BBCPERSIAN — broadcast 20261010 120000 UTC 249 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:03:14] And now on BBC Persian Television, current [00:03:18] issues. [00:03:21] Francis Fukuyama is one of the most well-known political theorists [00:03:24] of the last few decades, a thinker whose name became [00:03:28] famous worldwide at the end of the Cold War with this controversial idea: [00:03:32] "The End of History." He argued that with [00:03:35] the collapse of communism, liberal democracy and market [00:03:38] economy had become the most unrivalled model for [00:03:41] the political organization of societies. An idea that has been challenged [00:03:45] many times since then, and Fukuyama himself has repeatedly explained that [00:03:49] he didn't mean that nothing else would happen [00:03:52] in history. Francis Fukuyama, who also has a background [00:03:56] working at the US State Department, is currently a professor of political science [00:03:59] at Stanford University. In his new book, "In the Realm of [00:04:02] the Last Man," he revisits more than three decades of global political changes [00:04:06] and his own evolving views, from the rise of Donald [00:04:09] Trump and populism to the crisis of democracy, the Ukraine war, and [00:04:13] the return of ethnic nationalism. In this [00:04:16] interview with the BBC Newsnight program, Nicholas Wade asks Francis [00:04:20] Fukuyama how much today's world differs from the world he [00:04:24] envisioned at the beginning of the 1990s. [00:04:27] My [00:04:29] understanding [00:05:05] is that you're a bit upset because people interpreted the first part of the book's title, "The End of History," as if you meant [00:05:09] that history was over. Everything was resolved, everything was good, and [00:05:13] would continue to be good, whereas you say the issue was more [00:05:16] complex than that. Exactly where was it [00:05:20] misinterpreted? [00:05:21] شده؟ [00:05:26] The idea of the end of history comes from the German philosopher Hegel. He was the first [00:05:29] philosopher to see history as a long-term evolutionary process, what [00:05:33] we call modernization or development [00:05:35] today. [00:05:40] this idea that there would be an end of history: [00:05:42] Then Karl Marx took his idea and said the end of history is communism, [00:05:46] meaning the culmination of this historical process of development [00:05:49] is communism. [00:05:53] In 1989, [00:05:59] I wrote an article and asked whether such a thing would really happen or [00:06:03] not, because in the former Soviet Union, communism was basically [00:06:06] being dismantled. I thought if there was an end to history, [00:06:10] it wouldn't be communism, but rather a form of liberal [00:06:14] democracy and a market economy. This was the concept [00:06:17] of the end of [00:06:18] history. [00:06:22] Then in 1992, I turned this idea [00:06:24] into a book. But the last five chapters of the book [00:06:28] were about the Last Man. This part comes from another [00:06:31] philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche, who said the end of history would not be a pleasant [00:06:34] period, but rather a tense one. Because people don't [00:06:38] just want peace and prosperity. The good things that liberal democracy [00:06:42] also does are not enough for them. People seek struggle and [00:06:45] conflict and strive for something different, and this [00:06:49] leads to the erosion of democracy. So you shouldn't be too [00:06:52] complacent, because the story continues. 35 years have passed since [00:06:56] the publication of that book, and today we have entered a completely different [00:07:00] political era. [00:07:05] So, it can be said that not only were we not completely wrong and didn't say that [00:07:09] history had really ended, but perhaps in... [00:07:15] the book, we somewhat predicted it, because in your new book you write that in 1992, [00:07:18] you had a clear vision of the emergence of a kind of demagogic populism [00:07:22] that we have experienced from the mid-2020s until today. You [00:07:26] wrote about this about 30 years ago. [00:07:28] بودین. [00:07:31] Yes, that's right. I think what led me to this conclusion was that one of [00:07:34] the important driving forces of history is the desire for [00:07:37] recognition. Some want to be recognized as superior to others. [00:07:41] رسمیت شناخت. [00:08:12] become president and enter politics. In fact, what I was unaware of [00:08:16] at that time was this unstable part of democracy. That very [00:08:20] ambitious people can completely disrupt the established system. [00:08:23] بزنن. [00:08:25] Don't you have mixed feelings about your reference to Donald Trump in 1992? [00:08:29] Because his name really appears there. I think on page [00:08:33] 328, meaning you had noticed [00:08:36] something about him even then, but as you say, your [00:08:40] understanding was that he would be satisfied in a liberal market [00:08:43] economy because he could become wealthy. I think you told [00:08:47] the New York Times a few days ago that you didn't know that just being rich [00:08:51] wouldn't be enough for him. [00:08:54] Yes, that's right. I think ultimately you're also looking for political [00:08:58] recognition, not just, for example, a luxury jet to travel everywhere [00:09:02] with. That wasn't enough for Trump, and I think [00:09:05] this political ambition, this desire for dominance, is the root [00:09:09] of many of our current political problems. [00:09:42] Except perhaps for the Civil War, we have never seen such an attack on American [00:09:46] democracy, and he has managed to convince perhaps a third of Americans [00:09:50] that Biden became president through election fraud, which is completely [00:09:53] false. This is very dangerous for [00:09:56] democracy. [00:09:59] Just to be clear, since 1863, [00:10:03] we've had two world wars, racial segregation, [00:10:06] the civil rights movement, Martin Luther [00:10:10] King, and all those events. [00:10:25] system, for example, the civil rights movement, in my opinion, was actually [00:10:28] the fulfillment of the promise of American institutions. The Declaration [00:10:31] of Independence says all men are created equal, but in practice, [00:10:35] they were not treated equally. With the civil rights movement, [00:10:38] finally the laws changed. Legal segregation ended, [00:10:42] and African Americans were given the opportunity to vote and [00:10:45] participate. So, that was actually the fulfillment [00:10:49] of the original promise. What we didn't predict was the rise of a politician [00:10:53] who would not accept democratic results. Trump did not accept the democratic [00:10:57] results of the 2020 election, but in 2016, [00:11:00] he won under this same system, and in 2024, he won under this [00:11:04] same system. He won two presidential elections. [00:11:08] Yes, that's right. In a way, the second election was even more concerning [00:11:11] than the first because it happened after January 6th, but he won [00:11:15] both the Electoral College and the popular vote. Yes, [00:11:18] that's right, and I don't think electing someone with such a record paints [00:11:22] a positive picture of the American voter, but [00:11:55] well, no university tells you everything comes down to just one person. [00:11:59] I think many of the things you mentioned play a role. [00:12:02] A different social structure has emerged, and there's a lot of [00:12:06] anger and resentment between less-educated individuals and the educated [00:12:10] elites who run many of the country's major institutions. [00:12:13] Globalization has exacerbated many of these tensions, because after [00:12:16] China joined the World Trade Organization in the early 2000s, [00:12:20] many jobs were moved to China. [00:12:24] شد. [00:14:05] to divert attention from the fact that he was unsuccessful as president. [00:14:09] So maybe we'll hear about Greenland [00:14:12] again, or new wars will start. But yes, [00:14:16] in the short term, I think he will face a major setback. [00:14:19] The main problem, in my opinion, is 2028, because [00:14:23] for now, there's no strong figure from the party. [00:14:27] As far as energy and momentum go, it's mostly on the very [00:14:30] left wing of the party, a bit like the Labour Party during Jeremy Corbyn's [00:14:33] era. Their first response to years of Conservative [00:14:36] rule. I'm worried something similar might happen in the US. [00:14:40] بیفته. [00:14:46] You actually anticipated my next question. If Republicans suffer a setback [00:14:49] in the midterm elections, is that good for Democrats? [00:14:53] For example, control of Congress. [00:15:26] We hate Donald Trump, and we are not Trump. They need a positive reason [00:15:30] why people should vote for them, and finding that reason [00:15:34] has become difficult. Many young people feel they don't have enough opportunities. [00:15:52] if Republicans nominate, it gives a big [00:15:55] advantage. [00:15:57] It's interesting that you said some parts of the Democratic Party have become a bit like the Labour [00:16:00] Party during Jeremy Corbyn's era. We've seen candidates on the left [00:16:04] wing. Some of them even call themselves socialists, which [00:17:37] for example, in California, there will be a referendum on a billionaire tax, because people are [00:17:41] very unhappy that people like Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos are doing so well [00:17:44] while ordinary Americans are struggling. So there's a lot [00:17:48] of energy behind these kinds of proposals. [00:17:52] I'm not sure if this is what will make you win a national [00:17:55] election, but it will definitely mobilize left-wing [00:17:58] voters. So left-wing candidates do well in Democratic primaries, [00:18:02] but the closer it gets to the 200 presidential [00:18:05] election... [00:18:37] this might be one of those unknowns that suddenly appears [00:18:40] from somewhere. [00:18:43] Asaf is very good. He speaks well and has good arguments. [00:18:47] There are a few others who could potentially be appealing. [00:18:51] But for now, those who are attracting the most attention are [00:18:55] like Ocasio-Cortez in New York, Mamdani, and that Arab-American [00:18:58] candidate for governor of Michigan. Everyone is focused on these people, and [00:19:02] Republicans are very happy about this situation, because nothing [00:19:05] is better for them than their opponent. [00:20:37] I don't rule out major changes on the Russian [00:20:39] side. What's your understanding of Donald Trump's [00:20:43] mindset? We all remember that famous confrontation in the Oval Office. I think [00:20:47] it was February 2024, [00:20:50] shortly after Trump returned to the White House, where he told Zelensky, [00:20:53] "You have no cards in your hand." But in recent months, [00:20:57] Ukraine has had military successes with its drones, and it seems [00:21:00] Trump now thinks maybe Ukraine actually has cards in its [00:21:04] hand. What do you think is going on in Trump's [00:21:06] mind? Frankly, I think this is just a [00:21:10] superficial maneuver, and he is fundamentally still pro-Russia. [00:21:13] This is one of the things we've all been confused about for a long [00:21:17] time. In the 1908s, when the Soviet Union [00:21:20] still existed, he went to Moscow. Then he spent tens of [00:21:24] thousands of dollars and ran an ad in the New York Times saying [00:21:27] NATO was to blame for the Cold War confrontation and the US should [00:21:31] not pay for NATO because NATO is financially exploiting [00:21:34] us. So for decades, he has been first pro-Soviet and then pro-Russia. [00:21:38] It's a strange issue. No one really [00:21:41] understands why, but it's been a consistent line in his views. I don't [00:21:45] believe for a moment that he is now more sympathetic to Ukraine. [00:21:49] He's upset because he thought the Russians would really defeat [00:21:53] Ukraine, and he's frustrated that it didn't happen and Ukraine [00:21:57] wasn't forced to make a deal. But he hasn't changed [00:22:00] his mind. Of course, Donald Trump will probably say, "Look, I just want this war [00:22:04] to end. I don't like the killing, and my frustration is that they're still [00:22:07] fighting." I think he's looking for the glory of being recognized [00:22:11] as a peace broker, but I doubt he'll achieve [00:22:15] that. You're in Britain now and you're interested in politics. The Labour [00:22:19] government recently without [00:22:50] England, you can remove a Prime Minister so quickly, [00:22:53] although you probably do it a bit too much. [00:22:55] میکنید [00:22:58] But I think this is more a sign of a deeper problem than a feature [00:23:01] of the system, namely the stagnation of the British economy, especially [00:23:05] since Brexit. I think this stagnation has created a lot of [00:23:09] discontent, and as a result, a series of politicians have come [00:23:12] who haven't really been able to address the root causes of the problem. [00:23:16] But has the economy stagnated since Brexit, or since [00:23:50] because other countries also had COVID and recovered much faster than Britain. [00:23:53] So I think some of the policies that Britain has adopted after [00:23:57] COVID have really been problematic. [00:24:00] بوده. [00:24:05] One of the debates we're having in this country now is about national identity, and you [00:24:08] also wrote about it in your book. One of the topics [00:24:12] raised is ethno-nationalism, meaning the view that [00:24:15] national identity comes from ancestry and background, not simply from obtaining [00:24:19] citizenship. [00:24:50] I think ethno-nationalism is very dangerous. If you look at the Balkans and the wars [00:24:54] that happened there in the 1980s and 90s, their roots were in ethnicity [00:24:57] and tribalism. A particular ethnic group feels historically oppressed, [00:25:01] and then you want to kill people from the neighboring ethnic group. Ultimately, the cause of [00:25:04] the two World Wars was also these aggressive nationalisms [00:25:08] that clashed with each other. The reason we build liberal societies [00:25:12] is to move past this stage. You want people to be able to tolerate [00:25:16] those who are not like them and live together. [00:25:19] People who might speak a different language or [00:25:23] have a different appearance. In my opinion, [00:25:26] the success of a liberal society lies here. Therefore, nationalism, [00:25:29] just like religion in an earlier period, is really [00:25:33] an enemy of stability. So ethno-nationalism is an enemy of stability, but you yourself [00:25:36] write that perhaps simply building a national identity around an [00:25:40] idea, for example, a piece of paper like the Declaration of Independence [00:25:44] or the US Constitution, might not be enough, and something richer [00:25:47] might be needed. [00:25:50] In a liberal society, I think national identity, well, first [00:25:54] of all, you need a national identity. People need to have a common [00:25:57] understanding of where they came from and where they are going, otherwise [00:26:01] you practically don't have a country. [00:28:58] they use fake names. Their phones are one-time use. [00:29:10] They are journalists from BBC World Service, [00:29:13] and this is the Global [00:29:15] Eye program from BBC Persian. Is [00:29:18] Iranian culture a suitable ground for violence? [00:29:22] Can it be said that insensitivity to violence in public [00:29:25] or verbal violence are among the signs of violence [00:29:29] in Iranian culture? The issue. Suppose [00:29:33] you go to witness an execution. [00:29:36] Do you see this as violence [00:29:39] or as the execution of justice? [00:30:26] Hello again, we are with you with a short news segment. The Kremlin says Vladimir [00:30:30] Putin, the Russian president, has conveyed Iran's views on ways to resolve [00:30:33] the Tehran-Washington conflict to Donald Trump. The presidents [00:30:37] of Russia and Iran met the day before yesterday on the sidelines of two summits of Caspian [00:30:41] Sea littoral states and Commonwealth of Independent [00:30:45] States in Turkmenistan. At the same time, the naval [00:30:48] force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said that dealing with vessels [00:30:52] that they consider to be in violation will not be limited to the Strait of Hormuz. [00:30:55] According to the IRGC, any vessel that