CANALCATORCE — broadcast 20260920 190000 UTC 521 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:11] Commemorations emblematic [00:00:13] 2021. [00:00:20] Once Iturbide is [00:00:23] The death of Morelos in December of [00:00:25] it is part of living. Talking about 1815 was a brutal blow to the [00:00:29] insurgency. But despite everything, the royalist [00:00:34] support, we army could not end the rebellion. In mid- 1817, [00:00:37] the Spanish liberal Javier [00:00:41] from the army and the clergy and the Mina landed in Soto La Marina with 300 men [00:00:44] and joined Pedro Moreno's guerrilla, who fought [00:00:47] in the current state of Jalisco. [00:00:57] this, especially from the [00:01:22] Javier Mina, originally from [00:01:22] that are preserved from Navarra, fought against [00:01:26] absolutism, tyranny, and for independence. [00:01:31] because freedom was the best cause of men. [00:01:34] From 15 to [00:01:37] facsimile of 17, the insurgency is going to be somewhat [00:01:41] animated with the arrival of Javier [00:01:44] Mina. It must be said that he was never called Francisco. Francisco was his [00:01:48] uncle. They always confuse him with his uncle. He was Javier Martín [00:01:51] Mina, a young man who was [00:01:54] a very successful guerrilla against the [00:01:57] Spain in what French invasion in Spain in 1808 to [00:02:00] 1810 there in England with the support of [00:02:04] several Latin Americans and especially of 12 [00:02:07] English merchants and two very important [00:02:11] English nobles. One was [00:02:14] Lord Henry Holland and the other, Lord John [00:02:18] Russell. John Russell was almost his age, he was very [00:02:21] young, like twenty-something years old, but we must remember that [00:02:24] John Russell was twice Prime Minister of England during the [00:02:29] many, especially jurists, it is the reign of Victoria. They are very important people who [00:02:32] sympathize with the cause of independence [00:02:36] of New Spain, but it is not the government [00:02:39] of, we must not be mistaken, the government does not support that [00:02:43] expedition, they are individuals with the idea that [00:02:46] New Spain should be liberated and improved, especially for [00:02:50] England, the trade that will be, [00:02:53] according to them, very valuable, with [00:02:56] Michoacán, in this New Spain that they consider very rich. [00:03:01] Mina's expedition [00:03:04] acting in the first stage of shows how the interests of the different nations [00:03:07] are reflected. It seems to me that it is extremely [00:03:10] important to think about how Mina's army [00:03:14] was formed. Who formed Mina's army? [00:03:17] Mina's army was a mercenary [00:03:20] army. When we say mercenary in [00:03:24] Mexico, it sounds a bit pejorative and [00:03:27] a bit strong because of a [00:03:31] burden of nationalism that exists, because, for example, [00:03:35] Americans, Irish, [00:03:38] French participated in our war of [00:03:41] independence and were leaders [00:03:45] and even high-ranking [00:03:47] is an allegory of military officers who were able to lead part of this [00:03:50] movement. They were not hired people, [00:03:55] that, someone from yes, for pay, and [00:03:58] they were even waiting, like all mercenaries, they were waiting [00:04:04] army, to put an end to to receive booty when they won, be it [00:04:07] land, money, or any other asset. [00:04:11] That's what they worked for. They were workers [00:04:13] who [00:04:17] these armies were formed with, [00:04:21] for example, Mina was formed by them. Mina had to [00:04:25] resort to many people, many [00:04:28] businessmen, many capitalists to be able to [00:04:31] give him and financially support him to form the [00:04:35] army he formed. This was completely [00:04:39] known by the Spanish intelligence center. [00:04:43] For both Agustín de Iturbide and the They knew it and unfortunately [00:04:46] they also knew that Mina's army [00:04:50] did not have [00:04:53] an organic approach with the groups in [00:04:56] Mexico, that is, there was no full acceptance [00:05:00] of Mina's army and what happened with the [00:05:03] strategy to finish off Mina's army [00:05:07] was a strategy of the Spanish army. They [00:05:10] let them in, they knew when they were going to enter, they let them in, [00:05:14] they closed, they closed the ships, they burned the ships and [00:05:18] they attacked them and they continued attacking them until [00:05:20] they decimated them and finished him off. It was [00:05:23] fundamental. Now we have paid many tributes to [00:05:27] Mina and we will continue to do so for well-deserved recognition, and not only to [00:05:30] Mina. We should do it for the entire [00:05:33] army, for the army that came with him, because it was not only [00:05:37] Mina, there were other military men who [00:05:40] deserve the same recognition that we have given to [00:05:43] Mina. [00:05:47] The expedition is a failure. Mina will be executed [00:05:50] on November 11, 1817 [00:05:53] and another period of [00:05:56] decline of the insurgency comes. [00:05:59] Why? Well, on the one hand, because, as I [00:06:02] said, this dispute among the leaders, the lack of a single group [00:06:06] to organize them. There will also [00:06:09] be a new eh who will arrive after [00:06:12] 1816, who is Juan Ruiz de Apodaca with [00:06:16] a conciliatory project, not [00:06:19] like Calleja, who was more confrontational, [00:06:22] no, he will grant many pardons, more than [00:06:25] 17 pardons, that is, insurgents who [00:06:29] withdraw from the fight and do not return to fight, they stay [00:06:33] at home quietly and leave [00:06:36] the insurgent forces. That stage begins to [00:06:40] be pacified, but a stronghold remains. [00:06:42] important which is in the mountains of the [00:06:45] south, the current state of Guerrero, in those mountains [00:06:48] of difficult climate, very hot land, [00:06:52] inaccessible even today, there is Vicente Guerrero who had accompanied [00:06:56] Morelos since the year [00:06:59] 10. [00:07:02] This strategy was [00:07:05] successful in the south of New [00:07:10] is today Guerrero [00:07:13] territory because it is a very [00:07:17] mountainous area [00:07:21] and the southern insurgents had [00:07:24] previously been muleteers, they had been [00:07:26] militiamen or they had been merchants and [00:07:30] they knew the topography, [00:07:33] they knew the places and they knew the [00:07:36] people very [00:07:38] well. [00:07:40] Towards the end of the war in [00:07:43] 1818, [00:07:46] until a few years ago, historiography [00:07:50] thought that the insurgency was [00:07:53] practically annihilated, [00:07:56] the latest studies show us [00:07:59] that the hot [00:08:02] land of both the current state of [00:08:06] Guerrero and [00:08:08] the Sierra de Chilpancingo and [00:08:12] in part of the great coast up to Colima [00:08:16] and Jalisco, the war [00:08:20] continued and its technique was guerrilla [00:08:23] warfare. [00:08:26] There is a series of strongholds where, [00:08:30] for example, here we will find characters like Vicente [00:08:33] Guerrero himself, who at the time was in the remote regions [00:08:36] of that state, the current state of Guerrero, and it was [00:08:40] precisely there that he had to go to seek the military [00:08:43] pact that would somehow break the deadlock [00:08:47] of this movement that was entrenched in a struggle where the [00:08:50] insurgents barricaded themselves in inaccessible [00:08:53] places, they did not offer a [00:08:56] frontal battle, so well, this was the way in which the [00:09:00] insurgency managed to safeguard what [00:09:02] remained until the political pact of [00:09:05] 1821 came. In July [00:09:08] of 1820, Viceroy Apodaca appointed Agustín [00:09:13] Iturbide, commander of the southern [00:09:16] the insurgent stronghold commanded by Vicente [00:09:19] Guerrero. In reality, it seems that [00:09:23] the events that made Iturbide change [00:09:25] politically from being a defender of the viceregal government [00:09:29] during practically the entire war of independence, to [00:09:32] becoming the leader of this movement in [00:09:35] 1821, was the fact that in [00:09:38] 1816 he was sidelined as part of [00:09:42] anti-insurgent campaigns in the Bajío, in the intendancy of [00:09:45] Guanajuato. Iturbide used methods that would later [00:09:48] be reproached for the extreme violence he [00:09:52] used. This led Viceroy Félix María Calleja to [00:09:55] prosecute him in that same year and to later [00:09:59] be dismissed by Calleja's successor, who [00:10:03] was Juan Ruiz de Apodaca. This made Iturbide [00:10:06] seek to counteract it with a series of defenses [00:10:09] that he presented to the authorities, [00:10:13] which were not heard, and in the next few years that he spent [00:10:16] retired in an hacienda called "de la [00:10:19] Compañía" in the province of Chalco, Iturbide seems [00:10:23] to have generated a feeling [00:10:25] of revenge, of disagreement with [00:10:29] this viceregal cause. This would mean that in the year [00:10:32] 1820, when he was called again to fight [00:10:35] this time against Vicente Guerrero in the south of the Viceroyalty, Iturbide [00:10:39] had other plans, which were independence. [00:10:45] in effective command of the southern command and on his way to [00:10:48] Acapulco, and also has the [00:10:51] command of his old infantry regiment of Celaya, [00:10:55] which, of course, had his full confidence, Iturbide [00:10:58] begins to have epistolary communication with many [00:11:02] very important people, both [00:11:06] provincial elite, that is, practically throughout the viceroyalty he begins to have [00:11:09] contacts whom he [00:11:12] seeks to commit so that once the plan is conceived [00:11:16] and published, these people [00:11:19] already have a clear indication of what they should do [00:11:22] in each of their provinces. The first, of course, will be Vicente [00:11:26] Guerrero, whom he seeks to attract since November to try [00:11:30] to join the movement. It's not new, because Guerrero himself [00:11:34] had previously, before Iturbide's appointment, tried [00:11:37] to attract some [00:11:41] royalist officers to him, because he [00:11:44] thought that with the union of both armies, independence could be achieved. [00:11:47] Several historians affirm, according to the [00:11:51] latest studies that [00:11:55] Iturbide, when he arrived [00:11:57] to fulfill his mission of being commander of the south, [00:12:01] already had the idea of independence. [00:12:05] It still intrigues me why he already [00:12:08] had it. He told it to [00:12:12] Vicente Guerrero and until the other one told him that he would not [00:12:16] answer him if he did not talk about [00:12:17] independence. [00:12:22] But it could have also been strategies and [00:12:25] if Vicente Guerrero surrendered [00:12:27] without being told about it, he would be in a [00:12:31] situation of greater weakness. Iturbide will [00:12:34] be the one who finally makes the invitation and [00:12:38] Vicente Guerrero and many elements of his [00:12:41] troops will join him in what has been called the [00:12:45] Embrace of Acatempan, of which in reality we have no trace [00:12:49] that it happened. Rather, there was a meeting of the [00:12:52] leaders in epistolary [00:12:55] terms. They agreed to join their forces [00:12:59] and this will allow the Iguala Plan to be socialized. The Iguala Plan [00:13:03] really managed to bring together [00:13:06] the main objectives, taking into account this weariness of the war, [00:13:10] which were independence and the defense of the [00:13:13] Catholic religion as one of its main [00:13:16] points. [00:13:20] Having this as a context, Iturbide [00:13:23] knows that he needs the support of these [00:13:27] last insurgent strongholds, [00:13:31] of course, that of Vicente Guerrero, with [00:13:34] whom he has a very interesting epistolary [00:13:37] exchange. [00:13:39] Agustín de Iturbide, who has just [00:13:42] received military force and [00:13:46] troops, visualizes this and decides [00:13:49] to lead, with the Iguala Plan, a movement that has [00:13:53] independence as its center. They also call it [00:13:56] absolute independence, no longer a conciliatory [00:14:00] or partial self-government independence, but [00:14:04] absolute independence, but in agreement with the monarchy. [00:14:07] Therefore, the type of government will be a monarchical [00:14:11] government and King Ferdinand VII [00:14:14] will be invited to come and govern these lands or, failing [00:14:20] the royal family. Of [00:14:23] course, along with this commission, there will be other [00:14:26] important slogans that embody the best [00:14:29] within the themes of sovereignty, of [00:14:33] freedoms, of [00:14:35] separation of powers, of [00:14:39] all rights, of course, that will be included [00:14:43] here, but also prioritizing, this is natural [00:14:46] for what I just said, the central role of the [00:14:50] Catholic religion as the sole religion, [00:14:53] without tolerance of any other, and of course, [00:14:56] respecting the privileges of the clergy. [00:15:00] This, then, not only gathers the support of the high clergy [00:15:03] with whom Agustín de Iturbide will have much closeness, not [00:15:07] only with the people of the profesa church, but [00:15:11] also with some of the people in Valladolid, [00:15:14] such as Bárcena, who had been close to him [00:15:18] in Valladolid when he was studying and with whom he maintains [00:15:21] correspondence, he supports a large part of the High Clergy. [00:15:25] But also the Low Clergy, also the people who are [00:15:28] happy to know that the prerogatives and privileges of the [00:15:32] Clergy in a Catholic society will be [00:15:35] respected. This leads us [00:15:38] to the fact that the plan establishes the spirit of the three [00:15:41] guarantees, no, union, independence and [00:15:45] religion. [00:15:51] It is not easy to understand what you feel, sadness, [00:15:55] anger, fear, pressure. [00:15:59] Feeling is not weakness, [00:16:03] what is happening to you can help you name what you are [00:16:06] experiencing. When someone listens to you, everything [00:16:09] changes. If you need [00:16:56] of 1821, Juan O'Donojú arrived in New [00:17:00] Spain as political chief and met with [00:17:03] Iturbide in the town of Córdoba, where the treaties [00:17:06] were signed. They bear the name of the city and [00:17:10] ratified the Iguala Plan. [00:17:13] Well, the Treaties of Córdoba were signed in [00:17:16] August of 1821, when [00:17:19] the Trigarante movement had achieved enormous success, the [00:17:22] army had really in all [00:17:26] regions garnered support due to, [00:17:30] above all, the ability of the [00:17:33] stronger military men to associate themselves with the army and the [00:17:37] movement. So when the new viceroy landed [00:17:40] in the midst of the Spanish liberalism context, who [00:17:44] was no longer properly a viceroy but a political [00:17:46] chief, and a liberal arrived, [00:17:50] who was O'Donojú, to the city, well, first to Veracruz and then [00:17:54] to Córdoba to sign these [00:17:57] agreements. They were so [00:18:01] important that when that happened, practically for [00:18:06] moment when we are free, because O'Donojú [00:18:10] signed. Now, O'Donojú signed, of course, [00:18:14] in Spain they will be indignant, and they will say [00:18:17] that he had no powers to sign such a treaty, but [00:18:20] it was a fact, it was already there, they had untied the knot, as they [00:18:24] said, without breaking [00:18:27] it, without deaths, without [00:18:30] confrontations, and that is the beginning, now, from [00:18:34] August onwards you know what happens next. And [00:18:37] Iturbide goes to Puebla, [00:18:40] that's when they say that on August 28, which was his saint's day, Saint [00:18:43] Agustín, they make him the famous chiles [00:18:47] en nogada, transfer them to the three [00:18:50] guarantees, faith, religion, [00:18:53] white, green hope, [00:18:56] independence, red union, rather charity, [00:19:00] union, why I think Iturbide doesn't say it, I have [00:19:03] looked in everything I could that he writes and says [00:19:07] that he named it that way because of the three virtues. I have a feeling that [00:19:10] yes, that is my idea, because there is a [00:19:13] painting there, [00:19:17] very nice, an allegory from 1822 that the [00:19:20] National History Museum has in Chapultepec Castle, which [00:19:25] Iturbide's coronation. Iturbide is [00:19:28] sitting on his throne and guess who is crowning [00:19:31] him. The homeland is [00:19:33] crowning him as an indigenous woman with her [00:19:37] pre-Hispanic, all with her he is crowning [00:19:41] him, but Minerva, the goddess [00:19:44] of wisdom, is also there, also wearing [00:19:46] a pre-Hispanic diadem, the goddess [00:19:50] Minerva, and to the left, [00:19:53] three thrones next to him, and [00:19:57] three seated figures are faith in white, [00:20:00] hope in green, and charity in red, [00:20:04] all three next to him. What does it mean? I believe it means [00:20:08] that those were the three main virtues that would unite [00:20:11] the country and it would not bleed out or [00:20:15] end. That is my [00:20:17] opinion. [00:20:21] Trigarante movement, the capture of the city of Valladolid will mean, in [00:20:24] the first instance, the capture of the second provincial capital they [00:20:28] seize, in addition to the symbolic weight it has for him [00:20:32] for being the place where he was born. With this act, [00:20:35] the city adhered normally and [00:20:38] definitively to the Trigarante, which will [00:20:41] determine the end of the independence process for the [00:20:44] province of Valladolid. However, [00:20:47] there will later be a second [00:20:50] triumphant entry, very remarkable, because it is the only one in which [00:20:53] a woman will intervene so notably, Iturbide's wife, [00:20:57] Ana María Huarte. I, who [00:21:00] dedicate myself to that era, get excited to see the emotion [00:21:04] of the towns that carried out the consummation of independence [00:21:07] before September 27. We know of more than [00:21:11] 169 popular festivities in all [00:21:14] towns, the happiness of those [00:21:17] towns that achieved independence before Mexico City, [00:21:20] where excited people came out [00:21:23] dressed and women with braids [00:21:26] with tricolor ribbons, men with [00:21:29] cockades, children dressed in tricolor, it was [00:21:33] an enormous [00:21:34] happiness. [00:21:37] Well, we are at the Regional Museum of Guerrero [00:21:41] which was built to be a government [00:21:44] palace, it was built between 1902 and [00:21:48] 1906. and it fulfilled that [00:21:51] function until [00:21:53] 1985 [00:21:57] when the National Institute of Anthropology and History [00:22:00] and the government of the state of Guerrero [00:22:02] made an agreement to create a [00:22:05] regional museum in the museum, [00:22:09] among the pieces [00:22:12] the era of the consummation of independence, [00:22:16] there is a replica of Vicente Guerrero's [00:22:20] jacket, whose original is in the National Museum of [00:22:23] History. There is also a [00:22:27] the formation of the [00:22:31] Trigarante army, whose original is in the [00:22:35] historical archive of the Ministry of National Defense, [00:22:37] in which [00:22:41] that document [00:22:43] shows the way in which Agustín [00:22:47] Iturbide structured the Trigarante army [00:22:51] in the general staff, which are the first [00:22:54] people he mentions. [00:22:56] menciona, [00:22:59] Well, the entry into the capital was the only thing missing [00:23:02] really, and it is important to say [00:23:06] that, well, yes, it was a crucial [00:23:09] piece [00:23:12] for Iturbide, but on the other hand, the Trigarante [00:23:15] forces were joining in all regions with support not only [00:23:19] military, but also from the cathedrals, in places [00:23:22] where there was still a bishop, or if there wasn't a bishop, there was a [00:23:26] cathedral chapter that, of course, [00:23:29] supported their sympathies, and the arrival in Mexico [00:23:33] City is important because, of course, it is the [00:23:37] viceregal capital, but it is from the regions [00:23:40] that the contingent will come in this Trigarante [00:23:43] army of royalist [00:23:46] military men, well, it will be [00:23:50] fundamental, that is why we will see them [00:23:54] the country's life, since this will be the [00:23:57] truly constituted army that inherits [00:24:01] the Mexican nation or inherits, at [00:24:04] least, I don't know if in its structures, I wouldn't know how to say it, but that [00:24:07] inherits, of course, in the people. [00:24:20] Convened by Agustín de Iturbide, in February [00:24:23] 1822, the first Congress began [00:24:27] to sit. The Plan of Iguala among its [00:24:31] proposals says that a provisional [00:24:35] governing junta will be established. Notice the [00:24:37] name: Provisional Governing Junta. What was [00:24:41] asked for in the year '08? A provisional junta of Americans [00:24:44] while the kingdom returned, but they were not [00:24:48] allowed, and it was legal. It was not a revolution, it was not [00:24:52] anything illegal, it was legal, so they were not [00:24:55] allowed. What did the Zitácuaro junta, [00:24:58] of Rayón, want to do? A junta. What [00:25:02] did the Jaujilla junta want to do? [00:25:06] A junta, a junta. Always throughout the process, [00:25:09] from '08 to '20, they talked about their junta of Americans [00:25:13] who would be the provisional government, while it was established. [00:25:17] This is what the Iguala Plan will do in '21. [00:25:20] A junta, and it says the best representatives [00:25:23] of all sectors of society will be [00:25:27] chosen. And that's what you forget, a list, [00:25:31] in fact there are 39 of which only 35 [00:25:34] signatures appear, missing that of Don Juan O'Donojú. [00:25:38] In reality, the [00:25:42] congress is an entity that is [00:25:45] formed by very varied voices. This is [00:25:48] important to say. It is indeed [00:25:52] the commitment that had been made to have [00:25:55] a congress, but former insurgents, [00:25:58] people prone to the republic, [00:26:01] are present there. Of course, many [00:26:05] monarchists and other figures from the Mexican [00:26:09] nobility. Before this, there had also been a junta [00:26:12] that led to the congress and that had a [00:26:15] composition more aligned with estamental [00:26:18] issues and a regency also [00:26:21] in which Iturbide himself would be [00:26:25] represented with other [00:26:28] interesting figures such as the bishop of Puebla or the [00:26:31] governor of the cathedral of Michoacán. So, well, the [00:26:35] tension with the congress exists naturally, [00:26:38] especially insofar as the ancient figures of the insurgency [00:26:42] have been incorporated into the Trigarante Plan [00:26:46] for independence, who also gravitate and who are [00:26:49] not necessarily going to be aligned with Agustín de [00:26:52] Iturbide, so logically they will [00:26:54] constantly question him in [00:27:00] moment the treaties are not signed. of Córdoba, the figure of the [00:27:03] king had managed to contain a kind of [00:27:06] neutralization of the forces of the aspirants, but the [00:27:10] fear of tyranny grows, as they called it, [00:27:14] and of course the lack of [00:27:17] confidence that Iturbide had also grows, [00:27:21] since he did not trust the strength of the Congress. One of the tasks [00:27:24] that will be assigned to the [00:27:27] Provisional Governing Junta is that, according to the [00:27:30] Constitution of Cadiz, [00:27:33] it calls for elections in all territory, let's [00:27:37] not forget also the size of the territory of the Mexican [00:27:40] Empire, we are talking about more than 4 million [00:27:43] kilometers, then we will lose half of it, [00:27:47] all of [00:27:49] Central America [00:27:53] Nevada, Utah, Colorado, [00:27:56] all of that, Alta California, New [00:27:59] Mexico, Arizona, all of that was part of what... the [00:28:02] empire, that is, we don't forget that [00:28:05] it was even physically [00:28:07] enormous [00:28:10] lose it little by little, [00:28:14] but already in the 19th century, so that's, that's [00:28:17] what the junta did, the junta from '21 [00:28:21] all the provinces to elect [00:28:25] according to the constitution, [00:28:27] because we must also remember that the constitutional [00:28:30] city councils and the [00:28:32] provincial deputations that the constitution had divided [00:28:36] since '12 and then I will do it again in '20 when [00:28:40] it is renewed continued to be maintained throughout the empire, [00:28:44] despite everything the congress will have to [00:28:48] support at the moment when Agustín Deituurbide [00:28:52] eh proclaims himself emperor, of course there are a whole series of previous [00:28:55] popular movements, well orchestrated that [00:28:59] popular legitimacy. [00:29:02] or at least an appearance of popular [00:29:06] legitimacy that brings the emperor to this place and [00:29:09] the congress necessarily has to meet on that [00:29:12] occasion, then will come the dissolution of the [00:29:16] congress itself and a [00:29:19] until it is [00:29:23] reorganized. [00:29:25] what were the main differences between the congress [00:29:29] and Iturbide eh really. it's very [00:29:33] soon that these differences [00:29:35] eh [00:29:38] especially because these two positions begin [00:29:41] to be raised mainly in [00:29:44] terms of the system of government to follow, the [00:29:48] main difference eh between those who [00:29:51] supported the monarchy and specifically in this sense Iturbide, [00:29:55] those more critical voices that began to [00:29:58] defend the republic with more force [00:30:01] consisted. precisely in that the executive should not [00:30:05] have greater power over the other powers, for the [00:30:09] defenders of the republic, there should not only be [00:30:12] a division of powers but also that the legislative should impose itself on the [00:30:16] executive, there was this fear [00:30:18] of eh the power of a single [00:30:21] man, not of a monarch, no matter how constitutional the [00:30:25] monarquía, al final era [00:30:27] a monarchy [00:30:32] a... woman was able to overcome [00:30:35] men, her intelligence and her character made her overcome [00:30:39] impossible, highlighting that [00:30:42] she is a survivor in a man's world, [00:30:46] finding [00:30:49] translators who spoke for the [00:30:52] have seemed strange to them. Malinsin, the story [00:30:56] of an enigma. Sunday, 14:50.