BBCPERSIAN — broadcast 20260806 233000 UTC 445 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:01] Many claims that certainly, certainly [00:00:05] the Islamic Republic has supported them and in [00:00:08] fact, has not left their pockets empty. These actions are done with money. [00:00:12] Where does this money come from? Yemen, where the Houthis [00:00:15] are not very rich. [00:00:18] So these monies have come out of the pockets of the Iranian people. [00:00:22] The fact that we are in what time and what [00:00:25] situation it is, [00:00:28] this does not allow us to violate the rights of the Iranian people [00:00:32] who today are living in poverty and [00:00:35] misery. In fact, the word "misery" should be used. [00:00:39] They are living. The result of this policy is the impoverishment [00:00:42] of the Iranian people and the enrichment [00:00:45] and preparation for a war in which the Iranian people [00:00:49] actually have no share. [00:00:52] This is the result of these policies. Now, no matter how we want to [00:00:56] justify it, this [00:00:58] reality of the field cannot be overlooked. [00:01:02] Thank you very much, Mr. Salehi, we are eagerly [00:01:06] awaiting your answer. Yes, [00:01:08] you see, insiders and outsiders in the region [00:01:12] determine geopolitical changes. I was explaining that [00:01:16] the good relationship between Iran and Egypt in the 70s caused Al-Azhar, [00:01:19] the Mufti of Al-Azhar, to fundamentally recognize Shiism and [00:01:23] Twelver Shiism as one of the five official schools [00:01:26] of Islam for the first time. This was a political issue. [00:01:41] Extensive investments have been made in the Houthis, and as [00:01:44] his words suggested, apparently this [00:01:48] investment has not brought any return for the Iranian nation, in his opinion, and currently [00:01:51] the nation is struggling with special economic problems. [00:01:55] What do you say? Iran is strategically [00:01:58] isolated in the region. That is why, by relying [00:02:01] on allied groups [00:02:05] that exist structurally in the region [00:02:08] and have united, and due to common [00:02:11] interests that it has with these groups, it has been able to have [00:02:15] a regional deterrent power or geopolitical [00:02:18] use of the structural identity of the region. [00:02:22] Certainly, the role of Iran's [00:02:25] allied groups in the region, whether in Lebanon, Iraq, or Yemen, [00:02:29] has been influential in the 40-day war [00:02:32] and in preventing the so-called [00:02:35] fragmentation of Iran and preventing [00:02:38] the demands of Mr. Trump, who [00:02:40] called for [00:02:43] the annihilation of Iranian civilization and the change of Iran's [00:02:46] geography. Let's discuss this with Mr. Karbasi. [00:02:50] Mr. Karbasi, do you believe that this investment has had no return? Mr. [00:02:54] Salehi clearly believes that this investment has yielded results and [00:02:57] has even prevented the disintegration of Iran. [00:03:07] Why do you think this investment for the Houthis has not had a return for the nation? [00:03:09] This [00:03:11] is very clear, meaning it doesn't need proof [00:03:15] that the situation of the Iranian people is [00:03:18] in what state they are. [00:03:22] And those sections of groups or in [00:03:25] Lebanon, in Hamas, which even ideologically differed, [00:03:28] what support did Iran give? [00:03:31] The Houthis, Hashd al-Shaabi, all these [00:03:35] are in fact today, when Iran is in this [00:03:38] situation, which is also the result of the policies [00:03:41] of the Islamic Republic, this is a product [00:03:45] of their actions, not the people's. The people are actually [00:03:49] victims of these policies. If [00:03:52] money has gone out of their pockets it has gone [00:03:55] to a place that actually has no benefit, neither today [00:03:59] nor tomorrow, for the people of Iran, nor for the government. [00:04:02] Excuse me, if a situation were to arise where fewer bombs were dropped [00:04:05] on Iran, do you think it wouldn't be good for the people? After all, the Houthis and groups [00:04:09] are providing some help to the Islamic Republic in this regard. [00:04:13] I am certainly but these bombs are not being dropped on the heads [00:04:17] of these people. They are being dropped somewhere else. [00:04:20] That is, today [00:04:23] they attacked another part of Yemen, they attack the territory of Saudi Arabia, [00:04:27] they attack Kuwait, they attack other countries. They attack, which [00:04:31] paves the way for further attacks. It is not supposed that if [00:04:34] an agreement is made today, [00:04:37] it will last because there is no stability [00:04:41] in the region. The policy that the Islamic Republic [00:04:45] is pursuing is a policy of unrest [00:04:48] and tension in the region. In fact, one day, [00:04:51] which will not be far off, it will seize [00:04:54] the collars of the Iranian people because this [00:04:57] is the result of a policy of. [00:05:02] That means seeking war actually cannot [00:05:05] guarantee security for the people of Iran. My point [00:05:09] is that this investment by the Islamic Republic will not [00:05:13] yield any results for the Iranian people [00:05:16] at any time. Yes, Mr. Khansari, when we talk about [00:05:20] the Houthis, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Middle East region, as the English say, [00:05:23] there is an elephant in the room that is rarely talked about, [00:05:27] but it is very important: Saudi Arabia. Considering the events that have happened [00:05:31] and the situation that has arisen, let's take all factors into account. [00:05:34] That is, attacks have happened, the Islamic Republic has not fallen, [00:05:38] Saudi Arabia has faced problems due to the Strait of Hormuz, [00:05:41] and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. [00:05:45] Considering all of this, what do you think their reaction will be to their war [00:05:49] with the Houthis? And if the issue becomes serious and, for example, [00:05:52] the Houthis close the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, will Saudi Arabia enter [00:05:56] that region or not? I [00:06:00] don't think [00:06:02] that things will go that far, because I think [00:06:06] there is a high probability that an agreement will be reached [00:06:10] in the coming days and weeks. One cannot [00:06:13] set a date. It is much more likely that [00:06:17] this agreement will be reached. And of course, the agreement must be implemented, [00:06:21] but I think that this willingness exists. [00:06:24] But you see, the point that Mr. Karbasi makes is that if we have been fighting the Islamic Republic for 47 [00:06:28] years to criticize all these [00:06:32] flaws, those flaws are not being presented in that form now. [00:06:35] Well, it's obvious that the Iranian people have been harmed [00:06:38] due to wrong policies. But if we assume [00:06:42] that the Islamic Republic's government was a conventional government, [00:06:46] this investment that, let's say, it made in the Houthis, [00:06:50] it could have gone like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and [00:06:53] the UAE and bought F-15s, F-35s, and so on. [00:06:56] Which is also what, let's say, happened during the Shah's time, when [00:07:00] the Shah's opponents said that he had impoverished the nation [00:07:04] because he had bought these weapons and these toys. [00:07:08] Every country needs [00:07:11] a defense. A defense that they [00:07:15] could have had, which my dear [00:07:18] friend uses the term geopolitics. [00:07:21] In the current geopolitical situation, [00:07:24] they could have used these proxies to protect themselves in a way, [00:07:28] and instead of investing in F-35 aircraft, [00:07:32] they invested in them. Now, in [00:07:35] the current situation, these proxies, [00:07:39] it is true that Hamas is almost completely eliminated, [00:07:42] and Hezbollah is almost out of action, [00:07:46] although it is still somewhat useful [00:07:49] for the Islamic Republic, but in any case, it is [00:07:53] a lever to prevent additional attacks [00:07:57] on Iran. Why doesn't America attack Iran? [00:08:00] It's not simply because Mr. Trump doesn't intend [00:08:04] to kill Iranians. It's not because we saw that he came [00:08:08] and killed 56,000 people and caused [00:08:10] $350 billion [00:08:13] in damage to our country. How does [00:08:17] that fit in? Let's see what Mr. [00:08:20] Karbasi's answer is to these challenges that you [00:08:24] raised about his opinions and analysis. Mr. [00:08:27] Karbasi, meaning, in fact, with this [00:08:31] argument, we have [00:08:33] an eternal war. Meaning the Islamic [00:08:37] Republic should not buy weapons and should help [00:08:41] its proxies to create a proper [00:08:44] deterrence. Meaning this war will continue forever. [00:08:47] Please, Mr. Excuse me, we can't hear [00:08:51] you, Mr. Khansari, please speak a little louder. I said [00:08:54] that this statement of his, in my opinion, is a [00:08:57] little inaccurate. They don't sell [00:09:00] weapons to Iran. Iran cannot go and buy weapons [00:09:04] like Saudi Arabia, even from Russia. [00:09:07] The same S-300. [00:09:10] As Mr. Karbasi says, [00:09:14] you have actually reversed the cause and effect, I think. [00:09:18] This situation, in his view, is a result [00:09:21] of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic and the isolation of the Islamic Republic. [00:09:25] We live with realities. The Islamic Republic, because [00:09:29] of the very reasons you mentioned, [00:09:32] has been forced to choose this path to defend itself and [00:09:36] to defend the existing situation because that path is completely closed [00:09:39] to it. That path is open to [00:09:43] all Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, [00:09:46] but it has been closed to the Islamic Republic. So what should it do? [00:09:49] If you look from their perspective, I don't [00:09:53] want to justify that policy, but [00:09:56] these grand slogans that, yes, this has been detrimental to the Iranian nation, [00:10:00] this has come out of the pockets of the Iranian nation, these generalizations [00:10:04] have no place in this discussion now, at this time [00:10:07] when our country is in a situation where further attacks [00:10:10] and greater harm to our country must be prevented. [00:10:14] In my opinion, this is not the time. Not that [00:10:18] his argument is wrong, his argument is correct, [00:10:21] but this argument, if Mr. Karbasi, I don't know how many years he has been in this field. [00:10:45] The Iranian nation. One of the problems that Iran [00:10:49] currently has in the international community is the behaviors of the Islamic [00:10:51] Republic which sometimes do not align with some of the norms [00:10:55] and values institutionalized in this society. [00:10:59] And this criticism causes the Islamic Republic to weaken, [00:11:02] and consequently, Iran's security is also endangered. [00:11:06] Let's not forget that, after all, the Houthi government is not recognized [00:11:10] by the United Nations, and Iran is the only country that recognizes [00:11:13] the Houthis as the legitimate government of Yemen. [00:11:16] Now, considering all these statements, evaluate [00:11:19] the pros and cons of the matter for us. Let's see what you think. [00:11:23] One. Before the start of this war, the Strait of Hormuz was open, [00:11:27] Bab el-Mandeb was open, Iran's relations with all Arab [00:11:30] countries were excellent, Houthi relations with Arab [00:11:34] countries had improved, they had a peace treaty, [00:11:36] and more importantly, one day before this [00:11:40] war, a fair [00:11:43] and equitable agreement was on the table [00:11:46] between Iran and the US to assure the US that [00:11:49] Iran is not pursuing nuclear weapons. However, [00:11:53] it was the US and Israel who decided to attack Iran [00:11:56] and become the cause of instability throughout the region. [00:12:00] The norm of the region is not for Israel to slaughter [00:12:04] 72,000 Palestinians, to kill [00:12:07] over 30,000 women and children. Those who attacked Iran [00:12:11] are war criminals themselves and have committed war crimes during these [00:12:15] 40 days. From Minab school, [00:12:18] from Lamert school, from the grilled chicken [00:12:21] restaurant where all the staff [00:12:25] were women, you see, the norm of the region is not that you [00:12:28] have an agreement and a treaty and then withdraw from it, [00:12:32] impose a merciless [00:12:35] sanction against the people of Iran, and I repeat, against [00:12:39] the people of Iran, with the hope that Iran [00:12:43] will be brought to its knees, and when it doesn't, with an [00:12:47] inhumane and uncivilized behavior, [00:12:50] you demand the annihilation of Iranian civilization, the Stone Age-ification [00:12:54] of Iran, the change of Iran's [00:12:57] geography, and call those who [00:13:00] help, like the Shiites throughout the region, terrorists, [00:13:04] which is your right. But in the end, the price that Iran [00:13:08] has paid for its allies [00:13:10] is much less than what it has gained. If the Bab el-Mandeb issue [00:13:14] didn't exist, if there were no other [00:13:17] threats in the region, if to enter [00:13:21] an asymmetric war, there was an $8 billion [00:13:24] defense military budget for Iran [00:13:27] against a $120 billion defense military budget [00:13:31] for Israel and the US, Iran would certainly [00:13:34] have been forced to use its geopolitical [00:13:37] powers, to use geography, and [00:13:41] to use the element of time. Security [00:13:45] cannot be bought with F-35 F-15 [00:13:49] aircraft. Indigenous and sustainable security must [00:13:52] exist, which Iran has achieved. A stable [00:13:56] security. I don't think you are saying [00:13:59] stable security, while we know that in Iran there is a [00:14:03] very powerful current among citizens who are against [00:14:06] this political system and fundamentally seek its overthrow, [00:14:10] even pursuing a revolution [00:14:13] to overthrow this system. That's why your statement that [00:14:16] stable security is achieved through indigenous [00:14:19] connections or popular support [00:14:23] has no evidence. [00:14:27] Look, I'm talking about external threat security. And when [00:14:31] I say security must be indigenous, I mean the military, [00:14:34] defensive, and security structure must be domestic, and [00:14:38] no weapons purchase. The Shah definitely bought [00:14:41] weapons, and in the Iran-Iraq war, it caused exactly... [00:14:45] No, no, not at all. The Shah only bought very advanced [00:14:48] and expensive weapons, which led to increasing his dependence on America. [00:14:52] All Iranian military personnel [00:14:55] were trained in America, and 2,000 American [00:14:59] technicians were in Iran, which fundamentally led to the army being [00:15:02] under the control of American security forces. And that's [00:15:06] why, at a crucial historical moment, the army declared neutrality, [00:15:09] but within a year, Mr. Salehi, in a very [00:15:13] short time, the same army resists in a completely unexpected way. [00:15:17] A large part of that army's training, equipment, [00:15:20] and structure is from the Imperial Army, [00:15:23] and we saw this. [00:15:37] We should also discuss, Mr. Karbasi, Mr. Salehi says you should look at these crimes that are [00:15:41] happening. In fact, in his opinion, very great [00:15:44] oppressions that truly, not only [00:15:47] him, but many experts believe are war crimes. [00:15:50] Even if experts don't say it's a war crime, we saw with our own eyes [00:15:54] they hit Minam, and in [00:15:57] these circumstances, you can use such tools [00:16:00] like your connection with paramilitary groups or the investments [00:16:04] you made of this kind to push the enemy back. Don't [00:16:08] forget that the Houthis, after all, are in a very special position where they [00:16:12] can truly affect the global economy as much as the Strait of Hormuz. [00:16:15] With this in mind, do you still think that [00:16:19] this method is not correct? [00:16:22] Look, the issue is not today. That is, if [00:16:25] we go back in time, [00:16:29] when the Islamic Republic was not at war, [00:16:32] meaning the day after the victory of the revolution, [00:16:35] Iran is right. The Islamic Republic [00:16:38] from that time started exporting the revolution [00:16:41] and creating a philosophy for its existence [00:16:45] and gathering people around it. This is history, [00:16:49] and it cannot be denied. In fact, what we see today [00:16:52] the Islamic Republic is doing has a price. [00:16:56] If it has entered a war, neither the Iranian people [00:16:59] wanted it, nor the regional countries, [00:17:03] but this was a policy [00:17:07] that ultimately led to this point. [00:17:10] If the Houthis or Hezbollah in Lebanon, or Hashd al-Shaabi, or any other [00:17:13] group is defending this today, or is helping [00:17:17] the policies of the Islamic Republic, in fact, part of it is [00:17:20] for their own survival, so that they can remain, because [00:17:24] the money of the Islamic Republic is sustaining them. [00:17:28] If the Houthis are helping the policy [00:17:31] of the Islamic Republic today, it is actually working as a weapon [00:17:35] to preserve the survival of the Islamic Republic. [00:17:39] This price, in fact, [00:17:42] is a price for the destruction of Iran, [00:17:45] Iran's infrastructure. Right now, Iran no longer has Zobahan, it doesn't have [00:17:49] petrochemicals, which need to be built with billions of dollars. [00:17:53] The price of the Islamic Republic's policies [00:17:57] is the destruction of the people, [00:18:00] Iran's economy, and in fact, the discredit of Iran in the region. [00:18:04] The last resort, the Strait of Hormuz, is now [00:18:08] half out of Iran's hands. That is, the exit part, the Oman part. [00:18:12] This is the result of this policy. Of course, we are not sure yet. No agreement [00:18:15] has been reached regarding the Strait of Hormuz and how it will be. [00:18:19] We don't know the details of that agreement, and among us, I think Mr. [00:18:22] Khansari has actually a truly extraordinary experience [00:18:26] in diplomacy and, of course, the countries of the region and the Arab [00:18:29] countries. I will ask you the last question, Mr. Khansari, what is your [00:18:32] assessment of the influence of the Houthis on the negotiations? [00:18:36] Can they actually have an effect and [00:18:40] become a serious card for the Islamic Republic [00:18:43] in this issue of agreement or peace that everyone is seeking? [00:18:47] Look, directly, [00:18:50] certainly not, but collectively, [00:18:54] it must be considered that in these past few months, nearly 11 million [00:18:58] barrels of oil have been removed from [00:19:01] the market due to the closure of the Strait of [00:19:04] Hormuz. Saudi Arabia, which delivered [00:19:07] its oil, some four to five million, [00:19:10] through a pipeline that reached the Red Sea, [00:19:14] was able, to some extent, to deliver its oil [00:19:18] to the oil market. The actions that the [00:19:21] Houthis are taking [00:19:24] are putting more pressure on America to resolve [00:19:28] this issue and bring it to an end, [00:19:32] so that the world economy does not [00:19:35] experience the worst conditions. [00:19:41] So, indirectly, yes. But the fundamental issue is that [00:19:43] the issue of us, the Iranian people, [00:19:47] with the Islamic Republic is a separate [00:19:50] issue from the issue [00:19:53] of Iran with the countries that attack [00:19:57] Iran. We Iranians must [00:20:00] clarify our stance with the Islamic Republic, [00:20:03] not by America or Israel wanting to bombard [00:20:07] it, so that [00:20:10] through that, let's say, changes occur, which haven't. [00:20:13] It has been shown that this approach has failed. So these two [00:20:17] should not be mixed. They should be considered separate. The Islamic Republic [00:20:21] is currently in a position [00:20:24] where if those pragmatic forces, instead of dogmatic [00:20:27] forces, can control [00:20:31] this arena and reach an agreement, [00:20:34] it can lead to a very different [00:20:38] fate for Iran and the Iranian people. Thank you very much. I [00:20:42] will ask the same question to Mr. Karbasi and Mr. Salehi. We have little time. About [00:20:46] one minute. Mr. Salehi, first, you please speak. Do you really think that the Houthis can have an impact? [00:21:20] and drones with a range of 200 kilometers that [00:21:23] can cover the expanse from Khorramshahr to Chabahar. [00:21:26] Thank you very much. Mr. Salehi, thank you. [00:21:30] Excuse me for interrupting you, but I had to give Mr. Karbasi a chance to [00:21:34] answer this question as well. [00:21:36] Yes, [00:21:38] in my opinion, the Houthis can indeed have an impact. [00:21:42] Hashd al-Shaabi and other groups can also have an impact because [00:21:45] it is a pressure card, and [00:21:48] in fact, especially the Houthis at this point in time, [00:21:51] by the pressure they can exert on Saudi Arabia and [00:21:54] the global economy, they can have a significant impact. [00:21:58] Thank you very much. Thank you to all three guests [00:22:02] of the program, Mehrdad Khansari, Alam Salehi, and [00:22:05] Fardin Karbasi, who were with us [00:22:08] in this program. I hope that at least some [00:22:11] of your questions have been answered. Until [00:22:14] the next program, [00:22:16] goodbye. [00:22:50] There, I'm small, may God forgive me. Here too, [00:22:53] it's like this. [00:23:00] Akbar Aghdi in "The Tenants" this week on [00:24:50] My dear, you're on YouTube too. [00:24:52] Oh no, it's summer again. [00:24:54] The kids' screen time is driving us crazy. All of you sitting here, that cooler is on [00:24:58] over there. If you have children or children [00:25:01] are around you, you are well familiar [00:25:03] with the main problem of modern [00:25:06] parents: screen time and the many apps that children [00:25:10] always want to use on their phones and tablets, from Instagram to YouTube. [00:25:13] It seems that the opinion of those who say these apps should be taken away from children [00:25:17] is gaining more strength in various parts of the world. But is [00:25:21] that really the solution? In recent months, various countries [00:25:24] have been enacting laws that prohibit or severely [00:25:28] restrict children's access to social networks. [00:25:31] One of the latest is the UK government, [00:25:35] which has said that from next year, social networking apps must block [00:25:39] access for children under 16, [00:25:42] otherwise they will face heavy fines. This reaction [00:25:45] from a student gained a lot of attention on social media. [00:25:50] over the weekend, nine hours, nine hours, so suddenly you're going [00:25:53] to have a lot more time to fill, and what will you [00:25:56] do? Start a [00:25:58] wall. [00:26:01] Now that social media [00:26:07] supporters of these greater restrictions remind us that over the past decade, [00:26:11] concurrently with the growth and prosperity of social [00:26:14] media, the rates of anxiety and depression and mental [00:26:17] health problems among teenagers have risen. The statistics we have [00:26:21] show that using social media for [00:26:24] a developing and growing brain is like [00:26:27] a low dose of poison that is used every day. We know this. This [00:26:31] is happening. [00:27:02] If we easily blame everything on phones, tablets, and [00:27:06] social media, we are ignoring more important factors, [00:27:09] from parents' economic problems and family tensions [00:27:13] to the crisis of loneliness and lack of mental [00:27:17] health services, which are, of course, deeper problems and cannot [00:27:20] be solved overnight with a decree or order. It is not surprising [00:27:23] that politicians prefer to ban social media [00:27:27] as a first step, because setting up playgrounds, community centers, and stadiums [00:27:31] specifically for children is very expensive and takes [00:27:35] longer to yield results, let alone reducing financial pressure [00:27:38] on families in general, which is the root of many [00:27:41] of the problems of recent years for teenagers. This takes a lot of [00:27:45] work. Critics say blanket bans actually [00:27:49] put children at greater risk. My concern [00:27:52] is that children will move to other platforms to communicate [00:27:56] with each other that have fewer regulations or are [00:27:59] on the dark web. The ban on social [00:28:03] media in Australia is still very new, but [00:28:07] initial surveys show that about two-thirds of children [00:28:10] do not comply with these bans. They have found ways to still [00:28:14] access social media, for example, by using [00:28:17] VPNs. [00:28:19] Evidence also shows that age verification tools [00:28:23] are not yet perfect enough to prevent determined [00:28:26] children. Many people see that children can pressure their parents [00:28:30] and annoy them so much that in the end, the parents themselves create [00:28:34] adult accounts for them, and this way, other children also [00:28:37] do not face the same restrictions as teenage accounts. [00:28:41] This is why the main question might not be whether banning [00:28:44] social media for children works or not. The more important question is [00:28:48] how can we create a healthier relationship between these future [00:28:52] generations and technology? The most important principle [00:28:55] for us to protect our children is to have a relationship [00:28:59] with them. To have a deep relationship. To have trust in it, [00:29:03] and then also. to find a replacement [00:29:06] which might be a bit harder in Iran [00:29:09] but a replacement for virtual relationships [00:29:13] can be non-virtual relationships. Right, we can replace [00:29:16] many other things but [00:29:20] respectful communication and [00:29:23] trust are the main keys. [00:29:26] But what do you think? You can write your opinion [00:29:30] for me here on Instagram. In your opinion, do these restrictions work? If you [00:29:34] have a teenager around you, what have you done to help [00:29:37] them better use online spaces? What other [00:29:41] solutions come to your mind to improve the situation?