CANALCATORCE — broadcast
20261012 033000 UTC
492 transcript segments
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[00:00:00] the fourth transformation, I believe it has advanced in basic
[00:00:03] rights for young people, young people building the future, has a high
[00:00:06] percentage of young people who integrate into work, Benito Juárez scholarships,
[00:00:10] universities, I believe that this social base is a
[00:00:14] containment to easy discourses, although
[00:00:18] they exist in Mexico and are impacting, the other I think is economic, I think the
[00:00:21] economic integration we have with the United States is a and
[00:00:25] at the economic moment that the United States is experiencing, I think it is a
[00:00:29] dike. that prevents
[00:00:32] go stronger in these
[00:00:35] discourses and in these campaigns in our country, ah that the United States self-contains,
[00:00:39] I believe that at the moment it cuts ties basically with Europe, with Canada
[00:00:43] and and your really your only strong commercial partner left
[00:00:47] is Mexico, it is convenient for it to
[00:00:50] stability in the country and it self-contains
[00:00:53] from advancing more strongly against those discourses
[00:00:57] and I think there we have a an... oxygen space that we
[00:01:01] should not waste, we should not
[00:01:06] leaderships within
[00:01:08] and and in that of the that the risk, in that there is a risk of trust that the right does not have a political figure, we are seeing that my law is not a political figure, Flavio Bolsonaro does not come close to Lula
[00:01:12] at all and is one point away, so they don't need a political
[00:01:15] figure because they have the financing and they have the
[00:01:18] algorithm that can place anyone in a campaign, so they didn't have it, they
[00:01:22] converted Sochil Gálvez into a presidential candidate in 2024,
[00:01:25] exactly, but I think that
[00:01:27] well, aren't they finding out we cannot trust that for 2030. I think
[00:01:30] the legislative branch of reform of the fourth
[00:01:34] transformation that is Morena, that is, when
[00:01:36] legal modifications have to be made to improve the lives of
[00:01:40] workers and young people, they have to be made, for example, the
[00:01:45] the exhaustion of 40 hours cannot be haggled over, it was already done, but if there start to be demonstrations again, if there starts
[00:01:48] to be a push again from young people to improve their living
[00:01:51] conditions, they cannot be haggled over because the right will not wait and the right will sell them
[00:01:55] an easy discourse, so unfortunately, as we discussed, the
[00:01:59] left has to transform the material life of
[00:02:02] people, there Morena has a very important
[00:02:05] role and this has to push, keep pushing very hard
[00:02:09] and not hesitate when it comes to that and obviously there is also
[00:02:13] a very difficult role which is to balance the part of
[00:02:17] workers and and private initiative, but we also
[00:02:20] have to start changing the way we lead, that is, we work with
[00:02:24] young people, young people want to work, they are talented
[00:02:27] but they do not want to put their. mental health before work, nor
[00:02:31] their family, nor their free time, in
[00:02:34] Mexico, so we have to start as leaders to balance that part, for
[00:02:38] that technology works, that is, for that if you can have, I don't know, half
[00:02:42] a day free and the other day you have to work at home, let's do it, we have to start
[00:02:45] working on those parts as leaders, because otherwise the right will start
[00:02:49] selling easier discourses like get on your motorcycle and
[00:02:53] have your free time, which is the discourse of salida pliegos of
[00:02:56] self-employment exactly, so I think you agree. I
[00:03:00] think that also an important sector, that is, so that the
[00:03:03] right or rather because I think it's not just the right
[00:03:07] the core of racism, the core of but a certain type of far-right that is winning,
[00:03:10] no, that is not eh let's say that
[00:03:13] this agreement as of tolerable right-wing
[00:03:16] governments in Latin America, but it is
[00:03:20] about something else, no, that is, it has some
[00:03:23] ingredients of course that I think are similar in
[00:03:26] some cases to those of the United States, but I think that... that
[00:03:30] also to determine if that right-wing voter can grow in Mexico
[00:03:33] is precisely shared, so based on these premises, I see it as
[00:03:36] complicated because a good part of a
[00:03:40] vote, if we associate perhaps a conservative vote
[00:03:43] with the right, I think it is also within Morena and
[00:03:47] is within what is currently governed, that is, that could not
[00:03:50] be explained with the indices, you talk about the evangelicals of
[00:03:54] what, in general, that is, I think that socially
[00:03:58] eh, well Hugo Eric Flores now has. another party called Paz,
[00:04:01] no, which I don't think will be very
[00:04:04] average conservative voter is within, let's say
[00:04:08] this coalition, no,
[00:04:10] also eh, there is the voter of the Green Party, for example, I
[00:04:14] think that is a voter more associated, let's say
[00:04:18] to business groups, to another
[00:04:21] sector, no, but I think that also socially a conservative
[00:04:24] vote is within Morena, at a time when
[00:04:28] sovereignty and when nationalism, let's say, that discourse is
[00:04:32] exacerbated by the American threat and that the right cannot
[00:04:35] it will be a free-market
[00:04:39] right-wing that surrenders, that is, as Gustavo is describing, so I don't see
[00:04:43] the conditions for that electorate to
[00:04:47] grow, that voter eh, on
[00:04:50] the other hand, I think that
[00:04:52] how your experience at the fair younger generations, no, I think they
[00:04:56] should be looked at eh beyond
[00:04:59] a left, right or far-right, what they
[00:05:02] will vote for, rather I think it has to do with an
[00:05:05] issue of alienation that can
[00:05:07] generate certain platforms, technology,
[00:05:11] certain. digital issues eh that we are already
[00:05:14] seeing can lead to episodes of violence
[00:05:17] that for eh comparing them with the United States,
[00:05:21] they are really minor, no, in the United States, school shootings and socially
[00:05:24] episodes of violence are very large, no, at the same time that access to
[00:05:28] technology and these forums in the United States is much greater because
[00:05:31] of the same proportions of the country,
[00:05:35] no, so I think that this there is a very
[00:05:38] very small remnant, really, of of of
[00:05:42] this far-right of Milei or
[00:05:45] Bolsonaro that can be successful in Mexico, yes, son,
[00:05:49] let's see, eh, within this, that's what resonates a lot with what you say, Emerson, I think
[00:05:53] that eh currently this new right asks you, it
[00:05:56] tells you no, as if it were an advertisement, everything they did
[00:05:59] before they did very badly, don't worry, let it go and someone else will do it for you, no, that
[00:06:03] is like the message and the left is a responsibility, it is an act of
[00:06:07] responsibility for you in your community collectively to change the
[00:06:10] history of the world and the planet, so.
[00:06:12] eh, it's a much more complex bet, however, I affirm, as
[00:06:16] a former president would say, that we have the best president in the world, and
[00:06:20] that not only do we think so within our country, 80% of Mexico
[00:06:23] thinks so, but they think so worldwide, it is
[00:06:27] impressive to see the phenomenon that President Claudia Sheinbaum causes internationally
[00:06:31] and that it has generated a network, I would dare to
[00:06:34] say, of protection, not only because of the, because there is also
[00:06:37] collaboration with the United States, no, that is another part, yes there
[00:06:41] is, so there is a part. that has to do with elections, with mid-term
[00:06:44] elections, with discourses, of course, there is another part that has to do
[00:06:48] with direct real collaboration with the United States, and there is another part that is this
[00:06:52] international shield that is not the shield of
[00:06:55] what is the shield of the Americas, the shield of the
[00:06:58] Americas, this is a real
[00:07:01] many international leaders, of journalists, of
[00:07:04] people around the planet who see a president who is really changing the
[00:07:08] history of our country and it is very difficult to break that through social
[00:07:12] networks because there is no way, exactly what Emerson said, let's see, the right even
[00:07:16] also the strength of the president's
[00:07:20] leadership, what you consider is currently
[00:07:23] stopping the advancement of a presidential option and
[00:07:27] a team that has worked around that is really
[00:07:31] showing results, in addition to that, I do believe that social networks
[00:07:35] in Mexico and particularly institutional
[00:07:37] apparatuses in Mexico, some have a lot of sense of humor and have managed
[00:07:41] to sneak into the national conversation in a totally
[00:07:45] different way, something they cannot do in other countries, no matter how much they
[00:07:48] have tried, well, I'm not going to talk about the memes that the
[00:07:51] president has had regarding the Rita Cetina scholarship, but she herself
[00:07:55] goes with young people, does this, does this
[00:07:59] 67, that is, it has been so simple that she did manage
[00:08:02] to connect, she did manage to do, what is that, the
[00:08:05] 67, sorry for my ignorance, it's that we don't have to
[00:08:09] know, that's the great advantage of 67, simply. she
[00:08:13] says: I can do this with young people and I can connect, she is a
[00:08:16] president who has managed to transcend this
[00:08:20] intergenerational conversation for good, to cross those limits
[00:08:23] and really get in there, so yes, I am thinking
[00:08:26] that the digital right does not have that
[00:08:30] same opportunity, but let's not say, let's not say never because we don't know, so
[00:08:34] it's better to prevent,
[00:08:37] exactly, well, I disagree, the truth is
[00:08:41] and I disagree for several reasons. chan chan chan eh, the first and most
[00:08:44] important is that it is not that
[00:08:47] this is the case, here I think that since we are talking about cultural
[00:08:51] issues, the danger is the construction of meaning, that is, it is not whether the
[00:08:55] message, whether the logic, it is not the meaning and how meaning
[00:08:59] is constructed today, a good part with social networks, with traditional
[00:09:03] media and with the intersection between both, no,
[00:09:06] so we are seeing this, so much so that even former
[00:09:10] president López Obrador said it. a few days ago, social networks are
[00:09:14] no longer the social networks of a few years ago, social networks changed and
[00:09:17] within this change is the appropriation, or rather the
[00:09:21] takeover that the right made, these
[00:09:24] groups made, so the risk here is not exactly whether the
[00:09:27] message, whether the eh, whether
[00:09:30] the proposal goes, the problem is in the creation of meaning that
[00:09:34] is being made and if this creation of meaning jumps through
[00:09:38] this apparatuses like memes or
[00:09:41] others. well, it begins, it no longer matters who
[00:09:44] says it, but how this message moves,
[00:09:48] on the one hand, no, and on the other, I think that it is also important
[00:09:52] eh to make this distinction, no, on the one hand
[00:09:55] it is communicative work and digital work that the federal
[00:09:59] government is doing, which seems excellent to me, but on the other
[00:10:02] hand there is this work of the parties, the work of the
[00:10:06] parties themselves and the work that other public officials
[00:10:09] have, no, eh, it seems important to
[00:10:12] me, this, well,
[00:10:15] to consider this because in the end eh I think
[00:10:19] that the error here, that an error
[00:10:22] is to believe that there is a communication problem when the problem is an organizational
[00:10:26] problem, the organizational problem is
[00:10:29] eh, it replicates, it repeats in all
[00:10:33] networks, just enter any social network, that is,
[00:10:37] until recently TikTok was the least intoxicated, no longer,
[00:10:39] it is no longer the case, and it is an algorithmic
[00:10:43] takeover, it is a takeover of spaces and this takeover of spaces
[00:10:46] occurs yes due to the technical characteristics themselves, but
[00:10:50] it also occurs due to social interactions, no, so while I don't
[00:10:54] think that in the short term this will generate an electoral
[00:10:57] risk, perhaps it could generate certain
[00:10:59] problems eh in the short term
[00:11:02] and especially in cities in highly
[00:11:06] connected spaces and dependent on social networks, we also have to make this
[00:11:09] distinction, no, because there are spaces where social networks don't even smoke because
[00:11:13] that's not in their reality, that and they don't
[00:11:16] care eh and on the other hand, in the
[00:11:20] medium-long term, there I would find the risk, no, this
[00:11:23] specifically in Mexico. But in what do you specifically
[00:11:26] disagree? In
[00:11:30] las redes sociales
[00:11:33] digital right in Mexico, of the digital right in Mexico, yes, but
[00:11:37] we agree on that, no, well, that is, if there is a
[00:11:40] risk, the question is why
[00:11:44] have they not been as successful in Mexico as they have
[00:11:47] been in other Latin American countries, that is a fact, not from 2024 to
[00:11:51] date, let's say, no, well, but if we look at it on social networks,
[00:11:55] they basically dominate it, yes, but they don't determine
[00:11:58] anything in reality, that is, one thing is the, I think, the capacity for noise that
[00:12:02] you can generate on social networks, TikTok, whatever, and another thing
[00:12:06] is that it translates into social decisions or social movements or
[00:12:10] political decisions, that is, I do see a lot of noise, no, that is,
[00:12:13] in this intoxication of networks by
[00:12:16] the right, but I see that it has little support
[00:12:20] in public decisions, political decisions
[00:12:23] or or the pulse of the...
[00:12:55] right-wing objectives, the famous pendulum thesis never worked, the pendulum
[00:12:59] got stuck on the right side and the far-right almost
[00:13:02] arrived with Felipe Calderón, it didn't arrive, that is,
[00:13:05] the far-right arrived, that is,
[00:13:08] disguised as democratic transition and
[00:13:11] all this discourse that the transitologists
[00:13:14] have made in the style of Pepe Woldenberg, whom I respect
[00:13:18] very much, but they are absolutely
[00:13:20] wrong, that is, because the
[00:13:23] mechanisms. the rules of the game could have been
[00:13:27] improved, but the core of the matter, the core of contempt,
[00:13:32] poverty in Mexico was increasing in
[00:13:35] comparison with the rest of the countries of Latin America,
[00:13:39] yes, which also had very strong right-wing governments, but here it was
[00:13:42] 36 years and
[00:13:45] that also there is a short-term memory in
[00:13:49] Mexican society that is influencing and well,
[00:13:52] we always had right-wing media, that is. Pisa
[00:13:56] was and is the kingdom of the
[00:13:59] right, yes, of a right that sets
[00:14:02] a canon of a white society,
[00:14:06] anti anti-feminist, that is, it is
[00:14:09] a very misogynistic television station that lives
[00:14:13] off melodrama, Brazil and Colombia also live off melodramas, but or
[00:14:16] Venezuela, but off some melodramas a little
[00:14:19] more realistic, no,
[00:14:23] here it was all said.
[00:14:25] Wrote bonsiz, that is, the first generation of Americans born in Mexico was the one that
[00:14:29] fed that idea
[00:14:31] of the eh media
[00:14:34] right that at the same time had an
[00:14:37] even more right-wing competition, of course, yes,
[00:14:41] that is, the issue is that here nobody rivaled
[00:14:44] until now Mexican
[00:14:48] electronic right,
[00:14:51] the discourse and narrative.
[00:14:55] until López Obrador arrived,
[00:14:57] no, so I think there is a context that is very
[00:15:01] different from that of other Latin American countries,
[00:15:05] two, on the other hand,
[00:15:08] the cultural transformation in Mexico
[00:15:11] did not necessarily
[00:15:14] networks, it happened through other things, it happened through migration, it happened
[00:15:18] through the situation of women,
[00:15:21] through a, well, the recent
[00:15:25] Inegi data is there, the accelerated
[00:15:29] growth of women's preparation, of women's academic
[00:15:32] preparation that is not compensated,
[00:15:36] let's say. with a higher
[00:15:39] income than men, but it also explains the
[00:15:43] phenomenon of Claudia Shaw, that is, the phenomenon of Claudia
[00:15:47] Shahman is not only that López Obrador gives
[00:15:51] her the staff of command and keeps it,
[00:15:54] no, Claudia Shaw has a fundamental
[00:15:57] political capital
[00:16:00] eh of her own that has to do with this silent revolution of
[00:16:04] women in Mexico, there is no, except.
[00:16:08] one single far-right
[00:16:11] trying to govern, so I think there is also a very
[00:16:15] important factor in this issue, because even
[00:16:19] the options of right-wing
[00:16:23] to the lady of
[00:16:26] the elatinas
[00:16:29] no, whom unfortunately not even her
[00:16:32] parties support her and
[00:16:35] three, I think there is a synchronicity issue
[00:16:38] or asynchronicity with the United
[00:16:42] States, that is, I was
[00:16:45] also listening to the testimonies
[00:16:47] in
[00:16:50] in Brazil where they still see and observe
[00:16:54] Trump as a savior saying well
[00:16:57] Lula fought with Trump over tariffs and that's why we are doing badly
[00:17:00] economically and you say
[00:17:04] what is happening in the United States. that
[00:17:07] is, what is happening is that on the one hand
[00:17:11] these far-right groups are ascending, which I don't give
[00:17:14] more than 4 years of misgovernment, look at my law,
[00:17:18] facing the decline of Trumpism, and facing the
[00:17:21] decline of Trumpism, Mexicans took a very intelligent
[00:17:24] attitude, the truth is, we have taken a very
[00:17:28] intelligent attitude, not to go headlong,
[00:17:30] yes, except for such ridiculous
[00:17:33] characters, neither so memeable, let's say, nor.
[00:17:41] who would be in any case the representative of a center-left
[00:17:45] or center-right alternative and he has already gone to the
[00:17:48] far-right, that is, Alito has already
[00:17:52] stolen that space from the
[00:17:55] PAN and Ricardo Salinas
[00:17:57] Pliego, Ricardo Salinas Pliego who is
[00:18:00] applying almost
[00:18:02] rigorously
[00:18:05] all.
[00:18:07] the ingredients that must be applied to become
[00:18:11] a true
[00:18:13] son of the che yes and that with
[00:18:17] that he will manage to be a
[00:18:19] candidate or a cub of the T or a cub of the
[00:18:22] T yes, that is what I think we are
[00:18:26] missing, now obviously and Ernesto is right about
[00:18:29] that, we must not lower our
[00:18:32] guard, the issue is very delicate because the
[00:18:36] digital rights
[00:18:38] are trying to enter with great
[00:18:42] force in Mexico, they have not succeeded, but they are there, I don't know what you think,
[00:18:46] well, all this reminds me of this phenomenon, social networks par excellence and we have
[00:18:49] commented on it at other times in public debate, they concentrate
[00:18:53] and fragment the conversation, they don't concentrate it, they fragment it, so
[00:18:56] we are talking about this right now and surely someone on the other side of the screen has
[00:19:00] no idea because they don't get the same information, no, that
[00:19:04] is, everyone has different fragments of this information, but... that
[00:19:07] in Mexico that experience
[00:19:11] what happens, for example, in Argentina is that this informative
[00:19:14] bubble generated by social networks leads to you suddenly
[00:19:18] voting for a Milei and when it's time
[00:19:21] to regret having voted for Milei, it's too late because
[00:19:25] anyway those informative bubbles concentrated votes and
[00:19:28] concentrated information, here there is a bit of that preventive
[00:19:32] brake, but we also don't know how far, that is, how far
[00:19:36] we can keep pressing. that brake, I mean, I think
[00:19:39] yes, but it can be something pernicious
[00:19:43] in the long run to trust that because of our own experience a more
[00:19:46] intelligent mechanism will not
[00:19:50] what already, I don't know, I sincerely am going to say something that I might
[00:19:54] mejor en algún día me arrepiento de eso, pero creo que hay que
[00:19:57] agradecerle a Salinas Piego, muchísimo, verdad, sea, está
[00:20:01] vacunando de una manera a la sociedad
[00:20:06] of the right. totally so
[00:20:09] effective because
[00:20:12] you say let's see, that's the, that's
[00:20:16] a typical social network message,
[00:20:19] no, where everything is reversed on him,
[00:20:23] that is, he couldn't even reverse that,
[00:20:26] he didn't want to, that's where you see his lack of strategy,
[00:20:30] no, when they yell that at a man who was
[00:20:33] following the by the book of everything, that is, following
[00:20:37] almost the rules of Cerimedo, he was
[00:20:40] stunned, no, and he still continues
[00:20:44] and continues and López Obrador is right, that is,
[00:20:48] Mexicans of any age and of any generation and of any gender
[00:20:51] do not like to be insulted
[00:20:54] for their physical
[00:20:58] and racist,
[00:21:01] moreover, as in the case of Salinas Priego, or for your sexual
[00:21:05] preference or, another
[00:21:07] so what Salinas Priego is doing is
[00:21:11] that his own television station is more right-wing
[00:21:13] than social networks and than digital
[00:21:17] platforms, so it's a fantastic vaccine.
[00:21:22] I don't know if I'll regret saying that someday, what do you think? I don't know
[00:21:24] because
[00:21:26] I mean, let's go to the case of Argentina
[00:21:30] with my law, what happened? Eh, I think two
[00:21:33] years, a year or so after
[00:21:36] started to be against him,
[00:21:39] started to turn around, started to go down
[00:21:42] in popularity, my law of Miley
[00:21:46] happened, this case of his sister who this the bribes that
[00:21:49] this corruption came to
[00:21:53] days before the election, but
[00:21:56] candidates won and he gained
[00:21:59] Congress, so it seems to me that, but don't you think that tells
[00:22:03] you more about the deep crisis of
[00:22:06] in the end, success that conditioned the
[00:22:09] vote with the issue of the IMF and repression, that is, people go out to
[00:22:13] protest and are repressed by the police, that is, no, but what
[00:22:16] I mean is, it seems to me that
[00:22:21] it is not replicable, that is, all phenomena are not replicable,
[00:22:25] no, of the contexts, ah no, yes, of course, of course social, in the case for
[00:22:29] example of Brazil, yes,
[00:22:31] I observe
[00:22:35] younger generations in the face
[00:22:39] of something that no longer tells them anything, yes, a bit like what
[00:22:42] Gustavo was commenting, no, there is an interesting phenomenon in Brazil that has nothing
[00:22:46] to do so much with Lula or with this election between Flavio and Lula, but rather it had to do with the.
[00:22:50] Congress with the chamber where two kids, two very very
[00:22:53] young people, two influencers ended up like peacock,
[00:22:57] peacock, Pavoleta Nick and who just
[00:23:01] have profiles like Charlie Kirk's, that is, you say well this
[00:23:04] type of characters are indeed sneaking in
[00:23:08] counterweights, they are, let's say,
[00:23:12] the media figures but they are not
[00:23:15] part, no,
[00:23:18] but I don't think they are describing
[00:23:22] Brazilian landscape, I think Brazil is very complex, I think
[00:23:26] we are still seeing it partially, I still think
[00:23:29] there is still a lot to digest,
[00:23:32] the political cunning of
[00:23:34] Lula is impressive when he says well
[00:23:38] let's go for the abstainers or he knows perfectly well
[00:23:41] that there is political capital there in which he
[00:23:45] can convince, especially with the electoral characteristics that
[00:23:48] Brazil has, that is, voting is mandatory.
[00:23:50] then there is
[00:23:54] still a margin of maneuver, now what is
[00:23:57] real is that even if Lula won in the second electoral
[00:24:00] round, which is becoming more and more difficult, there is a very clear
[00:24:04] right-wing shift in municipal
[00:24:07] governments, state governments, and Congress,
[00:24:10] no, and I think that also speaks
[00:24:14] to us, that is,
[00:24:16] in the case of Argentina, for example, he conditioned it, he
[00:24:20] said Donald Trump said I'm not going to
[00:24:21] give him
[00:24:24] the IMF loan if they don't vote for this guy, for my law,
[00:24:28] that is, and a little bit now offering the
[00:24:32] $500 if he wins, that is, he wants to buy the
[00:24:35] vote, basically, that is, money,
[00:24:38] big money, that is, and I think that's not
[00:24:42] sustainable, that is, uh, let's say, in the long
[00:24:46] term, that is, I think the serious
[00:24:50] thing, as in the case of the United States, if they get a setback next November 3rd in the
[00:24:54] United States, for Trump, in Congress, if he loses the
[00:24:57] presidency, uh, well, there will
[00:25:00] be a, well, a Trumpism, even if Donald
[00:25:04] Trump is no longer there, if Lula wins, there will be a
[00:25:07] Bolsonarism, that is, society is already,
[00:25:10] let's say, intoxicated in that sense too, that's right, that's
[00:25:14] right, well, just to continue with the vaccine, we have to make a campaign, the
[00:25:18] media, we have a very strong job to tell young people that this normality
[00:25:22] in Mexico is not normal, neither in our history nor in the world, no,
[00:25:25] that is, scholarships, support for young people building the future,
[00:25:29] that your grandfather has a pension, that you don't have to be worried about what your
[00:25:33] grandfather, your mother will eat so that you can go to study, it's not a normality in the
[00:25:37] country, it's not a normality in the world, we have a job to explain to
[00:25:40] young people how that struggle was reached and how those rights
[00:25:43] were achieved so that there is no setback, I think there is an important job for the
[00:25:47] media, we have one minute left, wrap up, I think there is also a
[00:25:50] very important job for political parties,
[00:25:54] uh, especially in building
[00:25:57] uh, structures, structures beyond communication and quick
[00:26:01] messages, and I think that... it can be done, it should
[00:26:03] be done, and there are parties that have social capital to move forward, the
[00:26:07] thing is to know how to organize and
[00:26:11] translate the organization, it seems to me that that is the most important challenge,
[00:26:14] but well, there are capacities, there are possibilities,
[00:26:17] and most importantly, there is hope, no, yes, very
[00:26:21] good, Luisa, they will not pass,
[00:26:25] that's right, they will not pass, no matter how many tweets, no matter how many
[00:26:28] comments, no matter how many networks, and the networks will also self-destruct.
[00:26:34] I hope they will return to being what they were 20 years ago,
[00:26:38] that is the desire, it will not
[00:26:39] happen,
[00:26:42] no, I am worried that they will happen, but within Morena, that
[00:26:46] is to say, the true danger of the digital right
[00:26:50] in Mexico is that it manages to enter the only political structure that is
[00:26:54] having success in this country, which is called Morena, that is
[00:26:57] the real risk, that is,
[00:27:01] the incapacity of Morena to generate
[00:27:04] alternative
[00:27:08] the progressive line will be occupied by right-wing
[00:27:12] figures, and that is real, it is
[00:27:16] on the table, and we must not underestimate
[00:27:19] this alert, I feel that I am not the only one, I am not
[00:29:36] Welcome, everyone, welcome to How was
[00:29:40] it at the fair, broadcasting from the
[00:29:43] International Book Fair of the Zócalo in this
[00:29:46] 26th edition, celebrating
[00:29:49] books, celebrating readers, celebrating you for allowing
[00:29:52] us to accompany you, my name is Luisa Iglesias Arvide, that's the
[00:29:56] least of it because today we have a conference, a debate
[00:29:59] yesterday at the inauguration Paco Ignacio Taibo 2. director
[00:30:02] of the Economic Culture Fund said it as it is, this is a
[00:30:06] left-wing fair, whether you like it or not, and what is
[00:30:10] all this about debating, sharing,
[00:30:13] mixing ideas, today we have fundamental guests, in
[00:30:17] the main forum, here in the Federico García Lorca, none other
[00:30:21] than Gustavo Petro will be giving a very
[00:30:24] important conference, we are going to talk very closely
[00:30:27] with Alfonso Sagasta,
[00:30:30] historian, you can't miss it. Above all, we want
[00:30:33] to ask him what he is reading, what he is reading, what book he loves, what book he hates,
[00:30:37] what book he wants to buy and can't find, here we have more than
[00:30:40] 350 publishing houses, more than 300
[00:30:44] national and international guests, and of course, as a gift,
[00:30:47] 12 books for everyone, if you want to join us
[00:30:51] here, we will ask you again