HALKTV — broadcast
20260806 200000 UTC
474 transcript segments
Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking
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Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record.

[00:00:00] Integrated air conditioners think for you amendment or a new constitution. a constitutional before you do. With artificial intelligence technology,
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[00:00:18] Turkey's energy storage.
[00:00:22] Orbus.
[00:01:28] then tea grows, there is a saying in the book. Is there such a saying
[00:01:32] in Rize that both politics and tea grow? Yes, yes, it is very common.
[00:01:35] First politicians, then tea grows. Rize's
[00:01:38] influence on political life, its contribution, the traces
[00:01:42] of revolutionary Rize and the
[00:02:11] came about because when I was the deputy general chairman
[00:02:15] of the ÖDP, I was with Mr. Ufuk.
[00:02:19] At that time, Hayri was the chairman, Ufuk wasn't there at that time.
[00:02:22] Now, we were holding a tea rally
[00:02:25] in Rize. I was calling the people of Rize
[00:02:29] in Istanbul, saying, "Friends,
[00:02:32] our party has a tea rally in Rize. Call your friends and relatives
[00:02:36] there so they can attend the tea rally." I swear,
[00:02:39] if I talked to 100 people, 95
[00:02:42] of them, or 90 of them,
[00:02:46] the dialogue between us was exactly like this:
[00:02:49] "Hasan, how are you? I'm fine, thank you, Hasan. How are you? All good, Hasan. There's a rally
[00:02:53] in Rize. Which Rize? Is it Bizum Rize?"
[00:02:57] What does "Bizum Rize" mean? All of it? "That's how
[00:03:01] our people reacted. I mean, there's a rally in Rize. Is it
[00:03:05] our Rize? You said there's Rize,
[00:03:08] but the name of
[00:03:19] trial, Ekrem Başkan called out to them,
[00:03:23] "Pick comar flowers for me." Now I tell all
[00:03:27] my loved ones."
[00:03:43] not only revolutionaries come
[00:04:06] we just gave the poll results, Sonar's latest poll.
[00:04:10] The new party is at 34%, the AKP is at 30%
[00:04:13] in that poll, the CHP is at 5%. On the one hand,
[00:04:17] there's the immunity move against Özgür Özel,
[00:04:20] the dossier, the dossier.
[00:04:23] There were already 61 dossiers, this is the 62nd. If you
[00:04:27] look at it from this perspective, you might wonder what's going on.
[00:04:32] But there's something else there. Information is being disclosed that is not
[00:04:35] substantiated, not known. Oh, things like bribery,
[00:04:38] corruption, etc., a series of whatever. And this is being
[00:04:42] announced to the public. So, there's a point here:
[00:04:46] Is there an attempt to cut off the wind of the new party
[00:04:49] already? I mean, in this sense: The agenda is not what
[00:04:53] the new party will do, the new party's program, how the new party will fix
[00:04:56] this and that. Instead, it's about, "Look, there's an investigation
[00:05:00] about the new party, look, there's a dossier, etc." Is it
[00:05:04] meant to draw attention to this? Also, Fethi
[00:05:08] Yıldız, made a statement:
[00:05:12] national solidarity and social integration
[00:05:15] was submitted to the Parliament with the signatures of 360 deputies. It is expected
[00:05:19] that the bill will be enacted with over 430 votes
[00:05:22] in the Grand National Assembly early next week." Now, these
[00:05:26] numbers, 360, over 400. These
[00:05:30] are also constitutional numbers, aren't they? Or, to
[00:05:33] be able to decide on early elections, it's 360.
[00:05:37] 360 is already enough. Yes, that's such a decision. After
[00:05:40] that, if it's over 400, the majority to amend the constitution
[00:05:44] without a referendum, etc. Is this also a rehearsal
[00:05:48] for the constitution, for constitutional alliances,
[00:05:51] with 430 signatures?
[00:06:17] Now, when I talk a little about the novel, we will all recognize
[00:06:21] the name of the novel. What the novel basically tells
[00:06:24] is about authoritarianism, how power develops
[00:06:27] a style and form of governance over society and the economy,
[00:06:31] and how it sets the agenda. The novel
[00:06:34] says this: Power, authority,
[00:06:37] sets the agenda at various levels and stages
[00:06:40] of economic and social life. How does it
[00:06:44] set it? It shapes your way of thinking and
[00:06:47] form, presents you with points of discussion.
[00:06:51] You know how to discuss because it is brought to you from the top,
[00:06:55] from above. The agenda is completely determined by the power,
[00:06:58] and within which concepts you will speak
[00:07:02] is also determined by the power, by that supreme
[00:07:05] authority. The contents of the concept are not
[00:07:22] about many concepts here: democracy, human rights,
[00:07:25] peace, justice, law, judiciary. Are these
[00:07:28] concepts really understood and discussed by everyone
[00:07:31] in the same way today? Is the word "peace"
[00:07:35] understood by everyone in the same way? Does the same
[00:07:39] concept come to mind when we say "law"? This, I think, is a concept
[00:07:43] that needs to be answered with a big question mark. The novel
[00:07:46] also explains this, it says that power changes this concept.
[00:07:50] Power fills the contents of these concepts
[00:07:53] with what it wants, within its own desire. Those past
[00:07:57] concepts you knew before are abstracted in a different
[00:08:01] way, and reality is created by power.
[00:08:04] In fact, you seem to be talking
[00:08:07] about the same concepts, you think so, but you are not
[00:08:10] talking about the same concepts. History. "The past is emptied,
[00:08:14] history, the past is rebuilt by the government.
[00:08:17] When you look at the past, you interpret
[00:08:21] today in a different way.
[00:08:23] Clothing, thoughts, the way of thinking is completely
[00:08:27] determined by the government. The jacket society wears,
[00:08:30] a beard, a mustache, words, the way of greeting
[00:08:34] are directly determined by the government. In fact,
[00:08:38] all of these reveal to us a single way of thinking, a single
[00:08:42] formal structure, and at the same time a single habit. It is actually a very
[00:08:45] famous novel, George Orwell's novel 1984,
[00:08:49] which completely describes how the agenda is set,
[00:08:53] by whom it is shaped, how the concepts are
[00:08:56] filled. Today, unfortunately, when we talk about
[00:08:59] certain concepts, we are talking about the terrorist Turkey process,
[00:09:03] we are talking about the framework law. Even a
[00:09:06] framework law concept was discussed by Deniz Hoca,
[00:09:10] asking if such a definition could exist. I suddenly
[00:09:13] went back to 2002, to 2003.
[00:09:17] In 2003, the AKP prepared a law, the Public Administration
[00:09:21] Basic Law. Now, the name of the law.
[00:09:24] Again, in law, there is no such thing as a Public Administration
[00:09:28] Basic Law. When this law was prepared in 2002 and 2003,
[00:09:32] we objected a lot. We said that there is no text above
[00:09:35] laws called a basic law. The norm above
[00:09:39] these laws is directly the constitution. No, I said.
[00:09:42] For different reasons, this objection was
[00:09:46] realized. From 2002 to 2026,
[00:09:49] in terms of language, I guess not much
[00:09:52] is changing from basic law to framework law. The main thing here
[00:09:55] is that there is a clear intention to create a certain way of thinking
[00:09:58] and set an agenda. This also appears
[00:10:02] in today's polls and this created
[00:10:06] reality manifests itself to us in different
[00:10:10] ways. Now, what is the main real agenda of society? We always
[00:10:13] say it's economic, that is, directly
[00:10:16] the situation of young people, the situation of women,
[00:10:20] an unemployment problem, the problem of capital in Turkey.
[00:10:23] The data mainly shows a huge problem
[00:10:26] in these areas. The current poll,
[00:10:30] I actually want to say this: Even though the new
[00:10:32] party has 35%, and the AK Party has 30%
[00:10:36] in the polls right now,
[00:10:39] at this point in time, I'm not sure how
[00:10:42] realistic the polls are, because so many important
[00:10:46] things are being discussed in Turkey right now.
[00:10:50] These important things are both to hide and cover
[00:10:53] certain things, but also a process that is being discussed
[00:10:57] to create a new social and ecological ground. We can probably talk
[00:11:01] about the polls more clearly in October
[00:11:03] and November. The proposals that emerge today,
[00:11:07] the laws, what will be discussed in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey,
[00:11:11] how political parties will determine their preferences.
[00:11:15] At the same time, these will be used as a big tool
[00:11:19] to convince the public within the framework
[00:11:22] of determining and guiding these polls we are talking about.
[00:11:25] Young people currently have incredible problems.
[00:11:28] Now, when renting a house, both the landlord is unhappy
[00:11:32] and the tenant is unhappy, so there is a problem on both sides.
[00:11:35] Farmers are unhappy, their products don't sell for money.
[00:11:39] We have to pay a huge amount of money to buy
[00:11:42] the same product. Now, again,
[00:11:46] it came to my mind with the novel, concepts are changed
[00:11:49] in the novel 1984. It says this:
[00:11:52] The concepts you use today manifest themselves with different
[00:11:55] concepts. For example, an increase in price.
[00:11:59] Something we never use today. Instead, what is used is price update
[00:12:03] or price adjustment. The novel 1984
[00:12:06] actually explains this exactly. Does the system we are
[00:12:10] in bring us pieces of that novel,
[00:12:12] glimpses of that novel? That's why these polls today
[00:12:16] need to be evaluated and read in this context.
[00:12:20] We need to put aside how realistic they are, but
[00:12:23] it is very clear that there is a great resistance
[00:12:27] in society, both economically and socially,
[00:12:30] and a great weariness, a great exhaustion syndrome.
[00:12:34] That's why, especially among young people
[00:12:38] and women, when we look at the segment that supports
[00:12:40] the new party the most, young people appear, and
[00:12:43] there is also a great interest from women.
[00:12:47] This was also very clearly seen in Özgür Özel's
[00:12:50] rallies, street walks in Anatolia, and marches.
[00:12:53] Women were in the front and there was always
[00:12:57] a woman on his left and right. A woman said, "We will buy
[00:13:01] you a bus." A woman also said, "We will give you
[00:13:04] a general headquarters building." That's why women
[00:13:08] see the fire in the streets, the fire in the bazaar,
[00:13:12] the fire in the market more clearly, because they have to organize
[00:13:15] and support their homes. Similarly, there is
[00:13:19] a huge despair and uncertainty among young people.
[00:13:22] There is a concern for the future. That's why people are opening
[00:13:26] up to novelty, to something new, to hope.
[00:13:30] But this is a huge advantage for the opposition,
[00:13:33] but as much as it is an advantage, it also creates a very difficult
[00:13:37] disadvantageous process, because this needs to be controlled
[00:13:40] very well. This social rise needs to be
[00:13:43] very well planned and programmed by the opposition,
[00:13:46] because there will be elections within a year.
[00:13:49] Elections are very close. We can see many signs
[00:13:53] of this. Perhaps even today's
[00:13:55] law work, even the law work that came to the Grand National Assembly
[00:13:59] of Turkey, needs to be evaluated in this context to some extent.
[00:14:01] That's why the opposition needs to control this process
[00:14:05] very well. There is a huge wind behind it.
[00:14:09] It needs to control this wind very well.
[00:14:12] Because uncontrolled power is not power.
[00:14:15] It can drag you to completely different places. You need
[00:14:18] to control that power very well. But right now,
[00:14:22] there is a huge desire for change in society. It's very clear.
[00:14:25] This is also reflected in these polls. Naturally,
[00:14:28] others also read and evaluate this process, and
[00:14:32] certain mechanisms emerge to prevent
[00:14:36] this. We can talk about immunities
[00:14:38] in this context, we can talk about detentions
[00:14:42] and arrests in this context, we can talk about municipal
[00:14:45] operations in this context. The rise of the new party,
[00:14:48] the rise of the opposition, is also directly observed
[00:14:52] and evaluated by the government.
[00:14:55] And the government currently has a huge dilemma. It cannot offer
[00:14:58] anything new to society, it cannot offer hope to society,
[00:15:02] it can only discuss what already exists.
[00:15:06] That's why the opposition should not fall into this mistake.
[00:15:09] I will refer to the law again, the framework law.
[00:15:12] Today, an MHP, an AKP,
[00:15:16] which had different discourses before, are putting forward a framework law,
[00:15:19] but they are not making any effort to convince
[00:15:23] their own base, their core base. The perception is that
[00:15:27] the opposition should fall apart, the opposition should
[00:15:30] be confined to two discourses. That's why any word
[00:15:33] that comes out of your mouth can place you somewhere.
[00:15:37] "A word you say can place you in the context
[00:15:41] of racism or defending a terrorist organization, or in the context
[00:15:44] of opposition to peace. When you say human rights,
[00:15:48] when you say justice, when you say stop the arms,
[00:15:51] society
[00:15:52] evaluates
[00:15:55] this differently through the guidance of the actors
[00:15:59] who empower the government in this direction.
[00:16:01] But right now, the data you brought to the screen,
[00:16:05] I think it's even more. Right now, 60%
[00:16:09] to 65% of society, because
[00:16:12] in these figures in the polls, how much can society trust
[00:16:15] the polls and how well can it express
[00:16:19] itself? Now, to whom were these questions asked?
[00:16:23] With what method was it obtained? How sincere
[00:16:27] can a response be in a telephone survey? Or when
[00:16:30] you extend a microphone to someone on the street,
[00:16:34] how sincere and honest can a response be? Unfortunately,
[00:16:37] there is a silence and a hiding among people. That's why
[00:16:41] I expect a much different and even bigger
[00:16:44] vote in the election process than these polls.
[00:16:48] We saw this in the Cyprus elections. At that time,
[00:16:52] a certain margin was seen, meaning the opposition was expected
[00:16:56] to win, but a very different result,
[00:16:59] a result that truly exceeded the polls, was encountered. The current silence
[00:17:03] in society, hiding oneself in the ballot box,
[00:17:07] waiting, observing, is very clearly seen.
[00:17:10] That's why I say, how much can polls be trusted?
[00:17:14] We can see an election where many parties,
[00:17:18] I'm not just saying one party, many parties fall below
[00:17:21] the threshold. Turkey can really
[00:17:24] experience a process where only three parties
[00:17:27] pass the threshold. Turkey has entered
[00:17:31] such an election system. In a way, polarization
[00:17:34] can be evaluated negatively, but in a way,
[00:17:37] this is also due to the search in society
[00:17:40] and people positioning themselves in a certain place.
[00:17:43] That's why the upcoming period, especially the 3-4 month period,
[00:17:47] is very critical. Both a constitutional amendment,
[00:17:51] new constitutional discussions, and the fact that
[00:17:54] economic and social problems in the country can no longer be solved
[00:17:57] by a very large segment of society will lead Turkey into
[00:18:00] a different election climate. Ms. Şeref,
[00:18:03] now it is written and drawn in many places, meaning
[00:18:16] there are statements and news that this will be put forward
[00:18:19] and that work will be initiated
[00:18:21] on this.
[00:18:23] So, in this situation, should we think this? I mean,
[00:18:27] the committee report had 7 sections, right? Democratization,
[00:18:31] let's say the requirements of that 7th section, "Come on,
[00:18:34] let's solve this issue with this new constitution, at the new constitution table."
[00:18:39] There is no need for a constitutional amendment for that. You are right, I agree.
[00:18:43] After all, is there anything restrictive in the current constitution regarding
[00:18:47] the right to demonstrate and assemble? But we can see, can't we,
[00:18:51] how politics will flow? That is, how the People's Alliance
[00:18:54] will steer it into which
[00:18:57] channel. Is it possible that a new constitution table
[00:19:01] could be established, and that the DEM Party could be
[00:19:04] there in this sense? Regarding the 7 sections of the
[00:19:07] committee report, meaning the issues related to democratization,
[00:19:11] can a new constitution table be formed by saying, "Come on,
[00:19:14] we're doing this, what more do you want?" Would you expect this? How do
[00:19:17] you view this? First of all, let me state that
[00:19:21] Mr. Barış said something very accurate. We are going through such a sensitive
[00:19:24] process that we can be judged
[00:19:28] unfairly for something we say and be placed
[00:19:31] on different grounds.
[00:19:34] I mean, the fact that I support
[00:19:37] disarmament and the end of conflict has led to
[00:19:41] some critical messages on social media
[00:19:44] that pull it in another direction.
[00:19:47] But I am a person who displays a principled
[00:19:51] stance ideologically and principially. So, no matter what
[00:19:54] anyone says, my view is fixed.
[00:19:58] I support non-conflict,
[00:20:01] the laying down of arms, and that the solution should be
[00:20:05] on a common legal basis, not through armed conflict."
[00:20:08] We will discuss the details at length. It should also be underlined that
[00:20:12] this framework law we are talking about has not yet been approved
[00:20:15] by the general assembly. There may be changes,
[00:20:19] improvements. We will be discussing the final
[00:20:22] version of the law. Moreover, even what we call this framework
[00:20:26] law gave me a feeling that the government still holds
[00:20:29] all the strings. It is not something that makes you feel completely
[00:20:33] safe or that you can say this process can proceed
[00:20:37] smoothly. The government saw that this wasn't progressing,
[00:20:40] and a year later, it could break this whole agreement and
[00:20:43] restart the whole process, as in 2015.
[00:20:47] We are facing a framework law that allows it to hold
[00:20:50] these strings. So, yes, I support this
[00:20:54] peace process. Yes, let the arms be laid down,
[00:20:56] let there be no conflict. Yes, let's meet on a legal
[00:21:00] basis. But the reality is that we are facing
[00:21:03] a draft law where the government holds all the strings
[00:21:06] and has the ability to disrupt the process
[00:21:10] whenever it wants. But when you look at it,
[00:21:14] we are talking about the 6th and 7th articles of the commission.
[00:21:17] I have been thinking this from the beginning, sir:
[00:21:21] I support the peace process, but we should not say
[00:21:25] that democratization should happen in return for the peace
[00:21:28] process. That is, democratization
[00:21:31] should not be a condition for the peace process.
[00:21:34] There is no democracy without peace and no peace without democracy.
[00:21:38] So, let's say the arms are not laid down,
[00:21:41] let's say the conflict continues. What will we say then?
[00:21:45] Will we say that the Constitutional Court's decisions
[00:21:48] should not be implemented?
[00:21:53] Let's say it continued. So, what will we say then? In the 7th article of the commission, it was said that the decisions
[00:21:56] of the Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights
[00:22:00] should be followed, but the conflict continues, so
[00:22:03] should we continue not to follow them? This is already a shameful
[00:22:07] situation. In the 7th report
[00:22:10] of the commission in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey,
[00:22:14] it was recorded that the decisions of the Constitution
[00:22:18] and the European Court of Human Rights were not followed.
[00:22:22] Let me give you an example: Today is Vera's birthday. Greetings
[00:22:25] to the hero. Yes, Vera has been away
[00:22:28] from her father for 4 years, 4 months. Now, yes,
[00:22:32] I support the peace process, I support the non-conflict process,
[00:22:35] but on the one hand, I am also looking for the answer to this
[00:22:39] question: Why are the Constitutional Court's decisions not implemented?
[00:22:42] Why are the European Court of Human Rights' decisions not implemented?
[00:22:46] We don't need the peace process to be active for these to be implemented.
[00:22:50] They should have been implemented anyway. On the contrary,
[00:22:54] if you advance the peace process and this framework law,
[00:22:57] which I also support, defined by some
[00:23:00] as the root law, if this process becomes
[00:23:03] active and then you do not implement the decisions
[00:23:07] of the Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights,
[00:23:10] if you do not return to the principles of law, to the principles
[00:23:13] of a state of law, you cannot popularize this process.
[00:23:17] On the contrary, you will alienate
[00:23:21] even more. Today, many people tell me, "Your father
[00:23:25] was also unfairly arrested in these municipal
[00:23:28] operations, a trustee was appointed in his place.
[00:23:30] Why are you in this process?" Peace is bigger
[00:23:34] than all of us. Peace is not
[00:23:37] about a person's personal ambition. If no coffins
[00:23:40] have entered homes in this country for two years, this should be
[00:23:44] something we support. But on the other hand,
[00:23:47] of course, this fetishism of arrest should not continue.
[00:23:50] This trustee regime
[00:23:59] that whenever the issue of lifting immunities is discussed,
[00:24:02] you know what I say: I think that even discussing
[00:24:05] the possibility of lifting
[00:24:08] Özgür Özel's immunity has a negative impact
[00:24:11] and provides a legitimate ground for this area.
[00:24:15] This possibility should be considered
[00:24:18] null and void in our eyes,
[00:24:21] it should not be legitimized. I understand, and
[00:24:24] there is great support in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey
[00:24:42] you are also right, but I think I am also right because discussing
[00:24:46] the possibility of lifting Özgür Özen's
[00:24:49] immunity gives legitimacy to this matter,
[00:24:53] this takes this country to a completely different place,
[00:24:56] lifting the immunity of Özgür Özel or anyone
[00:25:00] in the parliament with immunity in this process,
[00:25:02] and the progress of this peace process
[00:25:06] will not progress together. You
[00:25:09] imprisoned Selahattin Demirtaş 10 years ago
[00:25:12] by lifting his immunity, and after 10 years,
[00:25:16] you will free him with a framework law, but today
[00:25:19] you will use the same method to imprison Özgür Özel,
[00:25:21] this will not work, this will not happen, the Kurdish people will not accept this,
[00:25:25] because we need to look at the issue from a principled
[00:25:29] perspective, also regarding the constitutional amendment, frankly,
[00:25:33] today we can only speak based on guesses,
[00:25:36] but you know, when the process first
[00:25:40] started, there was a great uneasiness about this
[00:25:43] and it was heavily asked to the DEM Party members,
[00:25:47] "Are you going to make the president a candidate for another
[00:26:02] if they take an opposing
[00:26:05] stance today, if they are
[00:26:08] in an opposing position today, it will be the DEM
[00:26:11] Party's own institutional decision, but I think it will not find
[00:26:15] a response among the DEM Party's base, we should not forget this,
[00:26:19] today we say peace process, we say let this process
[00:26:34] in this country, there are thousands
[00:26:37] of people who have no connection with the organization but are imprisoned
[00:26:40] for organization membership, who created this system?
[00:26:44] The government itself created it. And Deniz Hodja, let me
[00:26:48] also say this, I think the government did not
[00:26:50] promise anyone democracy when starting
[00:26:54] this process, it can only be the pressure
[00:26:57] of the opposition that will make this democracy work, therefore,
[00:27:00] we support this process, but on the other hand,
[00:27:04] democratic steps, concrete steps should also be taken,
[00:27:08] in this sense, I think politics, public
[00:27:11] opinion, the people should create pressure,
[00:27:15] what will we say, we should not say that we support
[00:27:18] the peace process for the transition to trial with detention,
[00:27:22] detention fetishism should already be ended, or today,
[00:27:25] when you look at the DEM Party's own base,
[00:27:28] the Kurds have been subjected to so much
[00:27:33] injustice, the Kurds who think
[00:27:36] that they have been subjected to injustice, I mean,
[00:27:39] don't they know that the government
[00:27:42] is the one that caused this injustice? Therefore,
[00:27:46] the DEM Party is also criticizing this process today,
[00:27:49] you are sitting at the same table with the government, but with whom
[00:27:52] should they sit at the same table?
[00:28:03] a water problem, the DEM Party also
[00:28:07] had a problem, today it sat at the table with whoever
[00:28:11] it needed to sit with to solve this problem, but
[00:28:14] does this mean that you see this as a process led
[00:28:17] by the government, or as a process
[00:28:21] determined by Öcalan? I see this as a state
[00:28:24] project, that is, a state
[00:28:27] project, and this process is not about Turkey,
[00:28:31] it is completely related to the developments
[00:28:34] in Syria and the Middle East, I think this process
[00:28:38] is progressing after that, Öcalan's contribution
[00:28:41] has been that the organization would not have laid down
[00:28:45] its arms without Öcalan telling them to lay down their arms,
[00:28:48] but in the end, if we say that this needs to be solved
[00:28:52] on a common legal basis, then this process
[00:28:55] was carried out through legally elected
[00:28:58] members of parliament and people doing legal politics,
[00:29:02] therefore, the DEM Party is naturally
[00:29:05] one of the main interlocutors of this process.
[00:29:08] Fikret abi,
[00:29:10] is there a possibility that
[00:29:14] this could turn into a table for a new
[00:29:16] constitution? Can the AKP, MHP,
[00:29:20] and DEM Party's joint stance on this framework law or
[00:29:23] solution process, whatever we call it,
[00:29:27] evolve into a constitutional table? These
[00:29:31] numbers that are mentioned, for example, changing
[00:29:34] the constitution? That's the basis of the question,
[00:29:37] that's separate, Hanım, what I mean is, in the constitution,
[00:29:41] this changes, that changes, the story is that a new
[00:29:45] constitutional work
[00:29:47] will dominate Turkey's agenda for months,
[00:29:51] this will create an impact, can it turn into such a thing?
[00:29:55] Can these 430 figures be a constitutional rehearsal?
[00:29:58] Yes, it can, Gökmen, now it's worth
[00:30:02] reminding that there are reports that AK Party
[00:30:05] and MHP experts have been working
[00:30:08] on a new constitutional text for more than a year,
[00:30:12] a new constitutional text is being worked on,
[00:30:15] the government group is carrying out this work,
[00:30:18] it has not been announced to the public yet.
[00:30:21] Now, the most important article of the constitution
[00:30:24] that concerns the government is Article 101.
[00:30:28] According to this article, a person cannot be elected
[00:30:32] president more than twice. Considering this article,
[00:30:36] for Mr. Erdoğan to be a candidate for the third time, the parliament
[00:30:40] needs to decide on early elections. In order to decide on early elections,
[00:30:43] the government needs the votes of the DEM Party
[00:30:46] deputies. Also, for him to be re-elected
[00:30:50] in the election, he needs the votes of the DEM Party members. Such
[00:30:53] a political reality is evident. Therefore,
[00:30:57] Article 101 can be removed by introducing