BBCPERSIAN — broadcast
20260915 233000 UTC
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[00:00:00] They received the Oscar along with another director. That is, this director
[00:00:03] had something to say, but on the other hand,
[00:00:06] I fully understand the anger of Israeli officials and the anger of a part
[00:00:10] of the Israeli people who say that this film was
[00:00:14] one-sided and that it didn't mention
[00:00:17] the other side, which was the Hamas terrorist attack
[00:00:21] on October 7th. Well, if we want to talk about a country
[00:00:24] like Israel, where there is freedom of expression
[00:00:28] and which is a democratic country, this filmmaker
[00:00:32] can even criticize Israel or the Israeli government
[00:00:35] or the army. But the Israeli army
[00:00:39] can also, to the same extent,
[00:00:42] ask this filmmaker,
[00:00:45] as a matter of national security, to provide
[00:00:48] more explanations. Of course, the Israeli army
[00:00:52] has not rejected this matter completely and has said
[00:00:56] that the director must present
[00:00:59] his evidence. But on the other hand,
[00:01:02] if we look at it,
[00:01:04] 230 active members
[00:01:07] of Israeli cinema, I must say, Israeli cinema, like Iranian cinema,
[00:01:11] is a great cinema, a large artistic community
[00:01:14] that has something to say, both in Hollywood cinema
[00:01:17] and in Israeli cinema. Therefore, they have also,
[00:01:21] with the signature and statement they have issued, demanded
[00:01:24] that good conditions should be provided for these workers
[00:01:28] so that they feel secure. I have listened to all
[00:01:31] the interviews of this director, Mr. Ayal,
[00:01:35] and he also says at one point, "I love my country
[00:01:38] and I want to return to my country and I don't feel safe."
[00:01:42] Well, on the other hand, the narrative
[00:01:46] he presents is from 24 individuals, but these
[00:01:49] 24 individuals, again, understandable for security reasons,
[00:01:53] their voices are not there and their images are not there.
[00:01:57] For that filmmaker, it is understandable, but for Israel, especially
[00:02:00] for the army, look, after October 7th,
[00:02:04] Israeli society and the state of Israel came under
[00:02:07] the spotlight of international countries, and
[00:02:10] naturally, there is a lot of pressure on it. But the question that
[00:02:14] is being raised more is about the one-sidedness
[00:02:18] of the narrative of this story, and whether
[00:02:22] the attack on Gaza was ordered by the army command
[00:02:25] for the first time, or whether it was with the attack
[00:02:29] by the Hamas group on the kibbutzim
[00:02:32] and that October 7th crime that the Israeli army entered Gaza.
[00:02:36] Therefore, these questions are raised, and for a country that
[00:02:39] has the right to freedom of expression, just as a director
[00:02:43] can make such a film, officials can also
[00:02:46] ask that director to provide
[00:02:50] their documents, because they believe
[00:02:54] that you have pointed out a very important point, a country that has democracy
[00:02:57] and freedom of expression.
[00:03:00] People have the right to express completely different and diverse views,
[00:03:03] in fact. But can the officials' response,
[00:03:07] instead of asking for an explanation, say that these people
[00:03:10] should have their citizenship revoked? Mr. Javidan, what is your opinion
[00:03:13] that this revocation of citizenship is something that not only
[00:03:17] has been merely talked about, but also the Minister of Culture, Miki Zohar, has said
[00:03:21] that I have asked the Minister of Interior
[00:03:25] as well as the Immigration and Population Authority to assess and investigate this
[00:03:28] and see how these two people can have their citizenship revoked.
[00:03:32] Is it possible or not? And the matter is taken
[00:03:34] seriously. Look, with my regards
[00:03:38] to you and your guests, I don't think that
[00:03:42] the revocation of Israeli citizenship is almost
[00:03:45] impossible. I haven't heard
[00:03:48] that anyone's Israeli citizenship has been revoked
[00:03:52] for a film. There have been people
[00:03:55] who spied for foreign countries,
[00:03:59] like Mr. Mordechai.
[00:04:30] sources were used. Were these sources reliable? That is also
[00:04:33] justified. Both sides have the right
[00:04:37] to do this. But don't forget that we are approaching
[00:04:40] elections in Israel.
[00:04:43] On October 27th, don't forget that
[00:04:46] the Israeli government, this government that has been in power,
[00:04:50] has been the most disastrous government in the history
[00:04:53] of Israel. In this same government, in this same Likud party of Mr. Zohar,
[00:04:57] it was during the time of this party that their president,
[00:05:01] sorry, their prime minister, Mr. Netanyahu, he was the prime minister on October 7th.
[00:05:04] We lost 1200 of our citizens in one day,
[00:05:08] one of the biggest catastrophes in history. they should use it to gain
[00:05:31] points for these
[00:05:34] elections. So, these directors can be criticized,
[00:05:37] but these things they are saying, these elections.
[00:05:40] These criticisms have been made, or they say they want to revoke
[00:05:44] their citizenship. These are just really
[00:05:48] empty words from a failed government.
[00:05:51] Mr. Yousian, do you agree that revocation of citizenship is not
[00:05:55] what this filmmaker deserves?
[00:05:58] The discussion is not about whether the filmmaker has the right or not.
[00:06:01] Revocation of citizenship is almost
[00:06:05] impossible in Israel. It's not impossible,
[00:06:08] it has happened, of course.
[00:06:12] That is, at the beginning of this year, 2026,
[00:06:15] two people who were Israeli Arabs or Palestinian-Israelis
[00:06:19] had their citizenship revoked for the crime or accusation
[00:06:23] that they were involved in attacking Israeli citizens. This happened.
[00:06:27] That's exactly why I said it's almost impossible.
[00:06:30] They were terrorists who intended to carry out bombings
[00:06:34] against Israel's national interests
[00:06:37] and commit acts of terror. There have been instances, but
[00:06:40] one could say that it almost wants to. The fact that there are two examples
[00:06:43] does not provide proof for the whole.
[00:06:47] Many Arabs have not had their citizenship revoked, or as it was said,
[00:06:51] the killer of Mr. Yitzhak Rabin did not have his citizenship revoked.
[00:06:55] I mentioned it last month.
[00:06:59] I mentioned that it was at the beginning of this current calendar year. Don't you think
[00:07:02] that this could be the beginning of a trend,
[00:07:05] a tendency, that from now on, individuals who, for example,
[00:07:08] disagree with the government's point of view or, in fact,
[00:07:12] the government's political inclinations, will gradually
[00:07:16] be subjected to citizenship revocation?
[00:07:20] If you ask my opinion, a law should be established
[00:07:23] in Israel, officially
[00:07:27] in the Israeli parliament, that individuals who make such
[00:07:30] claims can be subject to disciplinary action
[00:07:34] by legal authorities if they cannot prove their claims.
[00:07:38] That is, in my opinion, Behrouz Yousian.
[00:07:42] This law should be enacted in Israel so that such
[00:07:46] individuals, if they cannot prove their claims,
[00:07:49] should be convicted and go to prison, because when
[00:07:53] 24 people, according to
[00:07:55] his claims, these filmmakers
[00:07:58] you bring, who say 8200, based on
[00:08:02] what they say, you don't mention names, you don't mention surnames,
[00:08:06] you haven't referred to the army legally,
[00:08:09] you haven't made any claims that you are willing
[00:08:13] to cooperate and align with the Israeli army.
[00:08:16] You are only doing defamation. This is not right.
[00:08:19] If there are really such things and you have made such a claim,
[00:08:23] you must be able to officially
[00:08:26] prove it. If you cannot prove it, then you had no right
[00:08:29] to make such a film. That's why
[00:08:33] the issue of revocation of citizenship
[00:08:36] is currently considered almost illegal.
[00:08:40] But if you ask Behrouz Yousian,
[00:08:43] exactly laws must be enacted
[00:08:45] that if the country of Israel is accused
[00:08:49] of such claims, they must prove it,
[00:08:53] and if they cannot prove it, they must face legal proceedings.
[00:08:56] According to the amendments made in 2023, three years ago,
[00:09:00] Israeli laws have indeed changed, and as I said, we have seen
[00:09:04] revocation of citizenship, and it is said that individuals accused of treason
[00:09:08] against Israel or terrorism can be subject to this.
[00:09:12] Ms. Parto, what is your opinion? Don't you think
[00:09:15] that this could be the beginning of a trend
[00:09:19] that becomes more widespread, and individuals who are considered
[00:09:22] politically dissident, who have different views,
[00:09:26] will face revocation of citizenship? Look,
[00:09:29] you have exactly pointed out a very good point.
[00:09:32] Look, you have exactly pointed out a very good point. If I'm not
[00:09:35] mistaken, in February 2023, even the Israeli Knesset
[00:09:39] passed a law stating that if a person's accusations
[00:09:44] are, in fact,
[00:09:45] espionage and also
[00:09:50] terrorism, then it is considered a crime. But here, considering that this person
[00:09:54] is an artist, he can create,
[00:09:58] he can criticize,
[00:10:01] has freedom of speech. Therefore, the claim of the Minister
[00:10:05] of Culture to revoke his citizenship is, in my opinion,
[00:10:09] a great overreaction. On the other
[00:10:12] hand, as a filmmaker,
[00:10:16] when he has made a film, he also has facts,
[00:10:19] including 24 people
[00:10:22] he talks to on a rooftop in Tel Aviv,
[00:10:25] meaning there are people, well, for security reasons,
[00:10:29] it is completely natural that their faces are not seen.
[00:10:32] The Israeli army also has the right to pursue it,
[00:10:36] given the laws in the army. Look, if
[00:10:40] I'm not mistaken, during the 12-day war and even after
[00:10:43] the Hamas terrorist attacks on October 7th, some
[00:10:47] issues were raised on social media. If people came
[00:10:51] and, in fact, praised the attacks
[00:10:55] of Hamas, which, if I'm not mistaken, 3 people were arrested
[00:10:58] in the West Bank, and even people accused
[00:11:02] of espionage, well, all
[00:11:05] of this is part of, I can say,
[00:11:08] the social conditions of Israel. Let's not forget
[00:11:11] that we are approaching the anniversary of the brutal
[00:11:15] October 7th attack. On the other hand, when
[00:11:18] 230 filmmakers come and are worried
[00:11:22] and say that this person's security must be provided,
[00:11:25] well, this is also completely natural, and I believe
[00:11:29] that based on this issue, here, with this film, there is no talk of
[00:11:33] treason, no talk of a terrorist attack. In fact, this person says
[00:11:37] that I have evidence that I can present, and I even said at the beginning
[00:11:40] that the Israeli army has not denied this issue. The Israeli army has said
[00:11:44] that it must be investigated with evidence. That's right.
[00:11:47] I wanted to mention that the issue we see in
[00:11:51] the film "Collateral Damage" is not new. That is, we have read and heard
[00:11:55] many times from reporters
[00:11:58] from all over the world that it is said that
[00:12:01] Israel uses artificial intelligence in the Israeli army
[00:12:05] to identify its victims, and it is said that, in fact,
[00:12:09] this estimated number of collateral casualties
[00:12:12] is also taken into account, so that to achieve
[00:12:15] one of their very important goals, a few more deaths are acceptable.
[00:12:19] Mr. Javidanfar, in fact, the statements made there
[00:12:22] are much more precise. They have provided figures
[00:12:26] and said that up to 500 people are considered civilians,
[00:12:29] who are considered collateral damage. They have accepted this.
[00:12:33] But the very essence of this issue is raised, and even international
[00:12:37] reporters or international judicial bodies
[00:12:39] have accused Israel of ethnic genocide
[00:12:43] in Gaza. That's right.
[00:12:46] Look, this is an issue that needs to be reviewed. What is genocide?
[00:12:50] Genocide is something like the Holocaust, where thousands
[00:12:54] were brought into gas chambers and killed with gas,
[00:12:57] or Hitler's army, for example, where hundreds
[00:13:01] of thousands of people were killed by Group A, Einsatzgruppen,
[00:13:04] a unit of the Nazi army. This is what the Holocaust was.
[00:13:07] The idea that Israel came
[00:13:10] and intentionally gathered civilians
[00:13:13] in one place and intended
[00:13:16] and planned from the beginning to only kill
[00:13:20] a large number of people, to kill a generation,
[00:13:23] to target a very large number of civilians
[00:13:26] because they were civilians, and to kill them,
[00:13:30] there is no such thing. What we know,
[00:13:34] Hamas itself has said that 70,000 people have been killed in this war. But what
[00:13:38] Hamas does not say,
[00:13:40] sorry, more than 74,000
[00:13:44] Hamas said, yes, 74. What it doesn't say is that at least half of them
[00:13:48] were Hamas soldiers or, as we call them, Hamas terrorists.
[00:13:51] Someone who wants to commit genocide, to commit
[00:13:55] genocide, does not make a phone call and tell people to evacuate
[00:13:59] an area. Anyway, Mr. Javidan, more than 74,000
[00:14:02] people, the vast majority of them cannot be only Hamas members.
[00:14:06] That's right, but it has become a very large force. I said such a thing,
[00:14:10] I didn't say such a thing, Mr. Rajabi, but you also cannot say that
[00:14:13] it is possible to fight in an area
[00:14:16] like Gaza, a very densely populated area
[00:14:20] where so many civilians live, and there would be no civilian
[00:14:23] casualties. You can't say such a thing. When Hamas has built 400
[00:14:27] kilometers of tunnels, but it doesn't let the people of Gaza take
[00:14:31] refuge there. My point is that if we look at history,
[00:14:34] at contemporary history, for example, in Srebrenica, about 8,000
[00:14:38] people were killed, and it was officially called genocide.
[00:14:41] And in Gaza, in a short period of time, 74,000,
[00:14:44] excuse me, but they were taken and held
[00:14:47] in a camp, and genocide happened there. What happened
[00:14:51] in Israel were battles where Hamas used its own people
[00:14:55] as human shields. Israel tried
[00:14:58] to keep the number of casualties low. As I said,
[00:15:02] they would call in some cases
[00:15:06] and in some cases they would tell people to evacuate the area. But
[00:15:10] when you exchange fire and civilians are sometimes
[00:15:14] there, and sometimes Hamas uses them as human shields,
[00:15:17] it's almost impossible for no civilian to be killed.
[00:15:21] I'm not saying no civilians were killed.
[00:15:25] But this was part of the war, not
[00:15:29] a genocide plan. As far as I understand at this point in the program,
[00:15:33] your views, even though you look at them from different perspectives, are largely
[00:15:36] similar. Can it be said that in
[00:15:39] Israeli society, Mr. Yousian,
[00:15:42] these views expressed here, especially your view, are the dominant
[00:15:46] view? Do the majority hold this opinion?
[00:15:49] What opinions? Three or four opinions
[00:15:53] were raised in your questions. The one that says
[00:15:56] no genocide occurred in the Gaza
[00:15:58] war.
[00:16:01] The dominant view in Israel is that no genocide
[00:16:04] has occurred in Gaza. Yes.
[00:16:07] A very high percentage of Israeli Jews do not accept
[00:16:11] such a claim and still
[00:16:13] believe, even if they compare it with other historical events,
[00:16:17] that what happened in Gaza is not genocide.
[00:16:20] This comparison of the issue
[00:16:23] is unfair because the situation is different.
[00:16:26] I am saying again, as someone who
[00:16:30] was in the army for 15 years, in the 8200 intelligence unit,
[00:16:34] and aware of collateral damage, I am exactly
[00:16:37] aware of how it is.
[00:16:41] I will give you an example. Mr.
[00:16:43] Feiglin, the head of the Zehut party, who is expected
[00:16:46] to participate in the current elections, his grandson, who was a soldier,
[00:16:50] was killed in Gaza. Mr. Eisenkot, who is a strong
[00:16:53] rival of Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu, his own son
[00:16:57] was killed in Gaza, precisely because
[00:17:01] the Hague, or the International Criminal Court, due to
[00:17:04] the Israeli army, in order to
[00:17:08] minimize collateral damage in Gaza,
[00:17:11] had not allowed the Israeli air force
[00:17:15] to bomb, and said that ground forces should
[00:17:18] enter Gaza. That is, the grandson of one of the leaders
[00:17:22] of the Israeli party and the son of another
[00:17:25] leader of the Israeli party were killed in Gaza
[00:17:28] because they wanted to reduce
[00:17:31] collateral damage for Palestinians.
[00:17:34] I am precisely aware of these issues
[00:17:38] behind the scenes, how the Israeli army,
[00:17:42] the Israeli air force operates, how 8200 operates.
[00:17:45] This issue is completely different from
[00:17:48] issues elsewhere where they set up camps
[00:17:51] or, for example,
[00:17:54] intentionally gather ethnic and national
[00:17:57] groups in a concentrated area
[00:18:00] and then kill them. It's very different.
[00:18:04] A very
[00:18:06] prominent example between public opinion, which you correctly
[00:18:10] pointed out, is closer to your view in Israel,
[00:18:14] and public opinion in different parts of the world, especially in Western countries.
[00:18:17] There is a huge contradiction and difference, and the view
[00:18:21] of the International Criminal Court, please let me answer. Please allow me for a moment
[00:18:24] to finish my point. The International Criminal Court also says
[00:18:28] that genocide occurred in the Gaza war.
[00:18:32] Don't you think that such a stance puts Israel
[00:18:35] in an international bind? When the majority are saying that this happened,
[00:18:39] and Israel says it didn't happen. Your question
[00:18:43] is excellent. This stance does not
[00:18:46] put Israel in a bind. Israel is a different
[00:18:49] matter, which unfortunately I have always said in Israel,
[00:18:53] and I have always emphasized in 8200
[00:18:57] that the state of Israel is failing
[00:19:00] in explaining its national positions
[00:19:03] to the West, whether in Arabic,
[00:19:06] Persian, or English. I am saying this very clearly.
[00:19:10] The state of Israel is a country that does not lack
[00:19:13] technology, does not lack financial
[00:19:16] capital, does not lack human capital,
[00:19:20] but it has not yet launched a satellite in three
[00:19:23] languages—Arabic, English, and Persian—that
[00:19:26] can clearly explain your questions to the world.
[00:19:30] It is a very failed country that has never
[00:19:33] invested in explaining its national positions. Never.
[00:19:43] or collateral damage, or how the International
[00:19:47] Criminal Court operates in Israel. Time is very short.
[00:19:50] Please let Ms. Parto also speak now. What is your opinion?
[00:19:54] Please. Look, allow me to say something
[00:19:57] as a journalist who was present at all
[00:20:01] the scenes of October 7th, and even participated in the war and reported
[00:20:05] on it. I must say that,
[00:20:08] even if we want to look at this issue conventionally,
[00:20:12] this artist has told a story one-sidedly,
[00:20:16] whereas I am saying that we are approaching October 7th, and it is very sad
[00:20:19] that we heard the message of the hostages on Israeli
[00:20:23] media. We heard the message of families who lost their children
[00:20:27] and say, "Where was the place
[00:20:30] of our children, or the voices of our children, in your documentary?"
[00:20:34] The fact that he brought people to speak
[00:20:37] is the natural right of the director. Since we are really approaching the end of the program,
[00:20:41] Ms. Parto, do you think that these
[00:20:45] filmmakers, we know that last time, last year, when they made a film
[00:20:48] that you mentioned, they faced various threats, threats to their lives,
[00:20:52] and could not return to their homes.
[00:20:55] With this reaction they are now receiving from government officials
[00:20:58] today and yesterday, do you think their lives
[00:21:02] are not threatened if they return to Israel?
[00:21:06] Someone who thinks this way can live in Israel. Look, these threats
[00:21:09] exist, just as the Minister of Culture also has the freedom
[00:21:13] to express his anger, even out of rage.
[00:21:16] But I don't think Israel is a democratic country.
[00:21:56] Thank you very much, Mr. Javidanfar, Reza Parto, and
[00:22:00] Behrouz Yousian. Thank you for your presence on the show. I am grateful to you
[00:22:03] for being with us. I hope to see you on Thursday. Until then, farewell. Goodbye.
[00:24:26] Imprisonment in war, the struggle for survival in Qezel Hesar
[00:24:29] prison. Soheil Arabi's account of
[00:24:32] Qezel Hesar prison in Karaj. In a place where
[00:24:36] the Prisons Organization calls it the educational
[00:24:39] ward, Hall 35, Unit 3 of Qezel Hesar detention center.
[00:24:43] Next to me, several young people born in the second half
[00:24:47] of the 1980s are sitting. Less than 20 years old. They move
[00:24:51] their necks up and down and left and right. They practice
[00:24:54] so that their neck muscles are ready
[00:24:57] for the noose. With a lump in their throat and sadness, they say:
[00:25:01] "We want to prepare our necks for the gallows."
[00:25:04] Here, the smell of death is so heavy that when the ground shakes
[00:25:07] from explosions and the passage of American or Israeli fighter jets,
[00:25:11] and the windowpanes fall, no one is
[00:25:15] afraid. Many cheer and celebrate.
[00:25:19] Sometimes, if there is no sound of fighter jets and explosions
[00:25:22] for more than a day, many prisoners and even some prison staff
[00:25:26] become sad. This is Iran.
[00:25:28] Soheil Arabi's letter, a copy
[00:25:32] of which was published by the human rights news agency HRANA,
[00:25:36] paints a shocking picture of prisoners
[00:25:39] sentenced to death and of the atmosphere, which he calls
[00:25:43] death-oriented, dominating the ward.
[00:25:46] He talks about how guards wake prisoners up in the middle of the night and ask
[00:25:50] if they have written their will or not,
[00:25:53] and prisoners who have returned from court and received
[00:25:57] death sentences, and their cellmates fear
[00:26:00] a similar fate. A while ago, Saeed Madani,
[00:26:04] a sociologist and former political prisoner,
[00:26:07] in a recent interview with Panorama, spoke
[00:26:11] about the issuance of death sentences for a number of protesters
[00:26:14] and a process in which defendants were denied
[00:26:17] effective access to lawyers and other basic rights
[00:26:21] to due process. The case,
[00:26:25] called the Biglari case, in which 7 people
[00:26:28] until the execution of the sentence.
[00:26:38] Four of them were executed less than 3 months
[00:26:41] later.
[00:26:44] In this so-called 3-month
[00:26:47] period, neither were there any visits
[00:26:50] nor, so to speak, were contacts
[00:26:54] allowed in the security wards.
[00:26:57] What was the charge, Dr., in that program? The charge was being present in
[00:27:01] the Dimah protests.
[00:27:26] solely for throwing stones from
[00:27:28] the roof towards officers from five meters away.
[00:27:32] In this case, five people were together, and four
[00:27:36] of them were sentenced to death.
[00:27:38] میشن.
[00:27:41] At the court hearing when they were convicted,
[00:27:45] at the court hearing that was to be held,
[00:27:48] out of 5 people, 3 did not even have
[00:27:51] court-appointed lawyers. The other two had court-appointed lawyers,
[00:27:55] and 3 people received death sentences without lawyers
[00:27:58] in court. Soheil Arabi says
[00:28:01] that psychological operations in Iranian prisons, especially in places
[00:28:04] like Qezel Hesar, are part of the structure and strategy
[00:28:08] of repression. Barakatollah, while cleaning,
[00:28:11] placed the trash can in front of our cell. A red
[00:28:15] to orange colored can. I and my cellmates took turns
[00:28:19] standing in front of the cell door and staring at this can,
[00:28:23] because it had been a long time since we had seen fresh color.
[00:28:27] Our 12-meter cell does not have enough light. A window
[00:28:30] of about 50 by 60 meters above the toilet, which is
[00:28:34] blinded by a perforated iron sheet. We
[00:28:37] only receive light from those 3-millimeter openings on the window
[00:28:41] and cell vent, and a 50-watt bulb that is on 24/7.
[00:28:45] Putting together the two accounts
[00:28:48] of Saeed Madani and Soheil Arabi raises
[00:28:51] serious questions about the state of justice,
[00:28:55] prison conditions, and the judicial system's
[00:28:58] view of the Islamic Republic regarding the death
[00:29:02] penalty. The narratives coming out of
[00:29:05] courts and prisons are not just descriptions of a few
[00:29:09] cases, or a few wards in prisons.
[00:29:13] They are a picture of the fate of human beings who, between arrest
[00:29:17] and sentencing, and while awaiting execution, face
[00:29:20] anxiety, isolation, and uncertainty.
[00:29:24] The issue is not just the number of death sentences. The issue is
[00:29:27] the right to life, the right to a fair trial,
[00:29:31] and the responsibility of the government towards the lives and
[00:29:34] dignity of human beings in prison. A process
[00:29:38] whose continuation, according to experts, highlights
[00:29:41] the necessity of transparency, independent access to the situation
[00:29:44] of prisoners, and the cessation of death sentences
[00:29:48] more than ever. Maryam Afshang,
[00:29:51] BBC.
[00:30:35] From trade with Russia to transactions with cryptocurrencies,
[00:30:39] how much can Iran, by relying on alternative financial channels,
[00:30:43] reduce the economic and livelihood pressures of sanctions?
[00:30:47] بکاهد؟
[00:30:50] A 100% increase in the price of unsubsidized
[00:30:53] gasoline in Iran. Will this decision lead to a decrease
[00:30:56] in consumption?