoing term, led by the Left Alliance and the Justice and Development Party. [00:26:52] Yes, regarding the scenarios, there is also another [00:26:55] scenario that is being widely discussed, which is that if the National [00:26:58] Rally of Independents is absent [00:27:05] from the government coalition, to what extent is this scenario considered realistic? It is a scenario [00:27:09] that is achievable. I give it about 50% for [00:27:12] both scenarios. Yes, because even maintaining [00:27:15] the National Rally of Independents [00:27:19] government has a price. It has a price. [00:27:22] The party bloc will pay for it later, especially [00:27:26] since there are citizens who are still not convinced by the results [00:27:29] Yes, but [00:27:32] also the issue of only relying on [00:27:35] the national bloc or the historical [00:27:39] bloc will also be a guarantee, because this bloc numerically will not [00:27:43] give you the same number that you would have if you had the National Rally of Independents. [00:27:47] This is the first risk. The second risk is the issue [00:27:50] of coordination between this bloc and the distribution of portfolios [00:27:54] and satisfying the components of this bloc. This work will not [00:27:57] only be for the first moment after which we will announce the birth [00:28:01] of the government. This will continue with me throughout this government, [00:28:04] and therefore the issue of fragmentation will make the upcoming government