ESPRESO — broadcast
20260920 080000 UTC
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[00:00:13] Hello everyone, we are continuing our broadcast. Kateryna
[00:00:16] Nekrecha and Serhiy Rudenko are working for you in the studio.
[00:00:19] This is the main thing now, and live, you can watch us on TV
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[00:00:40] Good afternoon everyone and thank you to those who
[00:00:43] are watching us live. Well,
[00:00:46] we urge you to join our social
[00:00:50] networks and TV channel
[00:00:52] and the YouTube channel. Well, today we are talking
[00:00:56] about the main thing, about the war, about
[00:00:59] how, in fact, in Ukraine, they are trying
[00:01:02] to overcome the institutional crisis. We are talking
[00:01:06] about the resignation of the Prosecutor General
[00:01:08] of Ukraine and we are talking about his possible
[00:01:12] successors. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine went on
[00:01:15] a 26-day break in plenary sessions, that is, they
[00:01:19] will work in committees, but there are no plenary sessions. A lot
[00:01:22] of acute questions were and remain for
[00:01:26] the country, as I have already said, a financial
[00:01:29] crisis, about which the Prime Minister of Ukraine spoke, well,
[00:01:33] and personnel appointments. Who will be the new Prosecutor General, who will be
[00:01:36] the new head of the Security Service of Ukraine? All these questions remain
[00:01:40] open. And to our broadcast, to talk about all these
[00:01:44] topics and about the work of the parliament, including all these
[00:01:47] challenges, we will talk about this with the People's Deputy of Ukraine, the First
[00:01:50] Deputy Head of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on
[00:01:54] Law Enforcement Activities, Andriy Osachuk, our
[00:02:03] start with the resignation of the Prosecutor General:
[00:02:05] 317 votes were cast for the resignation
[00:02:09] of the prosecutor, but without the report of the Prosecutor General himself.
[00:02:12] The Prosecutor General went on a business trip and it is not a fact that he
[00:02:16] will return to Ukraine.
[00:02:19] What is happening in the current situation with
[00:02:22] the Prosecutor General's Office and with possible
[00:02:26] candidates for the position of Prosecutor General? The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
[00:02:30] has a 26-day break in plenary sessions. Does this
[00:02:33] mean that for a month Ukraine, in
[00:02:36] Ukraine, will not have a full-fledged Prosecutor General
[00:02:40] of Ukraine? By the way, there is still no full-fledged
[00:02:43] head of the Security Service
[00:03:00] the resignation of the Prosecutor General. Again,
[00:03:04] for some reason, many media outlets still write that the Verkhovna Rada appoints and dismisses
[00:03:07] the Prosecutor General. This is not true, according to the constitution, we only give
[00:03:10] consent. But I think such a large number
[00:03:14] of those who voted for it is explained by the fact
[00:03:17] that no one wants in any
[00:03:21] way
[00:03:23] to associate themselves with at least some involvement
[00:03:26] in the history of Carthage
[00:03:30] and generally with everything that happened in the Prosecutor General's Office.
[00:03:34] Today it can be stated that Mr. Kravchenko simply
[00:03:37] plunged into chaos not just
[00:03:40] the Prosecutor General's Office, but probably the entire prosecutor's system.
[00:03:42] It is already reliably known, and we
[00:03:46] received an official document in the Committee
[00:03:49] on Law Enforcement Activities, that when he
[00:03:51] went on his so-called business trip,
[00:03:55] he absolutely deliberately did not
[00:03:57] officially assign the duties of the Prosecutor General to
[00:04:01] any person in the Prosecutor General's Office. He understood
[00:04:04] very well that his first deputy had already resigned, and he understood
[00:04:07] very well the legal consequences, and in fact, for a few
[00:04:11] days, the Prosecutor General's Office was practically not
[00:04:15] headed by anyone. Mr. Krym, one of
[00:04:18] the deputies, according to the distribution
[00:04:21] of powers, should have acted as the first
[00:04:24] deputy, who, in theory, should have
[00:04:28] acted as the Prosecutor General.
[00:04:30] But Mr. Krym took upon himself only some
[00:04:33] administrative functions for these few days,
[00:04:36] and actually refused, or considered that there were no legal
[00:04:40] grounds for him to become acting Prosecutor General. But that is already in
[00:04:43] the past, because the president, using
[00:04:46] his specific right, provided for by special
[00:04:50] legislation for the period of martial law,
[00:04:52] appointed an acting official. So now
[00:04:56] the system is more or less manageable.
[00:05:00] I was one of those who, probably one of the first,
[00:05:04] expressed the hypothesis that Kravchenko might not return,
[00:05:08] because if you put together all his statements and all
[00:05:11] the circumstances of his trip, then
[00:05:14] it is clear that this was probably more
[00:05:17] of an escape, and this is a colossal blow to
[00:05:20] the reputation of the prosecutor's office, to the reputation
[00:05:24] of the President of Ukraine and to the reputation of Ukraine
[00:05:27] as a state that on the one hand is fighting a fifth
[00:05:31] year of a terribly difficult war, and on the other hand
[00:05:34] is trying to explain to everyone that we are promoting the best
[00:05:37] standards of democracy and moving towards the European
[00:05:41] Union. I remind everyone this whole week
[00:05:44] that the scandal around Kravchenko is happening at
[00:05:47] a time when Ukraine is negotiating the first negotiation
[00:05:51] cluster with the European Union, which
[00:05:54] is called "fundamentals", the foundations of the European Union, and
[00:05:58] there it is precisely about democracy, about the rule of law, about
[00:06:02] the judicial system. And a worse
[00:06:05] scenario for the development
[00:06:07] of negotiations than what we are currently seeing in the Prosecutor General's Office,
[00:06:11] well, it's hard to imagine. I have no doubt
[00:06:15] that the negotiation process will be significantly
[00:06:18] slowed down due to this, and here again, there will be no need
[00:06:21] to look for any specific positions of Hungary or
[00:06:25] Slovakia or anyone else. Here, as a year
[00:06:28] ago, when there was an attack on NABU and SAP, Ukraine, so to speak,
[00:06:32] managed it itself. Therefore,
[00:06:35] the consequences, I think, are
[00:06:48] the media, but I will repeat it here, I have no
[00:06:51] doubts that if Zelensky's fifth prosecutor is appointed by
[00:06:55] analogy with all previous four, then the
[00:06:58] fifth will end up the same way as all the previous ones. All the previous ones, I remind you,
[00:07:02] left office with a scandal. The only
[00:07:05] difference in the resignations of all these prosecutors is that with each time
[00:07:08] the scandals became bigger and bigger, and... I
[00:07:12] think the only way to avoid them is to at least make
[00:07:16] some attempt to select
[00:07:18] candidates, and again, I do not share
[00:07:22] the rhetoric of some of my colleagues, who talk about some open
[00:07:26] competitions, and so on, well, they have learned to say a lot
[00:07:29] of things. According to the constitution, it is the sovereign right
[00:07:33] of the President of Ukraine to propose a candidate to the Verkhovna Rada and
[00:07:36] to appoint him, but we already have
[00:07:40] precedents when the President's Office creates
[00:07:42] some special advisory bodies for personnel
[00:07:45] selection, for example, as it was
[00:07:48] with the attempt to find a candidate for
[00:07:51] the International Criminal Court in The Hague, well, it also
[00:07:54] ended in a scandal, but at least there was an attempt to make such
[00:07:58] a procedure, and I have been proposing for several days
[00:08:01] to the President's Office to lead this process, to create
[00:08:04] some advisory commission, it can be called
[00:08:08] a competition, international experts can be included, again,
[00:08:12] but... so that we all see that candidates for the position
[00:08:15] of Prosecutor General are not selected somewhere behind the scenes, but
[00:08:19] that this is a process of selecting professional people.
[00:08:22] I remain an optimist, I believe that in the prosecutor's system
[00:08:26] and in the legal profession of Ukraine there are strong and
[00:08:29] powerful people who might agree to perform this
[00:08:32] role, but they need to be provided with normal conditions and again
[00:08:36] a normal selection system needs to be created, let
[00:08:39] them select not one, but three, for example, candidates for the president.
[00:08:43] But so that we all see how this happens, how interviews take place, what
[00:08:47] documents are submitted, and let the president
[00:08:50] choose someone from the previously selected people. Mr.
[00:08:54] Andriy, how can this be done legally, how can this be done legally?
[00:08:57] You mentioned that some of your colleagues, parliamentarians, are calling
[00:09:01] for a bill 15343
[00:09:04] to be registered in the Verkhovna Rada,
[00:09:07] and it introduces precisely such a transparent competitive procedure
[00:09:10] for selecting a person for the position of Prosecutor General of Ukraine. You are talking about
[00:09:14] the fact that a commission can be created, that is, according to the law, and
[00:09:18] what is needed to act on your proposal, and
[00:09:21] again, if this draft law, which
[00:09:25] is currently registered, if the parliamentarians vote
[00:09:28] for it, how much time will it take
[00:09:31] to introduce the competition, that is, what
[00:09:34] is faster, what is more transparent,
[00:09:37] simpler to do, and most importantly, is there
[00:09:41] political will for this, because if there was political will
[00:09:44] from the president for this after all the scandals, then
[00:09:48] perhaps in the West they would also look at this situation, saying
[00:09:52] that the situation is improving, and one can
[00:09:55] somehow continue working?
[00:09:58] I have been reflecting for a long time on the fact that
[00:10:01] in recent years the word "reform" has acquired a slightly
[00:10:04] different meaning than it did 10-20 years
[00:10:08] ago. Now, mostly under the word "reform,"
[00:10:11] one should understand the struggle for political
[00:10:14] control over this or that body. Some of my colleagues submit
[00:10:18] various bills, but there is no doubt that the President's
[00:10:22] Office and the "Servant of the People" will not allow
[00:10:25] these bills to pass. On the other hand, we discussed
[00:10:29] this in the Law Enforcement Committee, there is generally no clear understanding of what
[00:10:33] the European Union expects from us when it talks about reforms in
[00:10:37] the prosecutor's system itself, because primarily it was about
[00:10:40] restoring competitions for regional
[00:10:44] prosecutors, those that were cancelled last
[00:10:47] year, precisely under Kravchenko, and this is what the acting
[00:10:51] Prosecutor General is talking about. What I
[00:10:54] am saying does not require any legislative changes, so it
[00:10:57] can be done quickly. The President of Ukraine can approve
[00:11:01] all this with his internal order or
[00:11:04] decree, and this process can be launched. This is the fastest
[00:11:08] option, because again, passing through the Verkhovna Rada
[00:11:11] any procedure, on the one hand, raises questions of
[00:11:14] constitutionality, and on the other hand, you see how long
[00:11:18] it all takes. Now, again, you seemed to say
[00:11:22] that the Verkhovna Rada announced a break. No, no one announced anything, this was
[00:11:26] such a calendar plan, because for the next three weeks there are
[00:11:29] some European events, something in the Council of Europe, and so on, but
[00:11:33] I fully share the rejection of such a work
[00:11:36] schedule, because when we all say that a large number
[00:11:40] of Ukraine's obligations, for which we are given money, are hanging, and the Verkhovna
[00:11:44] Rada is not meeting, and will not meet for almost three weeks, this is probably very
[00:11:48] wrong. But returning to the office, to
[00:11:51] the situation in the Prosecutor General's Office, I
[00:11:55] think the fastest option is for
[00:11:58] the president to regulate all this with his internal
[00:12:01] documents and at least approximately legalize or
[00:12:04] normalize the competition process, because you understand, all
[00:12:08] previous candidates, they actually went through a competition, because
[00:12:11] what is a competition? It is an interview, it is checking
[00:12:14] the person's past, it is
[00:12:17] recommendations. Well, you understand that Zelensky himself has never
[00:12:21] worked in the law enforcement system, especially in the prosecutor's office. Accordingly,
[00:12:25] someone recommended all the candidates to him, interviews
[00:12:28] were conducted somehow, so in one way or another, some elements of the competition were
[00:12:32] always present with them. But if we do not normalize all this, if we do not
[00:12:35] make all this transparent, if we do not increase at least some
[00:12:39] trust in the integrity of the candidates being
[00:12:42] chosen, then, as I have already said, with
[00:12:45] a huge probability, everything will end
[00:12:49] up the way Kravchenko's story ended, although it has not
[00:12:52] ended yet. I watch with horror
[00:12:55] as my prediction that he will not return comes true,
[00:12:59] but I wait with even greater horror for his further political
[00:13:02] activity, which may be directed directly against
[00:13:05] the interests of Ukraine, and this will generally be some kind of horror.
[00:13:09] Mr. Andriy, given the situation around
[00:13:13] Ruslan Kravchenko, who, by the way, was the prosecutor
[00:13:17] in the trial of Yanukovych, where
[00:13:19] the issue of treason was considered, or where, in fact,
[00:13:23] Viktor Yanukovych was declared a state traitor, with
[00:13:27] a good background was Ruslan
[00:13:30] Kravchenko, and then suddenly this whole
[00:13:33] story unfolds with the Carthage special operations
[00:13:37] of NABU and SAP. It seems that what
[00:13:40] happened next, or what happened in parallel between
[00:13:44] the Prosecutor General's Office and NABU, was
[00:13:47] a confrontation between certain
[00:13:49] defendants in the
[00:13:52] Carthage case and accordingly
[00:13:55] both NABU and SAP tried in this situation to protect
[00:13:58] themselves from the Prosecutor General's Office, because there were
[00:14:02] cases against detectives, they followed detectives, made
[00:14:06] some conclusions. Is there
[00:14:10] a systemic institutional crisis between
[00:14:13] different institutions here, and perhaps it will not be enough
[00:14:17] to just have the next Prosecutor General go through
[00:14:20] a competition, that this kind of story
[00:14:23] can also repeat itself, given these old
[00:14:27] conflicts and the conflicts we are currently
[00:14:29] seeing?
[00:14:32] I think I have repeatedly said this year,
[00:14:35] meaning the year that has passed since July 22
[00:14:39] of last year, when there was a so-called conspiracy against
[00:14:41] NABU and SAP, that it always seemed to me that
[00:14:45] a lot of people who stood behind this process, they
[00:14:49] always believed that they lost that battle, but they did not
[00:14:52] lose the war. This is felt... in many
[00:14:55] conversations, in people's behavior,
[00:14:59] so all year, with
[00:15:02] a little tail, Kravchenko's stay in office, this
[00:15:05] was undoubtedly the
[00:15:08] implementation, among other things, of the tasks
[00:15:12] he received from his employers, regarding the confrontation
[00:15:15] with NABU and SAP. You probably remember his public
[00:15:19] interview with Malyuk, back
[00:15:22] a year ago, when the Verkhovna Rada rolled back
[00:15:25] all these bills, and then Mr. Ruslan pretended that he knew absolutely
[00:15:28] nothing, that he had nothing to do with it, but all
[00:15:31] people who were more or less involved in all these processes,
[00:15:35] understood everything very well. And...
[00:15:38] so from the very beginning, I think, he was
[00:15:41] determined to organize
[00:15:45] resistance against NABU and SAP,
[00:15:48] although of course he could not say this anywhere, let alone
[00:15:51] publicly
[00:15:53] hint at it.
[00:15:56] What will change with the new Prosecutor General? Well, you know, I
[00:16:00] still believe in the wisdom of the Ukrainian people, who say
[00:16:03] that fish rots from the head. All my
[00:16:06] managerial experience says that it
[00:16:09] depends on the leader. If not everything, then very, very
[00:16:12] much. And when we talk about the Prosecutor General's Office, then
[00:16:16] of course, the first line is important, that is, the Prosecutor General and
[00:16:20] his deputies. Therefore, I again
[00:16:23] understand all the political difficulties around
[00:16:27] the confrontation of law enforcement agencies, but
[00:16:30] if the Prosecutor General is, well,
[00:16:33] a maximally honest person who
[00:16:36] agrees to, well, at least try
[00:16:39] to fulfill the key provisions of the law on the prosecutor's office, which states that
[00:16:43] the prosecutor's office must be outside politics, it is not a political body. Then I
[00:16:47] think that many things in this rather
[00:16:50] artificial confrontation of law enforcement agencies
[00:16:53] will change. In any case, all these conflicts that
[00:16:57] we see, and this applies not only to
[00:16:59] the prosecutor's office, and NABU, but also
[00:17:03] other guys also sometimes behave frivolously,
[00:17:07] this all simply causes colossal damage to Ukraine's reputation and
[00:17:11] security issues within the country. Therefore, once again,
[00:17:14] if we don't change the rules of the game, this
[00:17:17] mess will not just continue, it simply threatens
[00:17:21] the stability of the justice system and the law enforcement system in
[00:17:24] the country. Mr. Andriy, you say that there are
[00:17:28] honest people, you are confident in this in the country, who would be ready to take
[00:17:32] part in some kind of selection,
[00:17:35] but... is there again political
[00:17:38] will, even some reaction to your
[00:17:41] proposal, either in the corridors, when you communicate with
[00:17:45] deputies from the "Servant of the People" or if
[00:17:49] you have any contacts, directly in the entourage of the Ukrainian
[00:17:52] president, is the president already ready to listen to
[00:17:56] criticism, to proposals from
[00:18:00] outside, not from his team, not from his managers, right, but
[00:18:03] from someone else, somewhere to pay attention to the parliament
[00:18:07] and share this responsibility with
[00:18:10] the parliament, perhaps with the opposition?
[00:18:14] The question should
[00:18:16] be asked to people from the President's Office. I have no
[00:18:19] contacts with anyone from the entourage of the President
[00:18:35] been a pragmatic guy, and again, we
[00:18:38] remember this from last year's story with NABU and SAP, when he, probably for the first time
[00:18:41] in his life, for the first time in his political life, actually admitted
[00:18:44] a mistake and turned this whole story around
[00:18:48] by 180 degrees. It should be obvious to him now, first of all,
[00:18:51] that the entire model that he
[00:18:55] built and developed all these already, excuse me, eight,
[00:18:58] eighth year, which first of all was built on
[00:19:01] loyalty, and only then on professionalism, maybe
[00:19:05] professionalism was generally on the second rung,
[00:19:09] it leads not just to the destruction of the system, it leads to
[00:19:12] collapse. This is obvious, I don't know what other
[00:19:16] evidence he needs to understand that it can no longer
[00:19:20] be like this, not for the existence of the prosecutor's
[00:19:23] system, but for the existence of Ukraine as a
[00:19:27] state at all. Therefore, in the system
[00:19:30] of absolute power that has been formed in our country in recent
[00:19:33] years, here one cannot
[00:19:37] count on any ability of the parliament to do something in this
[00:19:40] regard, especially again, the issue of the Prosecutor General, according to
[00:19:44] the constitution, is the sovereign right of the president,
[00:19:47] and the parliamentary committee on
[00:19:50] law enforcement activities
[00:19:54] cannot play the first fiddle here in any way,
[00:19:57] because I have never heard any systemic
[00:20:01] ideas for reforming
[00:20:03] the prosecutor's office, although they are voiced in expert circles.
[00:20:08] There, the favorite topic of my colleagues is the discussion about returning class
[00:20:11] ranks, we have several ex-prosecutors, they believe that
[00:20:15] it is absolutely necessary to return epaulets or class ranks to the prosecutor's office, and
[00:20:19] then the prosecutor's office will thrive, that is, this is the maximum that
[00:20:23] is discussed on the topic of reform.
[00:20:26] Therefore, again, the parliament can
[00:20:29] protest, the parliament can increase some elements
[00:20:32] of control, because you correctly
[00:20:36] said in the previous question: that Kravchenko even
[00:20:39] reported, and this is actually just a trend,
[00:20:43] Kostin also never reported, and Kravchenko did not report to the Verkhovna
[00:20:47] Rada, annually. Although this is
[00:20:50] a direct requirement of Ukrainian legislation, a direct requirement, yes, he formally
[00:20:54] submitted a report by April 1, but no one saw him
[00:20:58] in the Verkhovna Rada, just like his predecessors, and as you can see,
[00:21:02] no one particularly protested in the Verkhovna
[00:21:05] Rada, where is the prosecutor anyway, why doesn't he
[00:21:09] report,
[00:21:21] month at a meeting of the committee on law enforcement
[00:21:24] activities, in order to conduct a dialogue, well, to tell some
[00:21:28] news, then he was not
[00:21:31] there even once during his entire short turbulent
[00:21:34] career, Mr. Kravchenko was in the committee on the day
[00:21:38] he was appointed,
[00:21:40] and actually a week before his final
[00:21:44] dismissal we wanted to hold some meeting on Carthage, but
[00:21:47] while we were scheduling the meeting, he was still the Prosecutor General, and then he submitted
[00:21:51] his resignation, well, and actually there was no point in discussing
[00:21:54] anything with him. Thank you, Mr. Andriy, for participating in the program. This was Andriy
[00:21:58] Osachuk, People's Deputy of Ukraine, First Deputy Head of the Parliamentary Committee on
[00:22:02] Law Enforcement Activities. Well, if
[00:22:05] someone from the President's entourage or in the President's Office is ready to
[00:22:09] give a comment, because we repeatedly appeal, so that we hear
[00:22:12] the official official point of view, or maybe
[00:22:16] the president will still organize a press conference where...
[00:22:26] That's why I'm saying this for balance. Next, the People's Deputy
[00:22:30] of Ukraine, the Head of the Parliament's Committee on European Integration,
[00:22:33] Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, is joining
[00:22:42] Ivanna, let's start with the main news, which is
[00:22:45] the signing by Donald Trump of the law, now
[00:22:50] deceased Senator Lindsey Graham, and
[00:22:53] obviously, this is what was expected from
[00:22:57] Trump, and even more from Trump is the actual application
[00:23:00] of this law, because this law was supported by Congress,
[00:23:04] the House of Representatives of Congress. Trump signed it
[00:23:08] on September 18. Do we correctly understand that by
[00:23:12] October 18, Trump has time
[00:23:14] to use this law and implement
[00:23:18] sanctions either against
[00:23:21] Russia, or against the Russian shadow fleet, or against
[00:23:25] Russia's partners who buy
[00:23:28] energy resources from Russia? After this
[00:23:32] deadline, he will be forced to explain to Congress why he did not
[00:23:35] use this
[00:23:36] instrument?
[00:23:40] Well, first of all, I would like to congratulate
[00:23:43] ourselves on the fact that finally the US Congress
[00:23:46] managed to make
[00:23:49] some action, quite
[00:23:52] serious action in support of Ukraine,
[00:23:55] although, you know, when we look at how
[00:23:59] this decision passed in
[00:24:03] the lower house of the American
[00:24:05] parliament, in the House of Representatives, it was still
[00:24:09] 214 votes for, against
[00:24:12] 211 votes, well, against or
[00:24:15] abstained, and this is, well, this is
[00:24:18] a serious achievement, and at the same time we must also understand
[00:24:22] why there was such a certain resistance, because in addition
[00:24:25] to all these things that allow
[00:24:28] the President of the United States of America
[00:24:32] to put pressure on directly
[00:24:34] the Russian Federation, on countries that help
[00:24:37] the Russian Federation in the war, on state
[00:24:41] companies of Russia, on
[00:24:44] those people from, well,
[00:24:47] let's say, the so-called business. which
[00:24:50] today in the Russian Federation are
[00:24:53] attached to the state structure to
[00:24:55] the state
[00:24:57] system.
[00:25:00] In addition, he also received with this bill
[00:25:03] the opportunity to impose tariffs at
[00:25:07] his own discretion on various countries. Obviously,
[00:25:10] among the representatives of the Democratic Party there were
[00:25:14] concerns about the fact that in reality
[00:25:18] these tariffs would primarily be... the United
[00:25:21] President of the United States of America, and he would not necessarily
[00:25:24] are proposed for
[00:25:27] pressure on Russia and that these tariffs could be used
[00:25:31] in fact, unfortunately, against sufficiently
[00:25:34] friendly or partner, allied
[00:25:37] countries of the United States of America, so it is important that the president
[00:25:41] signed this bill,
[00:25:44] there were fears that this would not happen, I think that this
[00:25:48] actually happened due to... due to the fact, well
[00:25:51] in such respect,
[00:25:53] honor of the memory of Lindsey Graham
[00:25:56] deceased, but at the same time today,
[00:25:59] as far as I understand, the president...
[00:26:03] intends, the United States intends
[00:26:06] to conduct such an analysis of what can
[00:26:10] allegedly be done, and
[00:26:13] what sanctions are already in force and regarding
[00:26:17] which, by the way, to a certain part of the sanctions that are already
[00:26:20] in force, gives no possibility to back down, this is
[00:26:24] by the way important, an important
[00:26:27] element that definitely strengthens
[00:26:30] the pressure on Russia.
[00:26:33] And then he has to analyze, as he planned, announced that
[00:26:36] government
[00:26:40] structures should analyze what can be done with this
[00:26:43] and how to act further, and as far as I understand,
[00:26:47] well, not quite, not quite what you said, that exactly
[00:26:51] this month they have to, well,
[00:26:54] use this analysis and then accordingly
[00:26:58] act, if we talk
[00:27:01] about... the role of the President of the United States
[00:27:04] of America, or about lists
[00:27:07] regarding those countries against which the President of America
[00:27:11] could sign these sanctions, or in your
[00:27:14] opinion, or according to the information, are certain
[00:27:18] discussions going on, is there any readiness
[00:27:21] of Donald Trump to take such measures, let's say, what
[00:27:25] his decision depends on, from agreements with the Kremlin,
[00:27:28] with Kyiv, with Europe, because
[00:27:32] after all... and signed the law, that is, further on
[00:27:35] it really depends on him how much he will
[00:27:38] use it,
[00:27:40] well, I would like to remind that even without this
[00:27:43] law, the president had
[00:27:46] enough authority, the executive branch had enough authority in the United States
[00:27:50] to apply sanctions pressure against the Russian
[00:27:54] Federation, it could definitely interact with
[00:27:57] the parliament of the United States of America.
[00:28:00] It could signal to the parliament
[00:28:03] its readiness to support, for example, the allocation
[00:28:07] of additional funds for
[00:28:09] military support to Ukraine. We know that even those 400
[00:28:13] million, which were dollars, which were laid down in this year's
[00:28:17] budget, they are currently not being
[00:28:20] used by the administration of the United States
[00:28:24] of America, so, well, you are talking about the fact that there is
[00:28:27] such an immediate readiness to urgently use
[00:28:30] the support
[00:28:33] of Congress, and this is important, the support
[00:28:35] of Congress, such
[00:28:38] an instrument, I do not see this,
[00:28:42] this readiness, I do not see, well,
[00:28:45] such
[00:28:47] eagerness on the part of the administration of the United States
[00:28:51] of America, and at the same time I want to hope that
[00:28:54] precisely, well, this rather broad
[00:28:58] support of the Senate and the House
[00:29:01] of Representatives and... really quite
[00:29:04] broad continued support of American
[00:29:07] society, the need for pressure on
[00:29:10] the Russian Federation and the perception of Putin as a criminal,
[00:29:13] as a war criminal, as as
[00:29:17] the personification of evil, it can still
[00:29:20] force Donald Trump
[00:29:23] to use part, part, well, of these instruments provided to him,
[00:29:27] just in the election
[00:29:30] campaign until... and
[00:29:33] until the elections in the Senate and
[00:29:36] elections in the Congress, which
[00:29:39] will take place in November, and
[00:29:43] this, well, can
[00:29:46] of the US administration's response to
[00:29:50] accusations of such softness towards
[00:29:54] Putin and the Russian
[00:29:56] Federation, well, and those countries that are actually
[00:30:00] well, either rivals, or... open enemies of the United
[00:30:04] States of America, but are those that support the Russian
[00:30:08] Federation, for example, North Korea, or Iran,
[00:30:11] and here, well,
[00:30:13] we will see if this domestic political
[00:30:17] situation, oddly enough, can play in favor
[00:30:21] of Trump using these instruments provided to him.
[00:30:24] Ms. Ivanna, Donald Trump
[00:30:27] says that Russia has already attacked European allies
[00:30:31] of Ukraine and has been doing so for... almost five
[00:30:34] years, besides that, he
[00:30:37] says that the
[00:30:40] Kremlin is attacking Poland,
[00:30:43] and let's listen more closely to what the President
[00:30:47] of the United States of America says.
[00:30:50] I think they have already attacked Ukraine's allies,
[00:30:54] they have been attacking Ukraine's allies for about 5
[00:30:57] years. I think everyone agrees with this.