HALKTV — broadcast
20260806 190000 UTC
531 transcript segments
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[00:00:00] In more than
[00:00:04] 160 countries, Bestel has been the
[00:00:08] export champion
[00:00:11] 28 times in its sector.
[00:00:20] Turkey's energy deficit,
[00:00:24] Orbus.
[00:00:37] "It continues openly, dear viewers. Just before the break,
[00:00:41] Avcılar Mayor Utku Caner Çaykara was released,
[00:00:45] and he expressed his feelings
[00:00:47] and opinions live on air. We also shared it with you.
[00:00:50] Utku Caner Çaykara was a name who had been in
[00:00:54] prison for 14 months. He was released within the scope of the monthly detention
[00:00:57] review for the Aziz Hihsen Aktaş case. There were also
[00:01:01] those who had detention reviews in the IBB case, a monthly detention
[00:01:04] review. There, it was
[00:01:07] decided that the detention of all
[00:01:11] detainees should continue separately. Now,
[00:01:14] before that, of course, we were talking about this process,
[00:01:17] to my teacher Deniz Tansi in the first part,
[00:01:21] let me turn to Deniz Hoca,
[00:01:24] and then to Gamze Hanım, all
[00:01:26] the parties with groups in parliament today,
[00:01:30] finally. I will ask what it means for all the parties with groups in parliament
[00:01:34] to raise their voices and say
[00:01:36] that this is wrong regarding the new indictment
[00:01:40] about Özgür Özel and Veli Ağababa,
[00:01:43] in which some details are included in the prosecutor's statement.
[00:01:47] Deniz Hoca, what do you think about this framework law issue?
[00:01:51] First of all, we mentioned
[00:01:53] these 7 articles and 6 articles, didn't we, 6 chapters and 7
[00:01:57] chapters in the commission report. Now, there is no need to wait for the
[00:02:00] 7th chapter in this report,
[00:02:04] I think the problem arises from there. Also,
[00:02:07] the second article of the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey
[00:02:11] states that it is a secular, democratic, social state of law, respectful of human
[00:02:14] rights, bound by Atatürk's nationalism. In other words,
[00:02:17] the rule of law, Article 153, Constitutional Court
[00:02:21] decisions, bind everyone. This is not a favor,
[00:02:24] it is not something that the political power
[00:02:28] will implement according to certain reports. Unfortunately,
[00:02:31] we have to repeat this because we are
[00:02:35] saying what should be done from scratch. For example,
[00:02:38] in the previous discussions, the Law Decree no. 674
[00:02:42] later became law, regarding the trustees. What is expected
[00:02:45] for this? For example, I have serious
[00:02:48] question marks in my mind here. Or the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights
[00:02:52] are binding for the Republic of Turkey.
[00:02:56] In its constitution, it is not just about the family,
[00:03:00] international conventions on human rights signed
[00:03:04] in due form have the force of the constitution. So, I think there is a
[00:03:07] confusion of concepts here. First of all, we need to
[00:03:10] define this well. The process started with Mr. Bahçeli's statement.
[00:03:14] In the same month,
[00:03:17] I don't know,' he said. 'I can't vouch Ahmet Hoca was detained. Our Esenyurt mayor was arrested.
[00:03:20] So, I see that there is a serious problem here
[00:03:24] because is there really a vision of democratization
[00:03:27] in the attitude and policy of the government?
[00:03:30] I am skeptical, to be very clear.
[00:03:34] They can evaluate this as a tool,
[00:03:38] they can evaluate it in another process, because perhaps
[00:03:41] many dimensions can be encountered in the world in the context of non-conflict solutions, but
[00:03:44] beyond that, is the political power
[00:03:47] looking at it more instrumentally,
[00:03:50] or more conjuncturally, rather than creating
[00:03:54] a solution? I am skeptical, because the 7th
[00:03:57] chapter is there, the 7th chapter...
[00:04:00] The issue is that we are constantly talking about a report. The report is not
[00:04:03] a constitutional provision. The constitution is above
[00:04:07] all of them. We started discussing other things. The problem is here.
[00:04:10] Otherwise, in this sense, let's say what you said,
[00:04:13] this report is not superior to the constitution. The constitution
[00:04:16] is above all of them, and you are saying that the constitution is not being implemented.
[00:04:20] There is a problem with Article 153. That is,
[00:04:24] Can Atalay. Why is the decision of the Constitutional Court not being implemented? In this sense,
[00:04:27] when we look at it, we say it is a state of law.
[00:04:30] We can discuss it in many dimensions. Then,
[00:04:34] in this sense, what is brought up regarding the law,
[00:04:38] there are more statements about the enforcement system.
[00:04:41] And of course, in our legal system,
[00:04:44] is there such a thing as a framework law? First of all, we need to discuss
[00:04:47] that. That is a technical term that lawyers would know better. It wasn't named
[00:04:51] that, you know. But it's always referred to that way. We also need
[00:04:55] to discuss it from a legal technical perspective. This is not an amnesty law, but do we
[00:04:59] have a framework law technique? It's defined that way now.
[00:05:02] The technical name of this law is not that, hocam.
[00:05:06] Yes, but so far, I'm discussing it this way. Hocam,
[00:05:09] let me also say that there is a very big deficiency in this draft.
[00:05:13] That is, there are no definitions. Therefore,
[00:05:17] we have difficulty in interpreting it. The thing that creates
[00:05:20] uncertainties regarding procedures and principles is the lack of a definition.
[00:05:24] The problem stems from this. That is, while we are saying
[00:05:27] that we need a comprehensive democratization, while this law is on the agenda,
[00:05:30] while the law is being implemented, while the proposal is being opened for signature,
[00:05:34] the operation on Üsküdar Municipality.
[00:05:37] The process does not stop. Now,
[00:05:40] how will this continue alongside? How will
[00:05:43] two processes happen simultaneously? It is useful to discuss this.
[00:05:46] Mr. Bahçeli works diligently, but the situation in the municipalities
[00:05:50] is clear. Still, when it snows in Istanbul,
[00:05:54] winter comes to Turkey, you know. And when they say that,
[00:05:57] they say that the trustee regime started
[00:06:01] 10 years ago. Why wasn't Kılıçdaroğlu's Republican People's Party
[00:06:04] at that time against this? Why were the
[00:06:07] trustees obeyed? And one faction
[00:06:10] also expresses this fair criticism. "Actually, what I am trying
[00:06:14] to express is that the issue should be looked
[00:06:17] at as a whole. That is, democracy is a whole. Otherwise,
[00:06:21] there is a perception. We will talk about the currently non-existent contents
[00:06:25] later. But when we look at it, not seeing democracy as a whole
[00:06:28] and saying, for example, 'let's democratize
[00:06:31] for only a part of Turkey's citizens and not for the rest,'
[00:06:35] would not be right. In fact, there is a libertarian citizenship principle in Turkey.
[00:06:38] There is no communitarian citizenship principle. But we also have to
[00:06:42] explain these things." Now, Alper also mentioned
[00:06:45] the conjuncture earlier. So,
[00:06:48] when the issue of a regional power comes up, this is not new.
[00:06:51] In the 1950s, the Democratic Party used to call it "Little America."
[00:06:54] In the 1980s, the Motherland Party talked about regional superpowers
[00:06:58] for Turkey. Today's people talk about the Ottoman Empire. There is nothing new. In this sense, these are
[00:07:02] more like subcontracting policies. But
[00:07:04] when we look at it, despite everything,
[00:07:08] the terrorist organization's
[00:07:11] can say anything against that. But there is a contradiction here.
[00:07:15] The process that I don't fully understand
[00:07:19] is exactly here, because in the Middle East, there is a complete
[00:07:22] statelessness. There are no states in Syria and Iraq. That is,
[00:07:26] there are various particles in this sense.
[00:07:29] On one hand, there is an area governed by Sharia. On the other hand,
[00:07:33] there is an area governed by the YPG. On the other hand, there is an area governed by the Druze.
[00:07:37] On the other hand, there are Nusayris. In Iraq, even though constitutionally
[00:07:40] only the Barzani region seems to exist, there are areas
[00:07:44] with Sunni Arabs and Shiite Arabs. From the Persian Gulf
[00:07:48] to the Eastern Mediterranean, there is a state of statelessness. Now,
[00:07:51] Turkey's claim of regional
[00:07:54] dominance here is not something that aligns with Turkey's founding
[00:07:58] principles. On the contrary, Turkey, through the solidarity
[00:08:00] of countries in the region, among the oppressed nations,
[00:08:03] when viewed in this sense, a ground, a model, that is Atatürk's
[00:08:07] model, the Secular Republic model. But there are very different
[00:08:10] words. And the main problem is
[00:08:13] transparency. Of course, not all of these processes may be transparent, I'm not saying anything
[00:08:17] about that. But it was brought to the agenda
[00:08:21] so secretly, as if much more
[00:08:24] different things would be put forward. And the main problem
[00:08:27] of this process, I think, is the lack of discussion.
[00:08:31] There are no discussions. Now, there may be those who oppose this process
[00:08:34] or criticize it on various points. In 2015, much more
[00:08:37] advanced things were being said, the table was overturned.
[00:08:40] Now, 11 years later, we don't know when and how
[00:08:43] the National Security Council will make a decision
[00:08:47] or how this will create a ground within
[00:08:51] the election calendar. Let's remember
[00:08:53] 2023. We don't know how it will create a ground in the election
[00:08:57] calendar. What did he mean by that? It can also be expressed as "we succeeded
[00:09:01] in this before the election." On the contrary,
[00:09:05] propaganda can be made like in 2023. Remember
[00:09:07] 2023, what was being said, and at that time,
[00:09:11] the opposition was entirely accused.
[00:09:14] It was even accused of being affiliated with terrorism. In Turkey, concepts
[00:09:17] change so quickly and are consumed
[00:09:20] by the political power. If master Atilla İlhan were
[00:09:23] alive, he would probably write which AK Party book.
[00:09:27] You cannot predict which period will be done, how to act,
[00:09:30] what kind of policy will be put forward. At one time, there was serious
[00:09:33] EU support. At one time, we don't recognize anything from the EU.
[00:09:37] As if we are enemies with the United States. This has never happened in Turkey's
[00:09:41] history, never. In any period. But there is always
[00:09:44] such a perception, within the framework of perception management.
[00:09:47] Therefore, if a concrete framework is put forward here,
[00:09:50] it can be said that it is a framework that is certainly in Turkey's favor.
[00:09:54] But I agree with Alper's concerns here.
[00:09:57] If the issue is looked at conjuncturally, if the issue is looked at as a temporary
[00:10:01] solution, despite all these good intentions,
[00:10:04] if the process is handled in a different framework,
[00:10:08] it would be a shame for all these efforts and accumulated
[00:10:12] knowledge. But as I said, to summarize,
[00:10:15] chapter 7 immediately, but immediately, without any ifs or buts,
[00:10:18] as we say, the real chapter 7 is what should
[00:10:22] be done. It's like, yes.
[00:10:26] "The constitutional structure within the framework of the rule of law
[00:10:29] is presented as a favor. This is already what should be.
[00:10:32] Let's discuss the process after that. If the law has been passed,
[00:10:36] let's implement it. There is no need to pass a new law for this. I think
[00:10:40] it's enough to implement it. Can we bring up chapter 7, friends,
[00:10:43] chapter 7 of the commission report, because Deniz Hoca
[00:10:46] drew attention to it. Actually,
[00:10:49] there is a chapter there that says the decisions of the Constitutional Court
[00:10:53] and the European Court of Human Rights should be complied with." This is something
[00:10:56] that should already be. It really puts
[00:10:59] my question marks in the section on
[00:11:03] suggestions for democratization. It says that according to our constitution,
[00:11:06] there is no doubt that the decisions of the Constitutional Court
[00:11:10] bind the legislative, executive, and judicial organs, administrative authorities, and other
[00:11:13] organizations and individuals. So, all right,
[00:11:17] therefore, Turkey's rate of executing the decisions of the European Court of Human
[00:11:20] Rights, whose compulsory jurisdiction it has accepted, was 90%,
[00:11:24] and the other was 80%. It also states
[00:11:28] that despite this high rate, the importance of fully complying with the decisions of the Constitutional Court
[00:11:31] and the European Court of Human Rights in strengthening Turkey's
[00:11:35] quality as a state of law is evident. Existing mechanisms
[00:11:38] that will ensure full compliance with the decisions of the Constitutional Court and the European
[00:11:41] Court of Human Rights should be strengthened. In addition, new effective mechanisms
[00:11:45] should be created. It is recommended to remove the obstacles arising from the
[00:11:49] administration's actions and the functioning of the judiciary within the framework of ensuring compliance with decisions.
[00:11:52] What kind of obstacle is there? What kind of obstacle is there that you will remove?
[00:12:05] The report was included to encompass the HDP and CHP. These are demands
[00:12:08] that the AKP and MHP do not believe in. That is,
[00:12:12] for the commission report to be issued, the sensitivities of the HDP
[00:12:16] and CHP on this matter should have been included.
[00:12:19] They were included, but life doesn't continue that way.
[00:12:22] Life continues differently. Gamze Hanım, let me turn to her.
[00:12:26] Seref Hanım, I'll come later, but if it's brief, I can take it now. All right, Gamze Hanım,
[00:12:29] Deniz Hoca said that the requirements of chapter
[00:12:32] 6 must be fulfilled first. That is, chapter 7 first,
[00:12:36] no, no, what he means is that chapter 6 will come first.
[00:12:39] Look, they are saying it's coming now, yes, with this new law,
[00:12:43] then chapter 7 will be moved
[00:12:46] to. He says there should not be such
[00:12:49] a sequence. He says immediately. Yes, there should not be such
[00:12:52] a sequence, such a succession.
[00:12:55] "For example, in the images, there is a statement by the AKP group leader
[00:12:58] eee
[00:13:00] regarding this issue. A journalist asks,
[00:13:04] 'Okay, but during such a period,
[00:13:07] there were 61 indictments against Özgür Özel. The 62nd
[00:13:11] has arrived.' The 62nd has arrived, and there is one
[00:13:15] against the party leader. Now,
[00:13:18] by the way, Abdullah Güler
[00:13:22] started answering the journalist's question before
[00:13:25] it was fully finished at this meeting.
[00:13:28] However, let the journalist finish the question completely. I know
[00:13:32] you understand the matter, and you answer immediately, but the journalist should
[00:13:35] be able to ask his question fully. He immediately gave this answer:
[00:13:39] 'It's the work of the independent judiciary, brother.
[00:13:42] for any deputy. I don't know. It's the work of the independent judiciary.
[00:13:45] It brings its indictment.' For example,
[00:13:48] does this answer given to this question during such a statement
[00:13:52] create a contradiction, in your opinion, Gamze Hanım?
[00:13:57] "Actually, it's a classic AK Party answer
[00:14:01] given by Mr. Chairman. In the first
[00:14:04] part of the program, our group deputy chairman also stated
[00:14:07] that during these discussions in the commission,
[00:14:11] it was said that concrete steps would be taken
[00:14:14] simultaneously with the proposals. However, when we look
[00:14:18] at the implementation, no concrete steps have been taken
[00:14:21] yet, even though two years have passed.
[00:14:25] We came across such a 12-article draft,
[00:14:27] whose origin and preparation are unknown,
[00:14:31] and even their own deputies do not know about it.
[00:14:34] Actually, just now, in the previous
[00:14:38] section, Mr. Bilada asked a question, but since
[00:14:41] it was from a distance, he did not have the chance to
[00:14:45] answer immediately. On this occasion, I would like to answer that too.
[00:14:49] So, until now, we have always
[00:14:53] faced an AK Party classic. When it suited them,
[00:14:56] they said the state was meeting with İmralı. When it didn't
[00:14:59] suit them, or when a successful job was done,
[00:15:02] they took responsibility. It was the success of the AK Party
[00:15:06] government. So, we are facing an understanding that separates
[00:15:10] the government and the state when it suits them, and keeps them together when it doesn't.
[00:15:14] Now, the answer to this question,
[00:15:17] that is, who prepared this proposal,
[00:15:21] where, and whose opinion was sought, is the responsibility
[00:15:26] of the government. Look, while the commission discussions
[00:15:29] were ongoing, we also stated very transparently
[00:15:33] that at that time, while discussions were being held
[00:15:36] about sending a delegation to İmralı,
[00:15:39] we said that it would be very difficult for 51 deputies
[00:15:43] to go there, and that the purpose would not be achieved
[00:15:46] by only 5 representatives going without the chairman.
[00:15:49] We had already stated to our commission members at that time
[00:15:52] that this should be done using technological methods.
[00:15:56] Now, here, the authority to make
[00:16:00] decisions on behalf of the nation belongs neither to an individual nor
[00:16:03] to a bureaucrat, but to the parliament.
[00:16:06] We are where we stand. "Instead of a process
[00:16:10] where it's not clear who was consulted behind closed doors
[00:16:14] in parliament, a transparent process
[00:16:16] involving all parties concerned should have been
[00:16:20] managed in parliament. Only then could there be
[00:16:24] real peace, real consensus,
[00:16:27] and democratization. Therefore,
[00:16:30] we consider this proposal to be deficient
[00:16:34] both technically and politically, from this perspective.
[00:16:37] That's why we're expressing this.
[00:16:40] Okay, Fikret abi, your article, which will be published on Halk TV.com
[00:16:44] tonight, is titled "Framework Law." In it, you list
[00:16:48] criticisms regarding the framework
[00:16:51] law. However, at the end of the article, there is a sentence
[00:16:54] that says, "The government must first truly transform Turkey into a state of law,
[00:16:58] and then consider making regulations with the approval of
[00:17:01] the people." Is your intention by "with the approval of the people"
[00:17:04] a referendum? That is,
[00:17:08] making regulations without consulting the people's
[00:17:11] opinion on such a matter backfires at the polls.
[00:17:14] We experienced this in 2015, Gökmen. At that time,
[00:17:18] it was called the "resolution process." Some contacts were made.
[00:17:21] From 2013 to 2015, intellectuals and artists spread across Anatolia,
[00:17:25] explaining this resolution. As a result, in the elections
[00:17:28] of June 6, 2015, the AK Party
[00:17:32] lost its majority to form a single-party government.
[00:17:36] It lost the election and, that is, alone.
[00:17:39] It lost and immediately changed
[00:17:40] its policy, moving 180 degrees against the resolution
[00:17:44] process. These events will be remembered. So,
[00:17:48] the people's decision is important here. They will reflect this
[00:17:52] decision at the ballot box. Now,
[00:17:55] in terms of writing technique, a really problematic
[00:17:58] draft law was submitted to parliament. I actually wanted
[00:18:02] to ask Seref Hanım about that. I didn't say anything
[00:18:06] to criticize Seref Hanım, actually. "You said it wasn't written in the law, etc.
[00:18:09] I didn't say it to criticize, but rather so that
[00:18:13] it wouldn't seem like the law itself was stuck,
[00:18:15] I said.
[00:18:19] I wanted to draw attention to this, that the writing technique
[00:18:23] is so bad. You talk about a terrorist organization and say,
[00:18:27] 'excluding intentional killings.' A terrorist organization does not kill
[00:18:30] without intent. All of them are intentional. So, legal terms are not used
[00:18:34] correctly and appropriately. I wanted to bring
[00:18:38] up the issue and have a lawyer explain it, Seref Hanım.
[00:18:41] This topic might have gone in the wrong direction. Can I ask something, with your
[00:18:45] permission, can I ask something? That is,
[00:18:48] we should not ignore some facts. I understood
[00:18:52] what you asked, but please understand why
[00:18:55] I asked you this question. Was Ahmet Özer imprisoned
[00:18:58] and sentenced today because he was a member of
[00:19:02] an organization? And he received a sentence.
[00:19:06] I am asking you this. No, like this,
[00:19:09] like this, like this, Ahmet Özer is not the only one
[00:19:13] who has experienced this injustice in this country. Ahmet Özer
[00:19:17] faced such a thing because he was the mayor of Esenyurt.
[00:19:20] But today, there are thousands of people
[00:19:23] in this country who are in prison due to their ideas
[00:19:26] and political views, and who have no connection
[00:19:30] to any organization, but are imprisoned as affiliated
[00:19:33] with an organization. Therefore, this law,
[00:19:36] these discussions, did not emerge overnight.
[00:19:39] That is, without seeing and discussing
[00:19:43] the history of this matter, we cannot answer these questions.
[00:19:46] I want to underline this:
[00:19:49] today, the existence of this law,
[00:19:53] from my perspective, in my specific case,
[00:19:56] which I, as a lawyer, also criticize, find deficient,
[00:20:00] find erroneous. By error, I mean there are missing
[00:20:03] and unclear, vague parts. I criticize its formation,
[00:20:07] the way the draft law was presented,
[00:20:09] and I also criticize its transparent progress.
[00:20:13] But if you come out and say, 'can there be a member of a terrorist organization
[00:20:17] without intentional killing?', that is, in this country,
[00:20:19] can Selahattin Demirtaş, who is not a member of
[00:20:23] an organization but has an investigation and prosecution
[00:20:26] for membership in an organization, be considered a member,
[00:20:30] with his case at the Court of Cassation? Fikret abi, we cannot make
[00:20:34] these comments ignoring the realities of this country. I mean,
[00:20:38] I understood that, but I wanted to say that the term used is wrong.
[00:20:41] That is, in terrorist acts carried out by terrorist organizations,
[00:20:44] there is already intent. There is no need to say
[00:20:48] that those are excluded. In this country, there are thousands
[00:20:52] of people who have been investigated, prosecuted, sentenced, or whose conviction
[00:20:54] has been finalized for membership in a terrorist organization,
[00:20:58] but who are unjustly not members of an organization. We are in such
[00:21:02] a system, and what doesn't give me confidence is this:
[00:21:05] I openly tell you and all our viewers that this is not an amnesty law.
[00:21:09] Why not? Because
[00:21:12] it says here that I will already go
[00:21:15] into the details of political bans later, but it says here
[00:21:19] that when I make use of this law,
[00:21:22] I give a 5-year or 10-year postponement, but during this period,
[00:21:25] you must not commit another crime
[00:21:29] so that you can benefit from this postponement.
[00:21:33] Now I ask, did Ahmet Özer commit a crime
[00:21:36] to receive a sentence?
[00:21:40] I want this state, this government, those who made
[00:21:44] this law, the AK Party, the CHP,
[00:21:47] the New Party, all political parties, to guarantee
[00:21:50] me that there will be a fair and impartial judiciary
[00:21:54] in this country, and that the conspiracy against Ahmet Özer today
[00:21:58] will not happen again for 5 years. Give me a guarantee for that.
[00:22:01] So, yes, there is a flaw, a deficiency
[00:22:05] in the system. But why do I care about the existence
[00:22:09] of this law? Because the weapons will be silent. The tears
[00:22:12] of mothers will no longer be fought over. Mothers will no longer
[00:22:15] cry. That is, the Kurdish issue exists in this country.
[00:22:19] Therefore, this is a step for it. Does this solve everything?
[00:22:22] No, it doesn't. It's a 100-year-old problem,
[00:22:26] a 50-year-old conflict environment. Is there a step taken for the first
[00:22:29] time in the Republic of Turkey for this? Yes, there is. Has this process
[00:22:32] been initiated by hearing words from the mouth of the Nationalist
[00:22:36] Movement Party leader that we would never hear? Yes, it has.
[00:22:39] One week after that statement, my esteemed client Ahmet
[00:22:43] Özer was unjustly and unlawfully imprisoned.
[00:22:46] Was he unjustly and unlawfully given a sentence to continue
[00:22:50] just to usurp the Esenyurt municipality? Yes, he was. But
[00:22:53] despite all this, I support
[00:22:56] this law, even with its deficiencies,
[00:23:00] by criticizing it. The reason is that mothers should no
[00:23:03] longer cry, and weapons should be silent. This is
[00:23:07] it. But if you evaluate everyone
[00:23:10] who has been sentenced for membership in a terrorist organization
[00:23:14] as having committed intentional murder, I unfortunately
[00:23:17] give this impression too. Anyway.
[00:23:20] Hanım, I understand your point, but it was not what I asked. What Gökben
[00:23:24] said, that Turkey should first return to the rules of a state of law,
[00:23:27] is what I mean by this. That is, the implementation
[00:23:31] of the crimes that refer to the constitution in Chapter 7,
[00:23:34] the imprisonment of mayors, like Seref Hanım's esteemed father Ahmet Özer,
[00:23:38] without any evidence, and their being kept in prison
[00:23:41] as if they were convicted. This government needs to abandon
[00:23:45] these practices. That is, it needs to fulfill the requirements
[00:23:48] of the principles of the rule of law. It needs to implement the peremptory
[00:23:51] provisions of the Constitution. It is clear that Articles
[00:23:54] 153 and 93 of the Constitution and the decisions of the Constitutional Court must be respected.
[00:23:58] I don't hear, and I don't find it right, saying that the decisions of the Constitutional Court were not
[00:24:02] implemented in this country. The decisions of the European Court of Human Rights were not
[00:24:05] implemented in this country. So how will this
[00:24:09] process advance with a government that puts the principle of the rule of law in the background, ignoring it?
[00:24:13] First, this government must transform Turkey into a
[00:24:17] state of law. It must abandon these mistakes.
[00:24:20] It must release the mayors. Trial without detention is
[00:24:24] fundamental in Turkish law, and it must comply with this principle.
[00:24:27] A government that, without doing these things, makes pre-trial
[00:24:30] detention the main rule, arresting and imprisoning
[00:24:33] elected officials, former CHP members and new party members,
[00:24:36] before there is a final court decision,
[00:24:40] taking them into custody in the morning and throwing them into prison,
[00:24:43] keeping them in prison for more than a year,
[00:24:46] means that it does not comply with the principle of the rule of law.
[00:24:50] First, Turkey must be transformed into a state of law.
[00:24:54] It must implement this constitution and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights,
[00:24:58] and the decisions of the Constitutional Court.
[00:25:00] Then, it will come before the new party
[00:25:04] and start this process. Applying separate laws for the CHP
[00:25:07] and separate laws for the PKK is not an acceptable
[00:25:11] situation. The essence of the matter, in my opinion, is this. I meant this in my article,
[00:25:15] Gökben. That is, we will first be a state of law,
[00:25:18] and the necessary steps will be taken for this. I mean,
[00:25:21] journalists are taken into custody and arrested for sharing an X
[00:25:25] message. A comedian is taken into custody
[00:25:28] and arrested for making a joke. People are taken away
[00:25:31] for speaking. In such an environment, it is difficult to find
[00:25:34] the approach that "we are doing what is necessary for the rule of law" convincing.
[00:25:38] So, the old CHP should also think about this, and the new party
[00:25:42] should also think about this. I assume that the objections of Mr. Murat Emir
[00:25:45] and Gamze Taşçıoğlu, and the 7-episode withdrawal of Deniz Oca,
[00:25:49] coincide with the statement in
[00:25:52] my article, Gökmen. I can summarize it like this.
[00:25:54] Okay, but the last sentence of the article: should it be put to a referendum
[00:25:58] for the approval of the people? Is that what you mean? I mean,
[00:26:02] if you proceed with an implementation without taking the public's opinion on such a
[00:26:05] very important issue, you will get your answer at the ballot box anyway.
[00:26:09] Also, as I mentioned, when Murat Emir was our guest,
[00:26:13] great care should be taken to make arrangements that do not offend the families
[00:26:16] of martyrs and veterans. I mean,
[00:26:20] this terrorist organization martyred tens of thousands of soldiers, police,
[00:26:24] and civilians. I mean, let me also state
[00:26:27] that this law is a first
[00:26:30] step. It still has no political dimension.
[00:26:33] I mean, why did Öcalan accept this law? What did he accept
[00:26:37] it for? We don't know these yet. Now, let me remind you of
[00:26:41] some of the spokespersons of the Den Party. For example, some Den Party MPs said
[00:26:44] that in this process, the word "Turk" in the definition of citizenship
[00:26:47] in Article 66 of the constitution should be removed. Another said
[00:26:50] that the phrase "the language of education is Turkish" in Article 42 of the constitution
[00:26:54] should be removed, or Kurdish should be added
[00:26:57] there. So, these issues are debatable.
[00:27:00] yani bu konular tartış.
[00:27:12] approach the event, and the upcoming political stage should be very
[00:27:15] well evaluated, I want to say. Okay, now let's bring up
[00:27:19] visual number 7, friends, on the big
[00:27:22] screen. After the content of the investigation files
[00:27:26] regarding Özgür Özel and Veli Ağababa was disclosed to the public
[00:27:29] by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office,
[00:27:32] the issue was brought to the agenda of the parliament due to the increasing
[00:27:36] investigation files against opposition MPs, alleging bribery, corruption, etc., and the violation
[00:27:39] of the presumption of innocence. The Deputy Speaker
[00:27:43] of the Parliament, a new party member named
[00:27:46] Tekin Bingöl, had also met with
[00:27:49] Numan Kurtulmuş, openly.
[00:27:53] As a reaction to this situation,
[00:27:56] Tekin Bingöl made a speech at the opening
[00:27:59] of the General Assembly of the Parliament today. Afterwards,
[00:28:03] he gave the floor one by one to the group deputy chairmen
[00:28:07] to express their views. All parties
[00:28:10] with groups in the parliament expressed their views
[00:28:14] on this matter and stated
[00:28:16] that what was done was wrong.
[00:28:20] Look, Yeniyol Group Deputy Chairman Selçuk Özdağ said
[00:28:23] that whoever exposed this, whether it was the Ministry of Justice
[00:28:27] or the parliamentary bureaucrats, action should be taken against them.
[00:28:30] Özel and his friends, when he was the CHP general chairman, were a nightmare
[00:28:34] for the government. Operations were carried out against them. Today, it means
[00:28:38] they continue to pose a threat. This is not right. İyi Party Group
[00:28:41] Deputy Chairman Turan Çömez spoke. "Immunity for speeches in parliament
[00:28:44] is a right given on behalf of the nation. Unfortunately, there are over a thousand
[00:28:48] investigation files, almost all of them related to the opposition. Why are the investigation files
[00:28:52] concerning Özgür Özel and Veli Ağababa being served? This is a coup
[00:28:55] against democracy. If those who conduct this process are not exposed, democracy will suffer."
[00:28:59] The CHP Group
[00:29:04] said, "We do not find it right to carry out extrajudicial executions of any MP, let alone
[00:29:08] a general chairman. Everyone must be accountable for their actions, but
[00:29:12] we do not find such an exposure, an extrajudicial execution, right."
[00:29:15] AKP Group Deputy Chairman Bahadır
[00:29:18] Yenişehirlioğlu said, "The Criminal Procedure Code is very clear.
[00:29:21] It states that procedural actions in the investigation phase must be kept confidential.
[00:29:24] This principle aims to collect evidence and protect
[00:29:28] the presumption of innocence. It is everyone's wish
[00:29:32] that this be complied with." MHP Group Deputy Chairman Filiz Kılıç:
[00:29:36] "There were many investigation files in the past. According to the Criminal Procedure
[00:29:39] Code, confidentiality is essential for everyone. We, as the MHP
[00:29:43] group, believe that this confidentiality must be protected.
[00:29:46] We will continue to make the necessary statements in the necessary places with the same
[00:29:49] belief." And the New Party Group Deputy Chairman Ali Mahir
[00:29:53] Başarır said, "The opposition has thousands of investigation files. These are used
[00:29:56] as threats. The investigation file of an MP comes,
[00:30:00] they are tried, but the statute of limitations has expired. It is very
[00:30:03] serious to lift the immunity of an MP, except for very serious crimes,
[00:30:07] and to expose an investigation file that has not yet come."
[00:30:09] Den Party Group Deputy Chairman Sezai
[00:30:13] Temelli: "In the eyes of the prosecutors, it's as if we are an organized crime group.
[00:30:17] This understanding is an intervention against politics. Serving investigation files
[00:30:20] and carrying out character assassination is unacceptable." Look,
[00:30:24] this is, isn't it very interesting? All parties,
[00:30:27] all parties with groups in the parliament,
[00:30:31] their group deputy chairmen said, "Friends, this was wrong."
[00:30:34] Even the AKP said, "Yes, this was wrong."
[00:30:37] Now let's ask Gamze Taşçıer from this perspective.
[00:30:41] How do you evaluate this, that all parties with groups
[00:30:45] objected to this? And what is it here? What is
[00:30:49] the violation of that confidentiality? What is the tarnishing
[00:30:52] of the presumption of innocence? What is the serving of the files?
[00:30:55] And who can be responsible for this, and how can it be revealed?