ESPRESO — broadcast
20261012 080000 UTC
461 transcript segments
Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking
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Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record.

[00:00:00] no chances of negotiation. Well, what are you deceiving yourselves with? Why are you living in this fabricated
[00:00:04] world? The same thing starts when we talk about
[00:00:08] Trump. Well, Trump sees a world in which there is
[00:00:11] room for three leaders: the President of the United States,
[00:00:15] the President of the Russian Federation, and the Chairman of the Chinese
[00:00:19] People's Republic. Everything that does not fit into
[00:00:22] this worldview interferes, it must be
[00:00:25] cut off. It's like Procrustean bed.
[00:00:31] That's why Europe annoys him so much.
[00:00:35] That's why he would
[00:00:37] like to destroy European unions. He always
[00:00:41] actually supported any forces that wanted to leave
[00:00:45] the European Union. He was a real supporter of Brexit, because,
[00:00:49] and by the way, the British fell for it, and now
[00:00:52] what? It turned out that he doesn't need them, because they are still
[00:00:55] not Putin and not Xi Jinping. He just doesn't
[00:00:58] understand their significance.
[00:01:01] The same applies to
[00:01:04] Taiwan.
[00:01:07] The United States, since the resumption of diplomatic relations with Beijing,
[00:01:10] has always maintained a policy of supporting Taiwan. Trump doesn't understand
[00:01:14] why he should support it, and generally, what kind of chips does it produce so many of? What is
[00:01:18] that anyway? He perceives it as just some
[00:01:21] ordinary stall in the market, while
[00:01:25] he owns a supermarket, three
[00:01:28] big supermarkets. "Let's close all these
[00:01:31] small shops." In what sense is Trump wrong in this regard,
[00:01:35] if we are really experiencing a time of absolute change
[00:01:38] in doctrine? We, we, we are moving away from
[00:01:41] a bipolar or unipolar world.
[00:01:45] Perhaps this logic makes sense. In what is Trump
[00:01:48] wrong? In that neither he nor President Putin
[00:01:51] could achieve that they can solve their
[00:01:55] problems by force? Trump hopelessly
[00:01:57] got stuck, stuck in the Middle East,
[00:02:01] and in fact, Iran is preparing a political
[00:02:04] grave for him, and new military-technical
[00:02:07] capabilities, they only strengthen and should
[00:02:10] strengthen, if they had common sense, a sense of
[00:02:13] danger for the United States of America. By
[00:02:17] the way, if they shot down unfortunate Shaheds and ballistic
[00:02:21] missiles with Patriots, what will they do with jet Shaheds when
[00:02:24] they fly in droves to Tel Aviv, to Haifa, to Abu Dhabi, to
[00:02:28] Dubai? What will they do?
[00:02:31] How many of these Patriots will they have left, only in
[00:02:34] pictures?
[00:02:37] And Russia is hopelessly stuck in the post-Soviet space in
[00:02:40] Ukraine. For chaos to intensify, only China needs to
[00:02:44] fall into this trap. I am impatiently
[00:02:46] waiting for Xi Jinping to make this mistake.
[00:02:50] It seems to me that he, as the General Secretary of the Communist Party, should have
[00:02:54] finally made this mistake, but he keeps not making it,
[00:02:58] perhaps because he was taught
[00:03:01] with Putin how not to jump straight into the hole without
[00:03:04] any thought about
[00:03:06] the consequences.
[00:03:08] So our task is actually to live until
[00:03:11] the end of the Trump era, our
[00:03:14] task is to live until the end of the Trump era and to live until the end of the
[00:03:18] Putin era, and our task is simply
[00:03:20] to remember
[00:03:23] that this must also be an absolutely real
[00:03:27] moment.
[00:03:31] That in such a world
[00:03:34] in which we are currently living,
[00:03:38] the weak are not loved.
[00:03:42] This is a serious world, this is a world, you mentioned
[00:03:46] Texas, it's the Wild
[00:03:48] West, and you
[00:03:50] walk into a saloon, there are
[00:03:54] big guys standing there who understand that you can only fight,
[00:03:57] fight, and you... you start,
[00:04:00] "Oh, good evening,
[00:04:04] good evening, I'm a good guy, I
[00:04:08] want to talk to you so that you don't
[00:04:11] beat me. What do you need? I can give you this wonderful
[00:04:14] lighter.
[00:04:17] And you know that I can even fight, yes, I
[00:04:20] trained, so just honestly, let's
[00:04:23] be honest, let's talk about the conditions so that I can
[00:04:26] walk calmly on this street."
[00:04:31] "They will kick you to death, you will be left a bloody
[00:04:34] mess, even if you have parliamentary, sorry,
[00:04:38] immunity,
[00:04:41] they will kill you, you will just be left
[00:04:43] a cutlet.
[00:04:45] Even our deputies call them cutlets. Well, a cutlet
[00:04:48] will remain, mincemeat. If you want to
[00:04:52] survive, learn to fight back in this
[00:04:56] situation, even if you don't have such strength. Well, hit him there..."
[00:05:00] He doesn't expect it, he has to take that punch, he has to
[00:05:04] be bent over for some time, he has to be out of breath, he has
[00:05:08] to feel bad, he has to cough up blood, maybe
[00:05:11] then he will... not talk to you
[00:05:13] sometime,
[00:05:15] but if you look at him with frightened eyes, he will
[00:05:19] kill you, I guarantee you won't live until tomorrow. You have no
[00:05:22] chances. This is such an
[00:05:24] era.
[00:05:27] Well, what am I not? I'm not the beneficiary after all, but there are always
[00:05:31] people who convince us that we can deal with bandits. I'm not
[00:05:34] talking about the United States now, you understand, I'm talking about the Russian Federation. The United
[00:05:38] States also believes that they can come to an agreement with the Russian Federation, and...
[00:05:42] they represent such an image of this
[00:05:45] big guy, uh-huh, just one who will not fight with
[00:05:49] everyone, but only with those whom he considers
[00:05:52] bad, and we, our vision of bad guys
[00:05:56] coincides with the American one more than with the Russian and
[00:05:59] Chinese, but from this the essence of the approaches does not
[00:06:03] decrease and does not
[00:06:06] change.
[00:06:10] Regarding, in such a
[00:06:12] case, what
[00:06:16] we are waiting for, we will talk about now. We
[00:06:19] have ahead interesting, interesting, very interesting, very
[00:06:22] interesting polls in Ukraine, that is, how we are preparing for
[00:06:26] peace, whether we believe in it, but this is already after a short
[00:06:30] break.
[00:06:30] паузи.
[00:11:10] patriots, in the world there are strikes on
[00:11:13] Russia.
[00:11:17] Dialogue between government and
[00:11:18] society.
[00:11:27] Support for Ukraine. Behind every loud
[00:11:30] event lies the main question: What next? On
[00:11:33] weekdays at 20:15 on
[00:11:36] Espreso.
[00:11:40] This is an appeal from servicemen of the 50th Regiment of the National Guard of
[00:11:43] Ukraine. We are currently on the Terebets direction, where Vorog
[00:11:46] has intensified offensive actions and is putting pressure on the infantry. Therefore,
[00:11:50] we ask you to support the collection for
[00:11:53] reconnaissance equipment and
[00:11:55] air cover. This will help save the lives of our comrades, there are no
[00:11:59] small donations, thank you to everyone who joins.
[00:12:16] Well, we're back, and
[00:12:19] we said in the first part that we somehow need to survive until
[00:12:23] the change of power in Washington and Moscow. Regarding
[00:12:27] Washington, everything is more or less clear. Regarding
[00:12:30] Moscow, well, this week Vladimir Putin
[00:12:34] turned 74. Many
[00:12:37] probably noticed that Joseph Stalin lived exactly
[00:12:40] that long, another tyrant whom Putin
[00:12:43] himself probably largely imitated.
[00:12:47] And
[00:12:49] half a year later, in March, he seems to have died, right,
[00:12:53] Stalin? If, if
[00:12:57] Putin imitated him to the end, then he should have died too, but statistics
[00:13:01] here play against us, we know that if
[00:13:03] a person, in principle, more or less leads
[00:13:06] a healthy lifestyle, this is the statistics of all pension funds in
[00:13:10] the world, then she, as a rule, after
[00:13:13] 65, if she has already lived, then she lives another 15-20 years, for sure, I
[00:13:17] think that Putin also has big plans for
[00:13:20] the future, and well, this is some sad
[00:13:24] story, so... how do we survive Putin? Trump, I think, we will
[00:13:27] somehow survive. Well, first of all, I believe
[00:13:30] that the question is not only about
[00:13:33] Putin, the question is about the Chekist
[00:13:37] regime, the question is about
[00:13:41] Russia's perception,
[00:13:44] by Russian
[00:13:47] chauvinists, as an empire with alienated
[00:13:50] lands,
[00:13:53] and this perception did not appear under Putin, it
[00:13:56] appeared in 1991,
[00:13:59] if to be precise,
[00:14:02] August 24, 1994,
[00:14:05] when
[00:14:08] the press secretary of the President of the Russian
[00:14:11] Federation, Vashchan, made a statement on behalf of the President of the Russian
[00:14:14] Federation, Boris Yeltsin, in which it was said that
[00:14:18] the Russian Federation has no territorial claims
[00:14:22] to the former Soviet
[00:14:25] republics until that moment, if there, this is not an exact quote,
[00:14:29] but it is close to the meaning, as long as they are in
[00:14:32] union with it, uh-huh, and if they refuse this
[00:14:36] union, it reserves the right to such
[00:14:39] claims,
[00:14:42] that is, it was immediately said that the former Soviet republics
[00:14:45] are on some foreign Russian territories,
[00:14:48] and that their territories are such generous
[00:14:52] gifts from Russia, which it is ready not to take back if all
[00:14:55] are under it, together with it, in
[00:14:58] allied relations, uh-huh, so the West missed this
[00:15:02] statement, well, because it then seemed not very important, we somehow
[00:15:05] tried to react to it, but no one
[00:15:09] disavowed it, well, and then the most important thing was different,
[00:15:13] everyone thought that we would always be in allied relations, where would they go,
[00:15:16] do not forget that in August 1991, the work on
[00:15:20] the union treaty continued, many people generally believed that Ukraine
[00:15:24] would sign it. And in the world, few people knew about Ukraine.
[00:15:27] Chernobyl there and then
[00:15:31] the work of the great Russian writer, Nobel
[00:15:35] laureate Alexander Solzhenitsyn, came out, "How are we
[00:15:37] to rebuild Russia?", in which it was clearly stated, it was said that
[00:15:41] the future Russian state should consist of Russia, Ukraine,
[00:15:44] Belarus and a part, as Zanytsin intelligently
[00:15:47] said, of "bloated Kazakhstan", that is, it was also
[00:15:50] clear that a large part of Kazakh territories is also not
[00:15:54] Kazakhstan. Then there was
[00:15:57] an interview with the St. Petersburg
[00:16:00] governor Anatoly Sobchak, whose deputy was
[00:16:03] Putin. And Sobchak also said in this interview publicly
[00:16:07] and in his speeches that Ukraine is located
[00:16:11] on territories that are not its own, uh-huh, and that if it wants to
[00:16:15] leave the Soviet Union or allied relations with Russia,
[00:16:18] then it must sacrifice these territories, let it
[00:16:22] stay in Lviv and Ternopil, if that's accurate, and I myself
[00:16:25] remember a similar conversation with Sobchak in the presence,
[00:16:29] by the way, of Putin in the St. Petersburg City Hall,
[00:16:32] I heard this with my own ears, yes, from
[00:16:35] Sobchak, complete conviction in this, that is,
[00:16:38] that Ukraine is a purely Galician project, well,
[00:16:42] that's also something, you know, these are lands, lands also
[00:16:45] Galician conquered by the Soviet soldier, and not by anyone else, from
[00:16:49] their point of view, well, that is,
[00:16:51] Ukraine is Novorossiya, Malorossiya and
[00:16:55] western regions, that's to be precise in this
[00:16:59] terminology, it means since 1991 I
[00:17:02] keep hearing that the collapse of the Soviet Union was
[00:17:06] a mistake.
[00:17:09] The FSB always calls it the mistake of 1991 and
[00:17:13] it still needs to be corrected.
[00:17:17] Many Russian politicians believed that the creation
[00:17:20] of the Commonwealth of Independent States was
[00:17:23] the correction of this mistake, the first step towards the creation of such
[00:17:26] a proto-state,
[00:17:29] in which there would be a common army, a common currency, a common bank, and all this
[00:17:32] would be controlled from Moscow, it would simply be Yeltsin instead of Gorbachev,
[00:17:36] and instead of the USSR, the CIS, and if you
[00:17:39] remember, in the first decade, approximately from
[00:17:43] 1991, somewhere until 2000, until
[00:17:46] Putin, Russians generally said that they live in
[00:17:49] the CIS, just look at all the old films
[00:17:53] of the 90s, there is
[00:17:56] no word Russia practically, there is
[00:17:59] CIS, where do we live, in the CIS, we lived in
[00:18:03] Ukraine, conditional Estonians in Estonia, conditional Kazakhs in Kazakhstan,
[00:18:07] and... Russians lived in the CIS,
[00:18:10] because they could not agree with the fact that their state is not theirs, but
[00:18:14] even, even, I'll interrupt you, and in our country it was the same until
[00:18:18] the 2000s, precisely this
[00:18:20] constant reminder, the countries of the CIS,
[00:18:23] we are post-Soviet, that is, we
[00:18:26] definitely even now Ukrainians, I don't remember what
[00:18:30] percentage call themselves Europeans, confidently Europeans, and
[00:18:33] back then it was generally minuscule, yes, of course, because we were. Our
[00:18:37] connection with that post-Soviet Union remained very strong,
[00:18:41] and the interest in Russian political life was higher than
[00:18:44] the interest in Ukrainian, in Russian TV channels more than
[00:18:47] in Ukrainian. Remember when
[00:18:51] the first Ukrainian TV channels
[00:18:53] appeared at all,
[00:18:55] STB 1+1, this would be the middle
[00:18:59] of the 90s, yes, and before that
[00:19:03] we watched, of course there was Ukrainian state television, but it never enjoyed
[00:19:07] great popularity, and people watched Russian channels, then the first
[00:19:11] channel, then NTV appeared, people sat for
[00:19:15] hours watching
[00:19:19] the program with our colleague Yevhen Kiselev, it was about Russian politics, let it be independent
[00:19:22] television, but it was about Russia, Ukraine
[00:19:26] was a dotted line there, but people continued to perceive their capital
[00:19:29] there, well, and Russians thought it would be so, and then
[00:19:33] suddenly,
[00:19:36] I think even such things as the creation of the Ukrainian army, the hryvnia and so on, were already
[00:19:40] some moments of betrayal, but that betrayal, which can be reversed,
[00:19:43] uh-huh, but of course, the Orange Revolution,
[00:19:47] it was already a very serious moment
[00:19:50] of disappointment, very, it became clear that something needed to be done
[00:19:53] radically, and so they started preparing, preparing so
[00:19:57] that it's
[00:19:59] wrong to say that all this can be reduced to Putin, this is a huge mistake, it's
[00:20:03] actually very interesting, because it seems to me that Ukrainians easily... we
[00:20:07] got a little stuck, you even said during the commercial break
[00:20:11] that we, it seems to me, got stuck in this stage,
[00:20:14] when we are looking for who is to blame, we cannot
[00:20:18] move to the next stage of what to do, yes, what,
[00:20:21] because, because we always want to, for example,
[00:20:25] we can even now spend a lot of time
[00:20:28] discussing whether it was possible to better prepare for the war or not,
[00:20:32] Poroshenko is to blame for us not preparing, or
[00:20:35] Zelensky, well, all this is probably.
[00:20:38] I, I always knew what to do, I have no questions there, I,
[00:20:41] when there was the annexation of Crimea, I received a call
[00:20:45] from a well-known Russian politician and diplomat, he already
[00:20:48] died. From such, I would say, Yeltsin's cohort, perestroika and all that, and he
[00:20:52] apologized
[00:20:55] to me, a person with such
[00:20:59] a background,
[00:21:02] and said that he, well, he was already retired, nothing could be
[00:21:06] done, but he was in such a state, it was such a collapse of his political
[00:21:09] hopes, because he was exactly the person who always wanted
[00:21:13] to build relations between two states, he was an absolute
[00:21:16] Russian, I would say a statist, even of an imperial type, but he believed that Russia, even as
[00:21:20] an empire, must build relations with Ukraine as a state, and here all this
[00:21:23] collapsed, it was clear, well, and I asked him, because we were well
[00:21:27] acquainted, we talked about many things, what to do, well, in such a way, you know,
[00:21:30] like a person asking an older person, who is
[00:21:34] 80 years old, how many there are and
[00:21:38] some recipe, he said, what to do, you need to dig in,
[00:21:41] prepare for war, in
[00:21:44] 2005 we definitely turned in the direction
[00:21:47] of war, but we didn't want to believe it, well, that's
[00:21:50] it. That is, digging in is the
[00:21:53] idea, that is, there is a simple choice, either
[00:21:57] to fight back, or to disappear, fighting back does not absolutely mean victory
[00:22:00] over Russia, uh-huh, as
[00:22:03] many believe, we must end the war with victory over
[00:22:07] Russia, you are a party of war that
[00:22:10] wants to defeat Russia. I always say that you will not defeat Russia, Russia is one of the most
[00:22:14] serious states in the modern world, yes, it doesn't have enough army, it doesn't
[00:22:17] have enough money, but it has a large...
[00:22:20] a large demographic potential, it has, most importantly, its people
[00:22:23] have an absolute instinct for imperial offensive, that's why Russia is
[00:22:26] Russia, that's why we were part of Russia, and not vice versa, if it were
[00:22:30] vice versa, there would be a Ukrainian empire, not a Russian one, these are such people, this is such
[00:22:33] a nation, an imperial nation ready to sacrifice millions
[00:22:37] of people, on both sides of the war,
[00:22:40] for greatness,
[00:22:43] and the only way for us to win in this situation is to
[00:22:47] stop them, not to win, not to think how
[00:22:50] Russia will collapse,
[00:22:54] Putin will be judged in The Hague, no, Russia can
[00:22:57] remain on our borders as it is, changing
[00:23:01] its paradigm, we don't
[00:23:02] know that,
[00:23:05] but we can become either a country,
[00:23:08] which
[00:23:12] will be outside
[00:23:15] Russia, a conditional Outer
[00:23:17] Mongolia, in relation to China or Inner
[00:23:21] Mongolia, or there, or
[00:23:23] here.
[00:23:26] There is no other way in its nature. If they
[00:23:30] see that we are not easy for them, they will
[00:23:32] calm down for a certain time. Uh-huh. And they can even
[00:23:36] invent a story that we are not Russians. Just like they
[00:23:39] invented that we are Russians. Well, they are trying to get the Finns and Poles back now.
[00:23:43] And they wanted, they certainly wanted, and always wanted. In
[00:23:47] the 19th century, brochures were still published, where,
[00:23:50] in St. Petersburg, they printed explanations of why the Polish language is not really a language,
[00:23:53] a dialect, and that it is one people, only Catholic, I
[00:23:57] read with my own eyes that Russians and Poles are one people, I read
[00:24:01] this, and well, it's just that there are
[00:24:04] Great Russians, Little Russians and Belarusians, and there are Poles who just
[00:24:08] converted to Catholicism, but it's the same
[00:24:09] people.
[00:24:12] That is, we are actually where Poles were more than
[00:24:15] 150 years ago, and the question is not about us,
[00:24:19] the question is that... Russians develop very
[00:24:22] slowly, look, sir, well, in principle, the builder
[00:24:26] of our state, you somehow, it seems, said something like that about
[00:24:28] Kuchma, he, in principle, tried to build
[00:24:32] the main message to
[00:24:35] Moscow, that Ukraine is not Russia, but
[00:24:38] he tried to somehow build
[00:24:40] multi-vector foreign policy, that is, to try
[00:24:43] to maintain a balance between Ukraine and
[00:24:47] Western civilization. The Western
[00:24:50] and Russian Russian empire. You understand, Kuchma came to
[00:24:54] the conclusion, which was probably very radical for him, that Ukraine
[00:24:58] is not Russia, and we need to come to the conclusion that Ukraine
[00:25:02] is Ukraine. Because this idea that Ukraine is not
[00:25:06] Russia, it is generally inherent in the Ukrainian national
[00:25:09] spirit, that we must react to what Russia
[00:25:13] does.
[00:25:15] If Russia is bad towards us, we will be bad. Good,
[00:25:19] well, good.
[00:25:21] And this is because we are not Russia,
[00:25:24] and look, all our state decisions, all of them
[00:25:28] are dictated by Russia. You say that Kuchma is the builder of our state, but
[00:25:31] the builder of our state is Putin, he
[00:25:34] is the real builder, well, actually, I am saying a blasphemous
[00:25:37] thought now, but to a certain extent, the
[00:25:41] fact that Bandera became one of our
[00:25:44] cornerstones, which modern identity is now
[00:25:48] built on, this is also... to a large extent such a merit
[00:25:52] in the hatred, the hatred of Russians towards Bandera, the hatred, yes, that is,
[00:25:55] we, as it was previously towards Petliura, and before that it was
[00:25:59] towards Mazepa, that is, it was not Bulbachan, but Petliura, hypothetically. How did
[00:26:10] Ukrainians call themselves? They called themselves Petliurites.
[00:26:13] And before Petliura, how did they call themselves?
[00:26:15] Mazepians.
[00:26:18] Well, it's clear, so who are all these people? These are supporters
[00:26:21] of the national-state project,
[00:26:24] and a figure is chosen that seems
[00:26:26] radical, Mazepa is perceived as the most
[00:26:30] radical of the hetmans, Petliura... more radical
[00:26:34] of the figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic. of the republic, Bandera is simply
[00:26:37] perceived as the most radical of the figures of the organization of Ukrainian
[00:26:40] nationalists,
[00:26:42] they could have chosen someone else, yes, but Bandera
[00:26:46] seemed very bright even because, you know, why else?
[00:26:49] Because it was always possible to combine one's own hatred with the hatred
[00:26:53] of some other people and or to create the hatred of this
[00:26:57] people, and therefore to prove the justice of their
[00:27:00] claims, so it was with Petliura, whom they accused
[00:27:02] of Jewish pogroms. Petliura, who was essentially a Judeophile, who had
[00:27:06] a ministry of Jewish affairs,
[00:27:08] who appealed with a demand
[00:27:12] to the troops that they not commit Jewish pogroms, his officers,
[00:27:15] among whom was Colonel Melnyk, shot people for Jewish
[00:27:19] pogroms, but the pogroms happened, they were terrible, they were massive, they were
[00:27:23] bloody, cities were destroyed to the last
[00:27:26] person,
[00:27:28] the leaders of the Ukrainian People's Republic simply did not have real control over
[00:27:32] their own army in this situation after the revolutionary
[00:27:35] chaos, and so they took advantage of this, created
[00:27:39] this story of the murder of Petliura
[00:27:42] by Shvartsbard, a trial where people come
[00:27:45] who talk about pogroms, they are not lying, they just connect them with
[00:27:49] the name of Petliura himself, and so
[00:27:53] not just a Russian, but a Russian-Jewish myth about
[00:27:56] Petliura is created,
[00:27:59] or a Polish... a Russian myth about
[00:28:03] Bandera, uh-huh, also, it's not with him, the Russians, it's
[00:28:07] the Poles, they hate him, what, and
[00:28:10] the Russians just confirm, yes, he is a radical figure, in fact, the
[00:28:13] Russians have no particular questions about Bandera, as with other Ukrainian nationalists, they know everything about
[00:28:17] these Nazis, look at the
[00:28:19] Poles,
[00:28:24] well, that's it, that is, they work
[00:28:26] masterfully, Mazepa was supposed
[00:28:30] to be an enemy... not just of the Russian state, but also of the church,
[00:28:34] it was necessary to declare anathema to him, remember,
[00:28:37] that the church, this church of the UOC of the Moscow
[00:28:40] Patriarchate, it achieved the renaming of this part
[00:28:44] of the street, uh-huh, where there was, where there is
[00:28:47] a Lavra, well, now it has returned back, to
[00:28:50] Lavrska street from Mazepa street, yes, well,
[00:28:53] that is, they always need some other
[00:28:57] cornerstone that they will use other
[00:29:01] peoples or institutions.
[00:29:07] In essence, the most important thing for Russia is to maintain this connection,
[00:29:11] this connection, it can be interpreted differently, you can somewhere there, I don't know, from
[00:29:15] the angle of post-colonial studies, that is, this is
[00:29:19] relations with, conventionally speaking, Creoles
[00:29:23] and the metropolis and so on,
[00:29:26] but it seems to me that it is productive here to simply think about how we
[00:29:30] can, well, just move away from that and simply
[00:29:33] say that we are not interested in what the Russians think about it, it seems to me that this is actually
[00:29:37] the wisest thought, we simply don't care what
[00:29:40] the Russians think about this or that, yes, we don't care anymore,
[00:29:44] we always saw what he says, we need to take their
[00:29:48] opinion into account, otherwise they will fight, well, in fact, even
[00:29:51] President Zelensky says, we will respond symmetrically to
[00:29:54] what Russia
[00:29:56] will do, this is a strange
[00:29:59] statement, well, this is also a question. either we
[00:30:03] respond symmetrically to them, they respond symmetrically to us, in fact, our
[00:30:06] task is to make sure that they don't attack us, we don't
[00:30:10] need to respond to them symmetrically or non-symmetrically, we need to find such
[00:30:14] vulnerable points in them that will not allow them to continue fighting, that is, to bring their
[00:30:18] economy to its knees, their state to its knees, and do it so that they don't
[00:30:21] get up, for as long as possible, so that they crawl
[00:30:24] on these knees, and then maybe they will leave us alone, because
[00:30:28] there are no other chances to believe that they will leave us alone in some...
[00:30:33] really in the future, there are no such chances, well, they don't
[00:30:36] exist, well, and therefore again, we return to
[00:30:39] the birthday boy, the birthday boy is simply an expression of all
[00:30:42] these, I would say.