HALKTV — Sansursuz
20260914 010000 UTC
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[00:00:00] "Tuig Tumbunlardan, came to the public agenda with
[00:00:03] a completely different issue. There is an allegation
[00:00:07] of corruption against Tuik. The issue
[00:00:10] is the allegation that tenders may
[00:00:14] have been rigged.
[00:00:18] Tiig, which determines the salaries of civil servants,
[00:00:22] retirees, and minimum wage earners with the inflation rates it announces,
[00:00:25] has come to the agenda with allegations of irregularities
[00:00:28] in vehicle rental tenders conducted within the institution this time.
[00:00:32] The Turkish Statistical Institute, under the presidency of Erhan Çetinkaya,
[00:00:36] carried out four tenders totaling 522 million liras.
[00:00:40] All of these four tenders were won by the companies
[00:00:43] of Mehmet Kaya, a former
[00:00:45] AKP parliamentary candidate.
[00:00:48] From January 8, 2022, to May 9, 2026,
[00:00:51] Çetinkaya, who was the President of Tüik and
[00:00:54] known to the public as the son-in-law of former
[00:00:57] AKP Bayrampaşa Mayor Atila Aydıner. During his term, Çetinkaya
[00:01:01] started conducting tenders from the center, which were previously
[00:01:04] carried out by regional directorates. During Çetinkaya's term,
[00:01:08] it was alleged that the specifications were determined in a narrow scope,
[00:01:12] thus allowing only a limited number of firms to participate,
[00:01:15] and during the same period, four different vehicle rental tenders,
[00:01:19] two of which were negotiated,
[00:01:22] were carried out. All of these tenders were won
[00:01:25] by Mehmetkaya's companies Carpartner and Kayatur filo,
[00:01:29] known for the tenders they received from public institutions. The total
[00:01:32] value of the tenders
[00:01:33] exceeded 522 million liras.
[00:01:36] Despite the tender specification requiring vehicles of domestic origin,
[00:01:40] it was alleged that foreign and high-segment luxury vehicles
[00:01:43] were allocated to high-level executives such as general managers
[00:01:47] and department heads. It is also among the allegations that the high
[00:01:50] costs arising from luxury vehicles were reflected in other expense
[00:01:54] items, thus directly harming the public. The specification
[00:01:57] differences were not only limited to executive vehicles.
[00:02:01] While the specification stipulated factory-produced M class
[00:02:04] minibuses suitable for passenger transport, it was claimed that N class
[00:02:08] vehicles produced for cargo and goods transport
[00:02:11] were later modified and used for personnel.
[00:02:13] sürüldü.
[00:02:17] The 2026-2027 academic year will start tomorrow.
[00:02:21] The school bell will ring for 18 million
[00:02:24] students. Let's wish them good luck from now on,
[00:02:28] but especially. Due to the school attacks
[00:02:31] in Şanlıurfa and Kahramanmaraş last year,
[00:02:35] this year, before the academic year started in
[00:02:38] 81 provinces, a special measures package
[00:02:42] was implemented under the governorships. For one thing,
[00:02:46] 6105 security units will
[00:02:49] serve in separate schools.
[00:02:52] For example, there will be garden
[00:02:56] staff this year, let's take a look.
[00:03:00] 1469 police teams and 335 gendarmerie
[00:03:04] teams will be on duty around schools.
[00:03:08] 578 teams will be permanently assigned
[00:03:11] during school entrance and exit
[00:03:14] hours. 45 mobile school teams in 39 districts
[00:03:17] will also be able to intervene in security problems
[00:03:21] that may arise in schools and their surroundings. Garden
[00:03:24] staff is a new arrangement that will be implemented
[00:03:27] for the first time this year. There will be garden staff.
[00:03:31] These are not private security personnel
[00:03:33] or police, they are specially created
[00:03:37] as garden staff to ensure security
[00:03:40] among children in the garden during garden time,
[00:03:43] or rather, during recess, and to conduct
[00:03:46] controls and inspections. Detectors provided
[00:03:50] by the Istanbul Governorship will also be in place,
[00:03:53] especially in Istanbul, meaning that at school
[00:03:57] entrances and exits.
[00:04:01] Whether it is deemed necessary or not, anyone entering
[00:04:04] the school will be subjected to a detector search.
[00:04:07] Whoever enters the school,
[00:04:10] in official and private primary, middle, and
[00:04:13] high schools, on Monday, September 14, that is,
[00:04:16] starting tomorrow, the first day of school
[00:04:20] will be held between 10 and 15 o'clock.
[00:04:24] This is, of course, one of the decisions
[00:04:27] made by the Istanbul Governorship to ease traffic.
[00:04:30] Just one of them. Now, yes, the school bell
[00:04:33] will ring for 18,000 students in 80,000
[00:04:36] schools tomorrow for the 2026-2027
[00:04:40] academic year for the first time. But did
[00:04:43] every parent prepare their child for the new academic
[00:04:46] year as they wished? In other words, will every
[00:04:49] student actually be able to benefit from
[00:04:52] their fundamental right to education and equal opportunities
[00:04:55] in education? We all know the answer.
[00:04:58] Unfortunately, no. For those
[00:05:01] who have money, all kinds of conditions
[00:05:05] can already be provided in private schools. But for
[00:05:08] our citizens with lower incomes, a difficult year awaits
[00:05:12] the families of their children
[00:05:14] who will start the academic
[00:05:16] year tomorrow.
[00:05:21] Basic rights: life, eating and drinking, and shelter.
[00:05:24] For children, the right to life at school means school safety,
[00:05:28] eating and drinking, being able to eat from the canteen
[00:05:32] and dining hall, and shelter means good school equipment.
[00:05:35] For those who have money, there are private schools. In public
[00:05:39] schools, there is a little of everything. There is security,
[00:05:43] school equipment is limited, and lunch money is insufficient.
[00:05:46] What about the others? School safety. There are approximately
[00:05:50] 18 million students and 1,200,000 teachers in Turkey. Minister
[00:05:54] of Interior Mustafa Çiftçi announced that 31 personnel
[00:05:57] would be provided in schoolyards. There are approximately 60 public
[00:06:00] schools. What about the other half? Minister Çiftçi raised
[00:06:04] the stakes and talked about door-to-door security.
[00:06:07] Let them come to school safely. Let them not be subjected
[00:06:09] to any physical or psychological
[00:06:12] violence during their stay at school, and let them
[00:06:15] return home safely after leaving school. So how will
[00:06:19] this be ensured?
[00:06:22] The second most important right is eating and drinking.
[00:06:25] The bill for one free meal and drinking water was rejected
[00:06:29] by the votes of AKP and MHP. A pocket money allowance was announced
[00:06:32] in one of 81 provinces. The Istanbul Governorship will give
[00:06:36] 2,000 liras per month to 50,000 students. What will those
[00:06:40] in 80 provinces do? Also, the governorship will give
[00:06:43] pocket money to 50,000 students. However, there are 2.7
[00:06:45] million students in Istanbul.
[00:06:49] What will the others do? Canteen prices have been announced,
[00:06:52] the daily price of a mixed toast and an ayran
[00:06:56] is 150 liras, which makes 3,000 liras per month,
[00:06:59] while the Istanbul Governorship gives 2,000 liras. The pocket
[00:07:03] money is not enough for one toast and one ayran
[00:07:06] every day. A table d'hôte meal, which amounts to 5,700
[00:07:09] liras per month, is a dream. There is no money left
[00:07:13] for drinking water in any case. In the PISA 2025 results
[00:07:17] report, which the government boasts about its success
[00:07:20] score, one out of every five students in Turkey
[00:07:24] skips a meal at least once a week due to economic
[00:07:27] reasons. Turkey is the second country with the highest
[00:07:30] child poverty at 22.4% among OECD countries.
[00:07:34] According to the data of the Ministry of Family
[00:07:36] and Social Services, the number of children whose basic needs
[00:07:40] cannot be met by their families and who are at risk of being taken away
[00:07:44] is 193,601.
[00:07:47] According to the data of the Education Reform Initiative,
[00:07:50] 5.5% of children suffer from stunting due to inadequate
[00:07:53] nutrition. According to Tüik, 7.8 million
[00:07:57] 166 thousand children are in the grip of poverty.
[00:08:01] The President of the United States, Donald Trump, is spending
[00:08:04] this weekend in Ireland. He is giving messages about the political
[00:08:07] agenda and also
[00:08:13] playing golf, a sport he is very
[00:08:17] fond of. However, his statements are once
[00:08:21] again on the world's agenda, but the Irish
[00:08:25] are not very happy about the situation.
[00:08:27] So now it's Ireland's problem. US President
[00:08:31] Donald Trump was met with protests in Ireland,
[00:08:35] which he visited for the first
[00:08:36] time in 7 years.
[00:08:41] Trump's two-day weekend visit to the island
[00:08:44] nation is not solely for diplomatic purposes. The American
[00:08:47] president went to Ireland to attend the Irish Open
[00:08:51] Golf Tournament, one of the important organizations
[00:08:54] of golf, a sport he is very fond of. In Dublin,
[00:08:58] the capital, Trump met with
[00:09:00] Irish Prime Minister Michelle Martin.
[00:09:07] He made statements that would anger London. He said
[00:09:11] that he wanted to see the Republic of Ireland
[00:09:14] and British-controlled Northern Ireland unite,
[00:09:18] saying, "I have friends
[00:09:20] on both sides." He also
[00:09:29] added, "That would be fantastic." Trump, referring to the general
[00:09:32] belief that the Irish have a foul mouth,
[00:09:36] perhaps to appear sympathetic to the island people,
[00:09:40] praised them on the one hand and used a lot
[00:09:43] of expletives on the other. Trump tried to appear
[00:09:47] unconcerned about the protests outside. He said,
[00:09:50] "I didn't see a protest against me." However,
[00:09:52] in reality, tens of thousands
[00:10:01] of people in Dublin protested Trump's visit.
[00:10:04] The people of the capital, marching with banners, slogans,
[00:10:08] and Irish and Palestinian flags, filled the streets. Some groups within the crowd
[00:10:18] also burned American flags. Far-right groups, emboldened by the state elections
[00:10:22] in Germany last week,
[00:12:03] made a show of force in Europe. Europeans spent
[00:12:06] this weekend. In the city of Tomworth in England,
[00:12:10] the far-right "Britain First" group.
[00:12:12] In 35 cities,
[00:12:18] primarily the capital Berlin, thousands of demonstrators
[00:12:20] called for the protection of democratic institutions and human rights
[00:12:33] against the far-right threat. In the speeches given
[00:12:36] at the demonstrations, it was emphasized that the democratic
[00:12:40] segments of society should act together
[00:12:43] and in solidarity. Due to bad weather conditions,
[00:12:47] Turkish Airlines' passenger plane making the Tunisia
[00:12:50] flight had to abort its landing.
[00:12:53] Those moments were recorded by passengers
[00:12:57] inside the plane
[00:13:05] with their cell phone cameras in panic.
[00:13:09] Let's watch those images, dear Ali.
[00:13:12] Passengers recorded these images. Let's
[00:13:15] turn up the volume, friends. Since
[00:13:19] the plane could not land after several
[00:13:22] go-arounds at the airport, there were passengers
[00:13:33] who recorded these images. However, after several
[00:13:37] go-arounds, some passengers
[00:13:38] could not maintain their composure.
[00:13:45] The plane was able to land, and the passengers calmed
[00:13:49] down. We wish them a speedy
[00:14:06] recovery. In our final news, we will be back for the second
[00:14:10] generation in just 5 minutes. It's now very easy to access
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[00:14:51] Follow on WhatsApp and access the news
[00:14:55] anytime you want. Good evening, welcome
[00:14:58] to Halk TV screens, we are with you with "Söz Sende",
[00:15:02] we wish you a good evening first of all.
[00:15:06] In the new broadcast season, "Söz Sende"
[00:15:10] will be yours every Sunday, please write and send
[00:15:13] us what you want to write and what you want to convey,
[00:15:17] and your questions to our guests, we will listen to them
[00:15:21] in the coming hours. We are here for 5 hours,
[00:15:25] we have completed the week, we are ready for the new
[00:15:28] week, what will we talk about in the new week,
[00:15:32] the question of the week is actually clear,
[00:15:36] has Turkey entered
[00:15:49] the election market? We will ask this question,
[00:15:52] are the signs stronger for an early election
[00:15:56] or an election brought forward? We will talk
[00:15:59] about the signs. Özgür Özel, who drew
[00:16:03] attention to the will to separate, used the same sentence.
[00:16:06] Mansur Yavaş's statements and strategy for the
[00:16:09] future will undoubtedly be one of the questions
[00:16:13] of the new week. Özgür Özel said that the
[00:16:17] time has come for democrats to unite. The question
[00:16:21] we are curious about is this. So how will
[00:16:24] this happen? A week has passed, but Üsküdar
[00:16:28] continues to set the agenda. As we just mentioned,
[00:16:31] Özgür Özel had important messages at the "Üsküdar
[00:16:35] is the nation's" rally last night. We will discuss
[00:16:38] all of these. We have very valuable guests.
[00:16:41] With your permission, I would like to introduce my guests.
[00:16:45] Who is in our studio? New Party Aydın Deputy
[00:16:48] Süleyman Bülbül is with us, welcome Mr. Bülbül.
[00:16:52] Public opinion researcher and sociologist Semik Turan
[00:16:56] is with us, welcome Mr. Turan. And
[00:16:59] Professor Doctor Oğuz Demir is with us.
[00:17:03] Bahadır Özgür was not on our broadcast
[00:17:06] in the past days, he completed his leave
[00:17:10] and returned. Let's say welcome to Bahadır Özgür. Political
[00:17:13] scientist Barış Övgün is with
[00:17:16] us via remote connection. Mr. Övgün, welcome.
[00:17:20] Thank you, good evening. Thank you. Professor Doctor
[00:17:24] Barış Övgün. We will have important
[00:17:27] questions to ask soon. Now, as we just
[00:17:30] mentioned, Üsküdar continues to set the agenda. The question
[00:17:34] that is being wondered about is this: Are the events in Üsküdar
[00:17:38] a fragment of the plan in the government's mind? Now let's
[00:17:42] first look at the messages Özgür Özel
[00:17:44] gave yesterday, because he harshly
[00:17:48] criticized those who
[00:17:50] changed parties with clear statements.
[00:17:54] Özgür Özel had
[00:17:58] said, "Let them use traitors and sellouts
[00:18:01] to the fullest." Let's remember and
[00:18:05] start getting comments.
[00:18:07] "We have enough of our own,
[00:18:11] Ekrem İmamoğlus, Ekrem Bakilers,
[00:18:15] Amine Cansu Çeliks. Let them use
[00:18:18] traitors and sellouts to the fullest."
[00:18:21] Yes, these were the messages given
[00:18:24] from Üsküdar Square. There were other
[00:18:27] messages, what were the subtexts? I will
[00:18:31] ask these too. First, let me ask Mr. Bülbül,
[00:18:34] Mr. Bülbül, uh, now. We always talked
[00:18:45] about this until now, is the goal
[00:18:49] to create a controlled opposition in the mind
[00:18:52] of the government and President Erdoğan?
[00:18:55] While this was being asked, other questions
[00:18:58] were added to it. For example, trying
[00:19:02] to leave the opposition without a candidate,
[00:19:05] and many questions come to mind. What
[00:19:09] do you say, is such a strategy really
[00:19:12] being applied? Of course, this strategy
[00:19:16] is not today's strategy, it started with the local
[00:19:20] elections on March 31, 2024.
[00:19:23] They pressed the button
[00:19:26] then, they pressed the button, the palace
[00:19:30] government pressed the button, and they thought about
[00:19:33] how we can prevent this social opposition in the upcoming elections,
[00:19:49] both in the renewal elections of the Grand
[00:19:51] National Assembly of Turkey to be held in 2028
[00:19:55] and in the presidential elections.
[00:19:58] That's when the button was pressed. The most
[00:20:01] important point in yesterday's Üsküdar
[00:20:04] rally, our action, was this: our general
[00:20:08] chairman Özgür Özel said that the woven fabric
[00:20:11] of a united or integrated opposition, of all democrats
[00:20:14] coming together, was put forward.
[00:20:17] That was the most important message. We
[00:20:21] are trying to explain this. That is, the opposition,
[00:20:24] the social opposition, needs to be together,
[00:20:27] it needs to become an integrated opposition,
[00:20:31] and the points of disagreement should be
[00:20:34] pushed aside, and they should act together
[00:20:37] in their efforts for democratization.
[00:20:41] Road clearing, as
[00:20:44] it is called, efforts were initiated.
[00:20:47] What was this road clearing? Many operations
[00:20:51] were carried out for the palace government
[00:20:54] to come to power,
[00:20:56] to win the majority in the parliament,
[00:21:00] and for Tayyip Bey to be re-elected as president.
[00:21:03] In these operations, the judiciary was openly
[00:21:07] involved. This... uh
[00:21:10] 19 March conspiracy IMM conspiracy operation,
[00:21:14] operations against our presidential candidate
[00:21:18] Ekrem İmamoğlu and
[00:21:20] IMM, and then... of course, at first,
[00:21:24] uh, that is, our professor Ahmet's
[00:21:27] operation coming from Esenyurt, Beşiktaş operations,
[00:21:30] and operations to discredit mayors, to throw
[00:21:34] mayors into prison or to make them join
[00:21:37] us began. This also failed, it was seen
[00:21:40] that it had no karşılığı in society,
[00:21:43] and when the perception that these operations
[00:21:47] were political operations and that there was no
[00:21:50] support from the people and no legal basis
[00:21:54] for them was formed, they continued again,
[00:21:58] and they intervened in the management of
[00:22:01] the Republican People's Party, which became the first
[00:22:05] party in all polls, in terms of controlled
[00:22:08] opposition. With the nullity lawsuit
[00:22:11] operation, they intervened in the management of
[00:22:15] the main opposition through the judiciary,
[00:22:19] and notice that before May 21, 2026,
[00:22:23] in the management structure of the Republican
[00:22:26] People's Party,
[00:22:29] there was an intervention against the palace,
[00:22:33] there was a struggle against the palace,
[00:22:36] there were solutions against the palace,
[00:22:39] it was said that this dark regime would
[00:22:43] be destroyed, it was said that this regime
[00:22:47] was not the regime of retirees, workers,
[00:22:51] şantaj, tehdit, her türlü operasyonla, yargı
[00:22:53] that needed to continue the palace's rule.
[00:22:57] There were allegations regarding this. Is there
[00:23:00] now? After May 21, 2026, the absolute
[00:23:04] nullity management of the Republican People's
[00:23:07] Party clearly started to emerge with its
[00:23:10] statements, and this was not enough, and
[00:23:14] they continued the operations to ensure
[00:23:17] the transition of the city council, uh,
[00:23:21] and district municipalities to the AK Party
[00:23:24] through the judiciary. So road clearing
[00:23:27] is currently continuing. What is involved in
[00:23:30] road clearing? There is a palace, the palace
[00:23:34] uses the judiciary and its judicial
[00:23:37] apparatus for this purpose. Secondly,
[00:23:41] they try every method, including blackmail,
[00:23:44] threats against mayors and city council members.
[00:23:48] And in the past,
[00:23:52] when we said "state", we meant,
[00:23:54] Bahadir, the governor of
[00:23:58] the state, the district governor of the state,
[00:24:01] the judge of the state, there was a perception
[00:24:05] of a state. In other words, in old Turkey,
[00:24:08] there was such a perception, there were rules,
[00:24:10] there were legal rules, there was a sense
[00:24:14] of compliance with the law. Now, the
[00:24:17] problem of "the governor of the state, the district
[00:24:21] governor of the state" is being debated. For
[00:24:24] example, Davut Gül, the Governor of Istanbul,
[00:24:28] his statement yesterday, "yours," he says.
[00:24:32] In the Üsküdar elections, in the event of
[00:24:35] a re-election for the selected deputy
[00:24:39] mayor of Üsküdar with illegal blackmail,
[00:24:43] threats, and all kinds of operations,
[00:24:46] including judicial operations, he can tweet targeting
[00:24:50] the leader of the main opposition party
[00:24:53] by saying "yours." In other words,
[00:24:57] the governor of the state, the district governor of
[00:25:01] the state, the judge of the state, the prosecutor
[00:25:04] of the state, have started looking for
[00:25:08] the state. And this road clearing
[00:25:12] is continuing right now, it's continuing.
[00:25:15] And most likely,
[00:25:19] uh, the statements of our
[00:25:22] General Chairman Özgür Özel, who clearly stated
[00:25:25] that the New Party will fight against
[00:25:29] the government's, uh,
[00:25:31] struggle against the dark regime and brought
[00:25:35] together all opposition elements, about
[00:25:39] the United Opposition and democrats coming
[00:25:42] together, also determine our path, our
[00:25:46] line. We say, as the New Party,
[00:25:50] that those who say no to this regime,
[00:25:53] those who say yes to the change of
[00:25:56] this regime, those who want the re-establishment
[00:26:00] of democracy, freedoms,
[00:26:03] and the rule of law, and economically,
[00:26:06] uh, those who say no
[00:26:09] to the purchasing power of the people
[00:26:12] going to other rentier companies, should come
[00:26:16] together. A democratic politics, a unifying
[00:26:19] opposition, needs to be together. As
[00:26:23] the New Party, our general chairman drew
[00:26:26] the path yesterday. This path should
[00:26:29] be the beginning of a unifying, integrating
[00:26:42] opposition, a democratic politics, and we should
[00:26:45] always be together. We are setting out
[00:26:49] with this. Now I am looking. After the
[00:26:52] first police raid on our general headquarters
[00:26:56] with the nullity of May 21, 2024,
[00:26:59] 26, when we marched to the parliament,
[00:27:02] tens of thousands were with us, and after
[00:27:05] that, tens of thousands were with us on the
[00:27:09] roads. We were in the field, on the
[00:27:12] streets, in the squares. They were saying no, they were saying
[00:27:16] that we do not want to allow
[00:27:20] the palace to determine the path anymore,
[00:27:23] they wanted the opposition to be together. In
[00:27:27] other words, look, tens of thousands gathered
[00:27:30] in Güven Park. I always say,
[00:27:34] hundreds of thousands gathered in Gündoğdu
[00:27:38] Square in İzmir. There were not
[00:27:41] only voters who voted for the Republican
[00:27:45] People's Party, the New Party.
[00:27:47] There was a crowd of voters with different
[00:27:51] political views who said no to this regime,
[00:27:55] no to the dark regime. We continue
[00:27:57] to meet with
[00:28:03] these crowds on the streets and
[00:28:06] in the squares with our general
[00:28:09] chairman. Look, our first rally,
[00:28:12] action. Aside from the event, we went out to the streets
[00:28:16] with the citizens. Our general chairman
[00:28:20] was with the citizens
[00:28:24] on the streets, he touched them, they touched the citizens.
[00:28:27] sitting in those offices in that office
[00:28:31] and... "Shame on the governor
[00:28:34] who is the government's governor, more than the AK Party's provincial
[00:28:37] chairman, shame on the governor
[00:28:40] who works for the AK Party."
[00:28:42] Now, of course, the statements
[00:28:46] made last night, these words of Özgür Özel, continued a discussion throughout
[00:28:49] the day, answers and statements
[00:28:52] followed each other. The governor who works for the AK Party, the governor
[00:28:56] of the government, the governor of the state, sitting in office,
[00:28:59] and who is the government's governor. He said, shame on them,
[00:29:03] Özgür Özel said this yesterday during that rally.
[00:29:07] A response came from AK Party spokesperson Ömer Çelik to those words.
[00:29:10] He said, "We strongly condemn Mr. Özel's inappropriate
[00:29:13] style targeting the offices of our state and openly threatening our civilian
[00:29:16] administrative officers. We invite him to political
[00:29:20] decorum," says Ömer Çelik in the statement
[00:29:23] he made after those words. Istanbul Governor
[00:29:26] Davut Gül also shared a long, quite long statement
[00:29:30] on his social media account.
[00:29:33] In summary, he says, "I am not a party to these political discussions.
[00:29:37] Mr. Özel, I am not a party to the competition between political
[00:29:40] parties and democratic politics, but you cannot change
[00:29:44] the outcomes arising from your political preferences and understanding
[00:29:48] of governance by blaming public officials,
[00:29:51] by targeting them, or by threatening them,"
[00:29:55] says Governor Gül in his statement on social media.
[00:29:59] Now, let me quickly go to my teacher Barış. Teacher Barış says, "We are not
[00:30:02] a party," says the Istanbul Governor, but at the same time, he says
[00:30:06] that yours reads Gültekin's G as 6, Ziya's Z as 2,
[00:30:09] and uses election phrases.
[00:30:12] Murat Emir reminded us of those phrases today and reacted
[00:30:16] to them. What do you say? Do you think
[00:30:20] there is no contradiction here?
[00:30:22] Ms. Bilge, I mean, the contradiction here is actually about a systemic
[00:30:26] contradiction or the current order that the system has brought
[00:30:29] us. What I mean is this: Previously, in the parliamentary
[00:30:33] system, the governor represented
[00:30:35] the state and the government, but now we are in the Presidential
[00:30:39] system of government, and the governor directly represents the president.
[00:30:43] So, the technical distinction here is very important. It is not
[00:30:47] the governor representing the state and the government, but a governor
[00:30:50] directly representing the president. This is an order directly brought
[00:30:54] to us by the system. Now, when the system is like this, of course, the system's
[00:30:58] setup also works this way, and some practices can unfortunately
[00:31:01] appear differently, but here... "Especially, civilian administrative
[00:31:05] officials should not participate in any political discussions. They should
[00:31:08] not be the subject or object of political discussions, and they
[00:31:12] should pay utmost attention to this in their statements.
[00:31:16] You, us, others, them, these
[00:31:20] pronouns should not be used in any discriminatory way. This
[00:31:23] can also lead to different places in a societal sense,
[00:31:27] and your neutrality, position, that duty,
[00:31:30] can cause perceptions in different ways. But actually, when we look
[00:31:34] at many problems experienced in Turkey, this also
[00:31:37] shows us, perhaps Semih Bey will also mention it later, but it also
[00:31:41] appears in surveys, especially the attitude of public officials,
[00:31:45] the approach to public officials, the attitude towards the justice
[00:31:48] mechanism, the perception of impartiality, all of these need to be
[00:31:52] evaluated as a whole. I mean, we should not evaluate the bureaucracy
[00:31:55] here only as civil administration, we need to
[00:31:58] look at the judiciary, we need to look at civil bureaucracy,
[00:32:01] we need to look at military bureaucracy, and especially the attitude
[00:32:05] of civil administration, that is, civil bureaucracy and judicial
[00:32:09] bureaucracy, has been one of the most debated institutional
[00:32:12] weaknesses in Turkey in recent
[00:32:15] years. Especially the decreasing trust in the justice
[00:32:18] mechanism in surveys, based on international
[00:32:22] organizations, in indices, and the erosion of trust
[00:32:26] in the judiciary, all of these need to be evaluated
[00:32:29] as a whole. But today, we will actually discuss this in a broad
[00:32:33] context in the program. All of these are, I think, a whole, both what
[00:32:37] the system brings us, the system's flaws. But is there a Turkey
[00:32:40] through Üsküdar? I think it would be more appropriate
[00:32:44] to address this discussion within a general panorama.
[00:32:48] What I mean is this: Can there be a Turkey from Üsküdar?
[00:32:51] No, there cannot be a Turkey, but Üsküdar still provides
[00:32:55] us with important clues. Will the process here
[00:32:58] turn into a different process for the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality,
[00:33:02] or how will the elections be in Turkey?
[00:33:05] Now, you also opened the program with a question and asked
[00:33:08] if it's an early election or an early-brought election.
[00:33:12] Actually, I think the date for an early election
[00:33:16] in Turkey was given long ago. When was it given? On April
[00:33:19] 1, 2024. On April 1,
[00:33:23] 2024, with a 38% vote share, the municipalities
[00:33:26] won by the CHP at that time showed the government:
[00:33:29] you will never again be in power, neither locally nor centrally,
[00:33:33] and you have lost your social legitimacy and support.
[00:33:36] We are seeing and experiencing an early election process
[00:33:40] that has been implemented from that date to the present.
[00:33:43] The process experienced only on the new party. should not be considered an blockade
[00:33:47] or pressure on the new party. There is a process happening
[00:33:51] throughout the opposition. First, the process started with the party,
[00:33:54] we experienced a trustee process in metropolitan municipalities.
[00:33:58] The transfer of MPs in the İyi Party was much discussed.
[00:34:01] It was a process where the founding cadres of the İyi Party moved
[00:34:04] to power. It was directed at the Re-Welfare Party municipalities.
[00:34:08] There were transfers of mayors. And with the March 19th process,
[00:34:12] a process of detentions and arrests against the new
[00:34:16] party, Ekrem İmamoğlu, elected mayors, and municipal council
[00:34:19] members. All of these are a whole. That's why the emphasis on a united
[00:34:23] opposition here is also very important. When we say united opposition,
[00:34:26] we are talking about a system where actually all opposition
[00:34:29] is targeted, de-opposed, and the opposition is somehow
[00:34:32] intended to be led into different discussions,
[00:34:36] different directions. That's why I think it would be more
[00:34:39] accurate to evaluate all these discussions in this context,
[00:34:42] in this framework. In Turkey, especially
[00:34:45] in the last few weeks, Chairman Özgür Özel also touched
[00:34:49] upon this in his speech yesterday. An attempt is being made to instill
[00:34:52] hopelessness, and through the example of Üsküdar, it is being tried to say,
[00:34:56] "This won't happen through the ballot box. Even the will that emerges
[00:35:00] from the ballot box, the will, the vote,
[00:35:03] is not respected. So, what will we do? The opposition
[00:35:06] is not raising the necessary support, the necessary voice."
[00:35:09] Even some segments say that a harsher opposition
[00:35:13] needs to be carried out and shown. Certain individuals in certain
[00:35:16] media, television, YouTube, or various platforms of social
[00:35:20] media, also make some statements supporting this. Actually,
[00:35:23] what is intended here is very clear. To instill hopelessness in people,
[00:35:27] "This order will not change. Look at this order, look at the bureaucracy,
[00:35:30] look at the judiciary." That's why the statements in the civil
[00:35:33] administration also need to be evaluated in this context.
[00:35:37] There is a state-controlled system. This system is so strong
[00:35:40] that it is impossible to overthrow it. I hope
[00:35:44] we will discuss it in more detail later, but the main thing is that we need
[00:35:47] to focus on this hopelessness and despair and discuss
[00:35:50] it within this framework. Well, now, another one
[00:35:54] of the topics we will discuss soon is if such a perception is being
[00:35:58] tried to be created, of course,
[00:36:02] there are of course, it wouldn't be right
[00:36:05] to name names, but we also see that there are certain
[00:36:09] individuals and certain writers. So, where is the media
[00:36:13] in all of this? This is also an important question. Now,
[00:36:16] Semi hocam, is it being tried to create a perception that the ballot
[00:36:20] box and elections are not working? "I vote, but the national
[00:36:24] will is not respected. I vote, but the mayor
[00:36:27] is imprisoned. I vote, but my presidential
[00:36:30] candidate is in prison." Is it being
[00:36:33] tried to make the citizen say, "Then why should I go to the ballot
[00:36:37] box?" Of course, this is not the only
[00:36:40] aim. There are definitely different things, but I always
[00:36:44] say, I even find it redundant to talk about
[00:36:47] whether the ballot box will come, whether there will be an election or not.
[00:36:50] As Barış Hoca said, the aim of those who try to organize
[00:36:53] hopelessness is actually this, but
[00:36:56] today, also based on the example
[00:36:59] of Üsküdar, this is actually a political
[00:37:03] engineering, we call it strategy, they say, but there's also
[00:37:07] the thing about engineering, I mean calculations are being
[00:37:10] made. In this, there are not only municipal council members,
[00:37:14] not only governorship, etc., but
[00:37:17] the judiciary is also a party to this, because
[00:37:20] Üsküdar elections are annulled, a similar process happened
[00:37:24] in Bayrampaşa, actually different things are happening everywhere.
[00:37:30] In Tuzla, it's different. Forget municipal council members,
[00:37:33] the mayor of Tuzla is passing there, municipal council members
[00:37:37] are passing. So this is a systematic
[00:37:40] power. By the way, a Jazz festival will be held in Tuzla. Yes,
[00:37:44] let's say
[00:37:47] it continues its services, a municipality of the Justice
[00:37:50] and Development Party. Yes, yes, go ahead.
[00:37:53] Actually, there are so many different
[00:37:57] examples here that "one of the main goals, we always
[00:38:00] used to talk about this, I mean, now in Istanbul,
[00:38:04] IBB, a tunnel is being dug, the place it is intended to emerge
[00:38:07] is IBM. Because it is planned,
[00:38:11] unfortunately. But for this plan to reach IBB,
[00:38:15] what is needed? The judiciary is needed. I mean, today, if Mr.
[00:38:18] İmamoğlu does not receive
[00:38:22] a political ban due to the 'idiot' case, that tunnel will not
[00:38:25] go anywhere. But it is probably said that this will happen.
[00:38:29] Now, as we discussed Üsküdar, we will discuss IBB,
[00:38:33] the distribution of members in the council,
[00:38:36] what will happen, what will not happen, who will emerge.
[00:38:39] There is such a problem in politics. These actions,
[00:38:42] now, in our research, what Barış Hoca said earlier,
[00:38:46] trust in all institutions is at its lowest
[00:38:49] level in history. I mean, not just
[00:38:52] in justice, almost all public
[00:38:55] institutions. And whatever we ask,
[00:38:59] that mistrust, that hopelessness,
[00:39:01] is at its lowest. There's not much need to organize
[00:39:05] it, people experience it firsthand. But
[00:39:08] in terms of not going to the polls,
[00:39:11] in terms of not going to the polls, I don't think it will be very successful,
[00:39:15] but apathy, that is, indifference,
[00:39:18] are they succeeding in this? We see that they are relatively
[00:39:22] successful. This emerges from the fact that it's not
[00:39:25] just about going or not going to the polls, but the voter's apathy,
[00:39:29] withdrawing from politics, that is, despairing of politics,
[00:39:32] political rallies, actions, no longer caring about
[00:39:36] such things. It is very clear that
[00:39:39] this is what the government wants, but we also saw
[00:39:42] this in the last Üsküdar rally.
[00:39:46] Things don't happen on the ground as you plan them at home
[00:39:50] at your desk. You might think you succeeded,
[00:39:53] that is, you might say, "Apathy has started to happen.
[00:39:58] The voter after the election got angry with the ballot box,
[00:40:01] got angry with politics." But perhaps you will alienate
[00:40:04] your own voters the most. And the voter structure
[00:40:08] in Turkey is so diverse that
[00:40:11] we try to predict turnout rates before every election. Something
[00:40:15] happens, something occurs,
[00:40:18] this is not something that can be calculated. That energy we mentioned suddenly
[00:40:22] emerges. We saw this in the past during the Gezi
[00:40:25] events, and we also saw it during the Saraçhane
[00:40:28] incidents. It's not something that is very planned,
[00:40:32] but the Turkish society gives that reaction.
[00:40:36] This will continue until the election campaign begins.
[00:40:39] This is very clear. But after the presidential
[00:40:42] elections, that is, after those elections were lost,
[00:40:45] did the apathy you mentioned, that is, turning away from the ballot
[00:40:48] box, occur? But local elections were held
[00:40:51] very shortly after.
[00:40:53] I'm saying that. I mean, after the 2023 elections,
[00:40:57] we conducted a survey to see what the voters were
[00:41:01] thinking, what their mood was, how they were behaving, how they
[00:41:04] were reacting to these results. And we presented those results
[00:41:08] to both the then-CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu
[00:41:11] and Mr. Ekrem İmamoğlu. The opposition
[00:41:15] voter was especially alienated from politics.
[00:41:18] They were both angry and reactive. They said, "We will
[00:41:21] not go to the polls again. All politicians are pursuing
[00:41:24] their own agendas. No one thinks of us."
[00:41:27] They were very angry. But what happened?
[00:41:30] The convention happened in the CHP. I'm not saying
[00:41:34] whether it's right or wrong. They saw a tiny
[00:41:37] piece of change. In the 2020 local
[00:41:42] elections, the CHP achieved extraordinary
[00:41:45] success at the polls. You might think this
[00:41:48] is the case, that such an image can be given periodically.
[00:41:52] And in the research we are doing recently, we see clues
[00:41:55] of this, especially among young voters, even
[00:41:58] voters under 35. But whether this is permanent
[00:42:01] or not will be determined by the opposition's performance,
[00:42:05] that is, the actions demonstrated by the opposition.
[00:42:09] If I need to give another
[00:42:19] example, a similar event is the annulled
[00:42:23] Istanbul elections. We saw a similar
[00:42:27] feeling emerge after the annulled elections,
[00:42:29] bir eee hissin oluştuğunu gördük ama onun da
[00:42:33] sadece birkaç gün içinde yerini yeni yapılacak
[00:42:37] seçimin heyecana bıraktığını gördük yani Türk halkı aslında. o
[00:42:40] sandığa eee saygı gösterilmesini istiyor ve sandığı
[00:42:44] seviyor, bunu söylemek mümkün, şunu söylemek çok eee uç bir yorum
[00:42:48] olmaz, eee maalesef halkımızın demokratik
[00:42:51] tepkisini gösterebileceği yegane şey sandık, evet yani
[00:42:55] sivil toplum açısından demokratik kitle örgütler açısından o sandık da çok
[00:42:58] değerli, çok değerli şimdi
[00:43:01] eee 14 numaralı görseli arkadaşlarımdan
[00:43:04] getirmelerini rica edeceğim, buradan da Oğuz Hocama
[00:43:07] gideceğim, eee şimdi Ekrem imamoğlu. eee az önce
[00:43:11] Semih Turan da ifade etti ahmak davası
[00:43:14] yargıtayda değil mi ahmak davası bahadır özgür yani
[00:43:16] yargıtayda eee şimdi geçtiğim istinaf süreçleri tamamlandı
[00:43:20] sa yargıtayda bekliyor süreci tamamlandı şimdi yargıtayda e şimdi cuma
[00:43:24] günü de izleyicilerimizle paylaşmıştık Tuzla belediye
[00:43:27] başkanı Şadi yazıcı'ya söylemiş olduğu sözler sebebiyle oradan da iki
[00:43:30] yıl bir ay hapis cezası verildi oradan da siyasi yasak talep
[00:43:34] edildi dolayısıyla şimdi ne olacak eee
[00:43:38] önümüzdeki dönemde bu merak ediliyor.
[00:43:40] Hedef IBB mi sorulan
[00:43:44] sorulardan biri bu. Ekrem imamoğlu bugün sosyal medya
[00:43:47] hesabından ki defalarca
[00:43:50] kapatılan, yasaklanan, yenisi açılan o hesaplardan
[00:43:54] biri. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Aday ofisi üzerinden bir video
[00:43:57] paylaştı. Son iki yıldır yalnızca siyasi
[00:44:01] rakiplerimle değil, ardı ardına açılan davalarla,
[00:44:04] but we also saw that it gave
[00:44:07] way to the excitement of the upcoming election
[00:44:10] in just a few days. So, the Turkish people actually
[00:44:13] want that ballot box to be respected,
[00:44:17] and they love the ballot box. It is possible to say this.
[00:44:20] It wouldn't be too extreme to say that,
[00:44:24] unfortunately, the only way our people can express
[00:44:27] their democratic reaction is the ballot box. Yes,
[00:44:30] in terms of civil society, in terms of democratic mass organizations, that ballot box is very
[00:44:34] valuable, very valuable. Now, I will ask
[00:44:38] my friends to bring up visual number 14,
[00:44:41] and I will go to my teacher Oğuz. Well, Ekrem İmamoğlu,
[00:44:44] as Semih Turan just stated, the 'idiot' case, is it in the Court of Appeals,
[00:44:48] the 'idiot' case, Bahadır Özgür? So, it's in the Court of Appeals.
[00:44:52] Now, the appeal processes have been completed. If so, it's waiting
[00:44:54] in the Court of Appeals. The process is complete. Now it's in the Court of Appeals.
[00:44:58] And on Friday, we shared with our viewers that he was also
[00:45:01] given a sentence of two years and one month in prison
[00:45:04] for the words he said to Tuzla Mayor Şadi Yazıcı, and a political
[00:45:07] ban was also requested from there. So, what will happen in the coming
[00:45:10] period is being wondered. Is the target IBB? This is one of the questions
[00:45:14] asked. Ekrem İmamoğlu shared a video on his social
[00:45:17] media account today, which is one of those accounts
[00:45:20] that have been closed, banned, and reopened many times,
[00:45:24] through the Presidential Candidate office. He says,
[00:45:27] "For the last two years, I have been facing not only
[00:45:31] my political rivals, but also a series of lawsuits,
[00:45:34] investigations, and never-ending judicial processes."
[00:45:37] He says, "Today, I am the subject of exactly
[00:45:41] 13 separate cases. 12 of these are criminal
[00:45:44] cases, and one is an administrative judicial case." We keep
[00:45:47] counting, and we are also struggling to keep up with this
[00:45:50] heavy traffic. Ekrem İmamoğlu says, "I am the subject
[00:45:54] of 13 separate cases," and continues, "When are these
[00:45:57] brought up? When I have won elections four times against
[00:46:01] the government, when I have become the presidential
[00:46:04] candidate of the main opposition with the favor of our nation,
[00:46:08] and when Turkey is discussing whether the government will change
[00:46:11] in the next election, these things are happening,"
[00:46:15] says Ekrem İmamoğlu. "When it is actually clear
[00:46:18] who will win the election in all reliable
[00:46:21] surveys. Exactly at such a
[00:46:24] time, instead of competing in the natural realm of political
[00:46:27] competition, instead of appealing to the will of the nation,
[00:46:31] by ignoring and usurping the national
[00:46:35] will, my life is being tried to be confined
[00:46:38] between courthouse corridors and prison,
[00:46:42] and spent in psychological torture,"
[00:46:45] says Ekrem İmamoğlu, the detained Istanbul Metropolitan
[00:46:48] Mayor. Mr. Demir, after all these
[00:46:52] events, will we one day be talking about
[00:46:56] IBB? What do you say?
[00:46:58] Well, it's not easy to know this, of course.
[00:47:02] Whether the government has such a plan or not.
[00:47:06] We will all see it when it happens.
[00:47:10] After all, I don't want to say anything too concrete
[00:47:13] on that point, because at the Istanbul Metropolitan
[00:47:17] Municipality, our focus right now is to ensure
[00:47:21] that the current services reach the people of Istanbul
[00:47:25] correctly. To continue providing the services
[00:47:28] that the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality has offered to this city
[00:47:31] for the last 7 years with the same vision,
[00:47:35] with the same effort. In fact, we are continuing
[00:47:38] without stopping in this new period's work.
[00:47:42] They can intend, let them intend. There is this
[00:47:45] about the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and Ekrem İmamoğlu.
[00:47:49] After the 2010 elections were lost, in 2019, it was not a hope,
[00:47:52] was it? The opposition lost in 2018. In 2019, the Istanbul
[00:47:56] Metropolitan Municipality elections were won twice. Then,
[00:47:59] the 2023 elections were lost for the opposition.
[00:48:02] In 2024, hope again, that's what I wanted to say earlier.
[00:48:06] The wave of hopelessness can be very quick. Yes,
[00:48:09] the citizen might get angry with the politician on that day,
[00:48:13] but we haven't witnessed them getting angry with politics in Turkey
[00:48:16] until now. They got angry with the politician, said he made a mistake,
[00:48:20] etc., but we haven't seen them getting angry with politics. So, I believe that
[00:48:23] the government, with all these lawsuits, is actually trying
[00:48:26] to destroy this hope both for Mayor Ekrem,
[00:48:30] for Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, and elsewhere.
[00:48:34] It says, "Don't have such hope." But on the contrary, when you look
[00:48:38] at the last 6-7 years of practice, as Mr. İmamoğlu
[00:48:41] said, "There is not just one Ekrem İmamoğlu, there are many
[00:48:45] Ekrem İmamoğlus, and this struggle is no longer an Ekrem İmamoğlu
[00:48:49] struggle. We are fighting against the destruction of the political
[00:48:53] arena by the government." I also sometimes
[00:48:56] feel something like this.
[00:49:00] There is something, but it's as if we are all avoiding
[00:49:03] talking about it. I sometimes see this
[00:49:07] when watching. Yes, the political arena is being
[00:49:11] tried to be narrowed, politics is perhaps being de-politicized.
[00:49:14] I'm talking about something beyond de-opposition.
[00:49:18] It is being de-politicized. Not discussing the minimum wage
[00:49:20] is de-politicization. Not discussing problems in education
[00:49:24] is de-politicization. Not discussing problems in health
[00:49:28] is de-politicization. It says, "We will talk about these fights here,
[00:49:31] but ultimately, the judiciary is in my hands, I'll do what
[00:49:35] I want. The bureaucracy is in my hands, I'll do what I want. You can talk
[00:49:38] as much as you want, I have de-politicized this country." But this is
[00:49:41] exactly where the nation's hope remains alive.
[00:49:45] That is, where all these problems deepen, I always wanted
[00:49:48] to solve all these problems with politics, and I have done
[00:49:52] so until now. Now, you are running away from that, he says.
[00:49:56] There is a very bad situation that the government has put itself
[00:49:59] in. Look, there are two paths in Turkey today.
[00:50:02] Either they will truly continue with politics and competition,
[00:50:06] they will come out, they will show it, "I have been
[00:50:09] in power for 25 years, I have used trillions of dollars
[00:50:13] in budget, I have done these, I have done these, I have done these," they will say. On the other hand,
[00:50:17] why IBB or why Ekrem İmamoğlu? Because
[00:50:20] there is a municipal structure there that has used
[00:50:27] its resources with maximum impact and achieved results.
[00:50:30] Why Republican People's Party municipalities? Because
[00:50:34] there are municipalities that have used their resources and achieved
[00:50:38] results, created satisfaction among citizens. In the 2024
[00:50:41] election, this satisfaction now, 38% of the country's
[00:50:45] votes, but it has almost come to serve 65%
[00:50:49] of the population, politically. That's why they want
[00:50:53] to de-politicize it. I mean, actually, we are not experiencing
[00:50:57] a process that is just a presidential race or a parliamentary
[00:51:00] race. What we are experiencing is this: they cannot
[00:51:04] compete politically against someone who has shown
[00:51:07] that they will provide better service and proven
[00:51:10] themselves. Therefore, they are
[00:51:12] trying to fight using other means.
[00:51:14] But that's why when you ask the Istanbul question,
[00:51:18] I say this: the only way to fight this is this.
[00:51:21] your mistake. We have been discussing it for so long that the citizens have accepted it. The main
[00:51:25] issue is this: What reaction will we give, what reaction are we giving,
[00:51:29] against depoliticization within such a system?
[00:51:32] We need to act from here. Now, there is a distinction
[00:51:36] that puts the opposition in a corner, isn't there? There is a very fragmented
[00:51:39] opposition. I'm not just talking about the Republican People's
[00:51:42] Party's division. There's the Good Party,
[00:51:46] there's the DEM Party, the New Welfare Party, the Victory Party, the Key
[00:51:49] Party, that is, a lot of different tendencies. There are political parties
[00:51:53] that keep a certain vein alive. Yes. Now, what we need to look at
[00:51:57] is this: We may not all produce the same solutions
[00:52:00] against this depoliticization, we may not follow the same politics. But
[00:52:03] the government here...
[00:52:35] I think I should say the same thing again, underline it heavily. We are very
[00:52:38] comfortable, Istanbul Metropolitan. Today morning, we were in a meeting in the afternoon. Tomorrow
[00:52:42] at 11 o'clock, there will be a press conference, uh, the academic year
[00:52:45] is starting. Shall we talk about it a little later? Yes, we will come to that. We are trying to
[00:52:49] plan that. We're going back, uh, politicians, our political
[00:52:53] friends, we are all talking about the work we will try
[00:52:57] to do in the coming period. The government's plan there, as we
[00:53:00] talked about just now, is to do it through the judiciary or through other places, if they are going to do it.
[00:53:04] They are doing it anyway, so the only thing we can do against this
[00:53:07] is to keep these mechanisms working. Now, we will
[00:53:11] talk about it soon, we are talking about the hot agenda of politics,
[00:53:14] look, it doesn't even come to the agenda. Soon we will talk about schools opening, the school
[00:53:18] bell will ring, students will go to school. They will go, but how will the student's
[00:53:21] stomach be filled? We will ask that a little later. Such
[00:53:25] a cost comes before us in these conditions, but
[00:53:29] it doesn't even become an agenda. Now, Bahadur Özgür
[00:53:32] says depoliticization. Are we in a period
[00:53:38] where all means are permissible in that sense?
[00:53:41] Uh, actually, this experiment has been carried out in Turkey
[00:53:44] for a very long time. This started with the 2015 elections
[00:53:48] on June 7. The AKP government's policies
[00:53:51] to reduce the election to a symbolic thing
[00:53:54] came step by step. That is, it didn't come suddenly.
[00:53:57] The principle that power changes with elections
[00:54:01] was broken in 2015. The election was repeated.
[00:54:05] Uh, in 2017, election security, in 2019,
[00:54:08] the right to vote, in 2024, the right to vote and
[00:54:12] be elected is being usurped. So, this is actually a 10-year process,
[00:54:16] this regime was established like this. Therefore, uh, the AKP
[00:54:19] government didn't decide all at once.
[00:54:23] Some call it de-election, some call it depoliticization,
[00:54:26] but this presidential regime,
[00:54:29] uh, the presidential regime he will lead
[00:54:32] was designed for one person, and they don't want
[00:54:36] someone to be elected and change this. Various ways are being tried for this.
[00:54:39] Look, the Üsküdar incident is so important that, now, in 2019,
[00:54:42] you're asking if it was IBB's turn, it had already come in 2019.
[00:54:45] People, they tried it. The 2019
[00:54:49] incident happened because it was seen. Thousands
[00:54:53] of people came out, uh, young people came out, and workers
[00:54:56] did not allow it. This country's people, restaurant workers,
[00:55:00] went there after their work and it didn't happen because they resisted there.
[00:55:04] Actually, that was what was planned from the start, because the election
[00:55:07] should not change. What was done in Üsküdar also has such a danger. That is,
[00:55:11] an experiment was conducted. Look, we are going to this election
[00:55:14] by paving the way through the judiciary. This is very dangerous. There were
[00:55:18] coups in this country, elections were held immediately after. Elections
[00:55:21] were held in extraordinary conditions in this country,
[00:55:25] in a crisis environment, in an earthquake environment,
[00:55:29] or in environments where political quarrels and conflicts escalated sharply.
[00:55:32] The 1977 elections are an example of such
[00:55:36] a democracy. The country's power changed fundamentally during
[00:55:39] its most polarized period, and society accepts this.
[00:55:43] That is, Turkey experienced such elections.
[00:55:46] But this time, it is encountering something it hasn't encountered before.
[00:55:49] The judiciary is designing the path to the election.
[00:55:52] This is not just about the opposition. Look, we are now only
[00:55:56] looking at opposition parties, politicians, but you've invented
[00:56:00] a crime called obscenity, and you are collecting and arresting
[00:56:03] different segments of society every day. Who was arrested, who was detained,
[00:56:07] does anyone remember the operations? Today's
[00:56:09] today's, of course. How can there be an operation
[00:56:13] called family protection? The country is flooded with drugs,
[00:56:16] with gangs, uh, 6-7 year old
[00:56:20] children are losing their lives in lathe workshops under the name MESEM. The family
[00:56:23] is standing, and you are conducting operations here because these are ruining the family.
[00:56:27] And it's not just that, there's the comedian, the stand-up artist,
[00:56:30] the journalist, that is, there is a series of operations targeting every segment
[00:56:34] of society. Therefore, we should look at what is happening like this,
[00:56:37] because what you call the government produces alternatives from within society.
[00:56:40] You are trying to plow the field where that alternative will emerge,
[00:56:43] so that nothing new will sprout from here. That's why it's not just
[00:56:47] CHP, uh, in the past, previously, now it's only
[00:56:51] 7 parties, not only municipalities are targets, every
[00:56:54] morning, society's reflexes that can produce an alternative
[00:56:58] are being blunted. That is, I agree with my professor,
[00:57:01] but not going to the polls is not clear at the polls.
[00:57:04] "Yes, before that, won't an alternative emerge from this country,
[00:57:07] won't a new politician, a new leader emerge, won't
[00:57:11] someone tell us something proper?" They are applying a paralysis doctrine
[00:57:14] to kill that feeling. Every day,
[00:57:18] every morning, this will continue until the election. This is the dangerous thing. That is,
[00:57:21] we are going to the election without the whole society
[00:57:24] understanding why it is subjected to this operation. That is, you wake up one morning,
[00:57:27] not knowing what crime you have committed, but we are
[00:57:30] in an environment where you can be treated as a criminal at any moment.
[00:57:34] Therefore, we are facing a much more serious,
[00:57:37] much broader problem. The issue far exceeds Üsküdar.
[00:57:40] Can I make a point? I observe that people
[00:57:44] are very much aware of the seriousness of the situation.
[00:57:49] It's normal, but he says in his daily
[00:57:52] life, it's like this, he doesn't confront the state too much,
[00:57:56] he loves his state. But
[00:57:59] for example, when you talk about "this happened,
[00:58:02] this happened, this happened," when you talk to people a little,
[00:58:06] they say, "Oh, this has gone to a very bad place." Look,
[00:58:10] I always make this observation,
[00:58:12] that is, for 100% of a country to be interested in politics,
[00:58:16] politics every day, life, this is not it.
[00:58:21] There is a segment that deals with this a lot. This rate is a bit higher
[00:58:25] in Turkey, but it doesn't exceed 15-20. The remaining 80%
[00:58:28] of this group watches it like
[00:58:31] a ping-pong match, like "something is happening
[00:58:34] there," and then turns away. But when they start to see
[00:58:37] the ping-pong game like "he hit, he hit, he hit,"
[00:58:41] then they realize the seriousness of the situation. That is, at least
[00:58:45] when I go out on the street and say, "Look, this also happened,"
[00:58:48] yes, I also say this. That is, when I talk to Justice and Development
[00:58:52] Party voters for a long time, look, they really have an incredible
[00:58:55] apprehension. They say, "This much has gone beyond what
[00:58:59] we desired." That is, "Okay, we vote
[00:59:03] for the government to stay with us, we work on the field,
[00:59:05] we strive, we love our party." They can love it,
[00:59:09] from my perspective, I agree, but on the other hand, he says, "Now
[00:59:12] this has gone beyond what we want, because there is no competition
[00:59:16] left," he says. Uh, there is no search for truth
[00:59:19] left, there is no environment where we can express our own opinions,"
[00:59:23] believe me, I know many AK Party
[00:59:26] members. Whenever the conversation comes to this point,
[00:59:30] "Do you know this also happened? These people were arrested because of this."
[00:59:34] Look, last week I gave an example. They started a corruption
[00:59:37] investigation with 560 billion liras, and last week they
[00:59:40] arrested a department head for 18,000 liras. There is no
[00:59:44] difference between 1 lira and a billion kuruş. Corruption was done,
[00:59:48] but it is explained in such a way that the best possible
[00:59:52] public damage for the issue, because three offers came, you would give it
[00:59:55] to the most suitable offer. The person who examined this went
[00:59:59] and looked at prices on the internet. The lowest offer given was 2,000 liras
[01:00:02] higher than the internet price. Total damage was 18,000. So
[01:00:06] let's go to the internet. Maybe there was a campaign that day. That is, can
[01:00:10] such a public trial be held? Therefore, you explain
[01:00:13] this, and they say, "Oh, was it because of 18,000 liras?" I say,
[01:00:17] "Even if it was one kuruş, accountability should be demanded." That's
[01:00:19] another thing, but what is being done here is really
[01:00:23] to create an excuse just to arrest. Do they need this?
[01:00:26] In the last Üsküdar arrest, we saw that they didn't need this either. Why
[01:00:30] is Ekrem Baki arrested? Look, why is Ekrem Baki arrested?
[01:00:34] Ekrem Baki is arrested for the crime of meeting with İmamoğlu. A lawyer,
[01:00:37] a member of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Council,
[01:00:40] a member of the Üsküdar Council. The questions asked are,
[01:00:43] "Why do you meet with Ekrem İmamoğlu so often? According to your MASAK
[01:00:47] reports, there has been activity in your accounts since 2025." These questions were also
[01:00:51] asked to the fortress director, "Why do you meet so often?"
[01:00:54] This question was asked to the press consultant Murat Ongon. You know, do you give an HTS record for
[01:00:58] every call? Look, there's a sentence in the arrest referral that says,
[01:01:02] uh, it says in the text, uh, "The contractors
[01:01:06] subject to the investigation gave bribes
[01:01:09] and met frequently with the people to whom HTS records
[01:01:13] were given." There's a building,
[01:01:17] a building called Bakırköy. So you've accused one out of every three
[01:01:20] people here. We all give that HTS record.
[01:01:24] That doesn't mean we met. So he says,
[01:01:28] "I arrested him for this." Then he wins the Üsküdar election.
[01:01:31] Now, there's a council member arrested for meeting with Ekrem President.
[01:01:35] Yes, well then, uh, we'll go to commercial
[01:01:38] break very soon, we have little time left, but Mr.
[01:01:42] Bülbül, my teacher Oğuz said, "I also
[01:01:45] see it in my surroundings." People are aware
[01:01:49] of the gravity of the situation. Well, of course, do we think
[01:01:53] that what we live in is limited to our neighborhood?
[01:01:55] Uh, maybe Mr. Semih,
[01:01:58] as a researcher, would like to add a note
[01:02:02] to this. In Anatolia, in different parts of Anatolia,
[01:02:06] you are constantly traveling and contacting
[01:02:09] people. Has the gravity of the situation been
[01:02:12] realized by everyone there as well? What do you say?
[01:02:16] The conversations we have here continue in Anatolia.
[01:02:19] That is, I go to a village coffeehouse or a district coffeehouse
[01:02:23] in the morning, and I sit down. The point they make
[01:02:26] is this: the ballot box. Will the ballot box come, that is?
[01:02:30] The discussion of whether the ballot box will come or not,
[01:02:32] depoliticization, that is, pushing politics
[01:02:36] into a narrow area, is being discussed. Citizens are discussing this.
[01:02:39] Citizens are waiting for the ballot box. But we have reached such a point that
[01:02:43] yesterday was September 12th. This is the point Turkey
[01:02:47] has reached with the fascism of September 12th, with September 12th, 1980. This
[01:02:50] is not a one-day event. This is not a point brought by the 25-year
[01:02:54] AKP government. What happened with September 12th
[01:02:57] fascism? Universities were pushed aside. That is,
[01:03:01] NGOs were pushed aside. There was no such thing as democratic mass organizations.
[01:03:05] That is, what is democracy? It means NGOs, it means democratic mass organizations,
[01:03:08] it means universities, it means a lot of silence.
[01:03:12] What do we have left except for parties?
[01:03:15] Only the ballot box is left. Since then, we have had a ballot box. Now, the citizen
[01:03:19] in the street, the citizen in the coffeehouse says, "They cannot take
[01:03:22] this ballot box from us." He says, "We will show our will at the ballot box."
[01:03:26] Especially, professor, you will agree,
[01:03:30] there is a great rebellion among retirees,
[01:03:33] among retirees. He says, "When I retired
[01:03:37] from Sümerbank, with the pension I received in the 79s and 80s,
[01:03:40] uh, I could rent a house,
[01:03:43] uh, I could pay for a caregiver, and I could also
[01:03:47] cover the expenses of the house." He says, "Now, with the money
[01:03:50] I receive, it's not even possible for me to rent a house."
[01:03:54] Retirees are very rebellious.
[01:03:57] And may I give you a very sad piece of data? I interrupted you, but
[01:04:00] it's really very important. But of course, it's not talked about.
[01:04:04] The number of people over 65 who die while working. That is,
[01:04:08] the retirees you mentioned, because the lowest income family could not make ends meet.
[01:04:11] In August, 21 people.
[01:04:14] When we look at it, from January to August, 117 people
[01:04:18] over 65 lost their lives in workplace
[01:04:21] accidents in Turkey. The reality of a retiree is such a thing, Ms. Birgi,
[01:04:25] that a person over 65, retired, is working in construction.
[01:04:29] A worker? Dies in workplace
[01:04:31] accidents, uh, that is, we lose them in workplace accidents.
[01:04:35] And there are child workers, children working as child laborers
[01:04:38] due to child poverty, they die in workplace accidents.
[01:04:42] That is, it has come to such a point that proposals come to us as members of parliament,
[01:04:45] proposals to extend the retirement age of 65.
[01:04:48] It's very interesting, people used to say, "Let me reach
[01:04:51] 65 or retirement age, that is, whatever it is according to the law,
[01:04:55] let me retire, and after retirement, let me take care of my child, my grandchild,
[01:04:58] comfortably. Uh, let me continue my living."
[01:05:02] Now, people want the age of 65 to be changed, to be extended.
[01:05:05] Why, but why? There is a law
[01:05:08] issued regarding retirees in 2007, a law issued
[01:05:11] in 2008. The ratio between
[01:05:14] the salary received while working and the salary received upon retirement
[01:05:18] has diverged so much. For example, uh, he receives 80,000 liras
[01:05:21] while working, and when he retires,
[01:05:25] it drops by half. It drops by half, he doesn't want to retire.
[01:05:29] He says, "My dear member of parliament, submit a bill
[01:05:32] regarding the extension of the age of 65 for retirement." In the world,
[01:05:36] one retiree falls to four workers. In our country,
[01:05:39] one retiree falls to 1.6 workers. This also means a decrease
[01:05:42] and contraction in the working class. The street is waiting for the ballot box,
[01:05:45] the street is waiting for the ballot box. Okay,
[01:05:48] director, how many minutes until the commercial break?
[01:05:51] We have one minute. Is it really waiting, professor? Professor Semih,
[01:05:55] as a researcher, of course. The ballot box is not just for changing
[01:05:58] the government, uh, it has become a lifeline
[01:06:02] for the Turkish people to gain many advantages.
[01:06:05] You know, at many difficult points, he says, "We're going to elections."
[01:06:08] That's how EYT came about, that's how the minimum wage was increased
[01:06:12] three times during that period, that's when lump sum raises were given to civil servants.
[01:06:16] So, it's the most important parameter for changing the government,
[01:06:19] of course, but ultimately, from election
[01:06:22] to election, the citizen can only
[01:06:26] get those opportunities, even if it's relative
[01:06:30] and not permanent, during election campaigns. This is also
[01:06:33] an important thing, that is, uh, how long will this last?
[01:06:36] How much will the government resort to election economics
[01:06:40] in 2027? When will it resort to it? But the public, in that sense,
[01:06:43] even if pragmatically, is waiting for some things that will provide a breather.
[01:06:47] Can I say something? One sentence. Look, the retiree
[01:06:50] in the street said, "I went to the coffeehouse. No matter
[01:06:54] how much of a salary increase they give us in election economics,
[01:06:57] my son, who is unemployed at home,
[01:07:00] is there," he said. "That is, even if they increase
[01:07:03] my pension, and contribute to the election,
[01:07:06] my child at home has no job, no food."
[01:07:09] Okay, we've paused, let's quickly go to a break. We'll be back shortly.
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[01:08:25] Yes, we had a break, we are back together. After this break,
[01:08:29] look, another valuable guest is joining us in our studio.
[01:08:33] İyi Party Deputy Chairman Burak Dalgın is with us. Mr. Dalgın, welcome.
[01:08:36] Thank you. Now,
[01:08:39] what were we talking about? Especially in the past hour. "In the upcoming
[01:08:43] period, of course, how will this political equation be shaped? We were
[01:08:46] wondering about this. Üsküdar in the past day,
[01:08:49] Üsküdar continues to be on the agenda. Özgür Özel's
[01:08:53] messages at the Üsküdar rally, there, of course,
[01:08:56] Mansur Yavaş's strategy for the upcoming period
[01:09:00] will also be one of the important headlines of the new week.
[01:09:03] Özgür Özel said a similar statement
[01:09:07] to Mansur Yavaş's words. "There is torment in separation,
[01:09:10] and mercy in unity." Mansur Yavaş had said this yesterday.
[01:09:14] Özgür Özel repeated these words once again
[01:09:17] and made an important call
[01:09:20] to the opposition. What kind of unity
[01:09:24] is it? We are curious about this. Let's ask our friends to bring
[01:09:27] those words, let's show that volu.
[01:09:31] Özgür Özel says that the ranks have now been clarified. He says the upcoming
[01:09:35] election is between democrats and autocrats.
[01:09:39] Özgür Özel also had very striking criticisms
[01:09:43] of the CHP administration, that is, the absolute administration,
[01:09:46] at the meeting held yesterday. The ranks
[01:09:50] have been clarified, the election to be held is between
[01:09:53] democrats and autocrats. He says the defeatists
[01:09:57] otokratların safındadır diyor. Arkadaşlarına atılan
[01:10:00] iftiralar üzerinden onlara prim vererek partinin içinde
[01:10:04] iktidar arayanlar, Türkiye'nin muhalefeti olmaya
[01:10:08] razı olanlar, oyun bozulmuştur. Asla
[01:10:11] yenilmeyeceğiz. "biz kazanacağız, artık bütün
[01:10:15] demokratların birleşme vakti
[01:10:18] gelmiştir, Üsküdar iyi bilir, ayrılıkta
[01:10:21] azap, birliktelikte rahmet vardır diyor
[01:10:24] Özgür Özel şimdi artık bütün demokratların
[01:10:27] birleşme vakti gelmiştir
[01:10:30] sözü önemli. Şimdi bunun üzerinden ben önce kısa kısa
[01:10:34] görüşleri alayım ve sayın Dalgın'a gideyim, neden zira İyi
[01:10:37] Parti'nin sürekli olarak altını çizdiği bütünleşik
[01:10:41] muhalefet vurgusu. soralım, yani kendi
[01:10:44] kimliğini koruyarak eee bu sistem özellikle cumhurbaşkanlığı
[01:10:48] hükümet sisteminden eee parlamenter sisteme
[01:10:51] dönme eee ortak paydası
[01:10:54] adı altında tam mutabakatla muhalefet
[01:10:57] partileri tereddütssüz nasıl bir araya gelebilir eee
[01:11:01] sorulması gereken soru bu ne dersiniz bu soruya tabii önemli soru bu eee
[01:11:05] genel başkanımız müsavat dervişoğlu da çok uzun süredir bahsettiğiniz bütünleşik
[01:11:08] muhalefet ifadesini kullanıyor bizler de izah etmeye çalışıyoruz bir
[01:11:12] geri gidelim, iki tane sandık gelecek önümüze, bir tanesi
[01:11:15] cumhurbaşkanlığı sandığı, öbürü Türkiye Büyük millet Meclisi Sandığı,
[01:11:19] bunların ikisi de önemli, şöyle bir
[01:11:21] laf ediliyor bazen bu sistemde meclis önemli değil diye, hayır bu
[01:11:25] sistemde de meclis çok önemli, meclisi kontrol ettiği için sayın cumhurbaşkanı zaten Türkiye'yi
[01:11:29] böyle idare edebiliyor, meclisi kontrol etmese bu şekilde bu iş
[01:11:32] gitmez, üstüne üstük yarın öbür gün biz bir parlamenter sisteme
[01:11:36] geçmek istiyorsak da meclisin işi, bakımdan her iki sandıkta
[01:11:39] da bu yaklaşımı olan partilerin başarılı olması. eder
[01:11:43] fakat çıtalar birbirinden farklı. Cumhurbaşkanlığı
[01:11:46] sandığındaki çıta 50 + 1, hiçbir partinin tek başına
[01:11:49] yakalayamadığı bir çıta. Demek ki burada bir müşterek hareket
[01:11:52] etmenin fevkalade önemli olduğunu görüyoruz. Ama bu müşterek hareket
[01:11:55] nasıl olacak? Önce temel prensiplerle mutabık olarak
[01:11:59] olunacak. Yani ben istediğimi yapayım, başkaları da
[01:12:03] benim yanıma gelsin yaklaşımı hiçbir parti açısından doğru olmaz. Bu
[01:12:06] ortak yaklaşım ne olabilir? Mesela cumhuriyetin temel nitelikleri
[01:12:09] olabilir. Mesela ülkenin bölünmez bütün.
[01:12:12] olabilir, mesela milletin birliği olabilir,
[01:12:16] anayasanın temel hükümleri olabilir ve hedef olarak da Türkiye'nin mevcut
[01:12:20] yapıdan hakikaten demokratik parlamenter sisteme geçmesi
[01:12:23] olabilir, böyle temel kriterlerde öncelikli bir anlaşmak
[01:12:26] lazım, bunu olmadıktan sonra veyahut da her parti işte ben bunu
[01:12:30] yaparım, ben burada başka hassasiyetlere inanmam, ben burada istediğimi
[01:12:34] yaparım derse onu kurmak zorlaşır o bakımdan bir yandan
[01:12:37] belli prensiplerde mutabık kalmak, öbür taraftan da partilerin
[01:12:41] birbirlerinin hassasiyetlerine. saygı duyması icap eder, bu cumhurbaşkanlığı
[01:12:44] are on the side of the autocrats. "Those who seek power
[01:12:48] within the party by giving credit to slanders
[01:12:51] thrown at their friends, those who agree to be the opposition
[01:12:56] of Turkey, the game is spoiled.
[01:12:59] We will never be defeated. We
[01:13:03] will win. Now is the time for all
[01:13:06] democrats to unite. Üsküdar
[01:13:10] knows well that there is torment in separation,
[01:13:14] and mercy in unity," says Özgür Özel. Now
[01:13:17] the statement that it is time for all democrats
[01:13:21] to unite is important. Now,
[01:13:25] I will first get brief opinions on this and then go to Mr. Dalgın,
[01:13:28] because the İyi Party has constantly
[01:13:32] emphasized unified opposition.
[01:13:34] Let's ask, that is, how can opposition parties
[01:13:38] unite without hesitation, preserving their own identity,
[01:13:42] under the common denominator of returning
[01:13:46] to a parliamentary system from this system,
[01:13:50] especially the presidential system, with full consensus?
[01:13:53] This is the question that needs to be asked.
[01:14:00] What do you say to this question? Of course, this is an important question.
[01:14:03] Our Chairman Müsavat Dervişoğlu has also been using the term "unified
[01:14:07] opposition" for a very long time, and we are trying to explain it.
[01:14:10] Let's go back. Two ballot boxes will come before us. One is
[01:14:13] the presidential ballot box, the other is the Turkish Grand National Assembly
[01:14:16] ballot box. Both of these are important.
[01:14:20] Sometimes people say that the parliament is not important in this system. No,
[01:14:23] the parliament is very important even in this system. Because Mr. President controls the parliament,
[01:14:26] he can manage Turkey like this. If he didn't control the parliament, this wouldn't work. Moreover, if we want
[01:14:30] to switch to a parliamentary system tomorrow or the day after, it's the parliament's job.
[01:14:34] From this perspective, parties with this approach
[01:14:37] need to succeed in both ballot boxes. However, the benchmarks are different.
[01:14:41] The benchmark in the presidential ballot box is 50 + 1,
[01:14:44] a benchmark that no party can achieve alone.
[01:14:48] This means we see that acting together is extremely important.
[01:14:51] But how will this joint action happen? First,
[01:14:55] there will be consensus on fundamental we need to remove it. In our Esteemed
[01:14:59] President's speech yesterday, he clearly stated
[01:15:03] that it is now a struggle between democrats
[01:15:05] and here,
[01:15:08] between autocrats. He clearly states that it is a struggle.
[01:15:11] In this clear statement and the struggle
[01:15:15] between democrats and autocrats, the lines are becoming clear.
[01:15:19] He says it's time for democrats to unite. So, it says that democrats,
[01:15:22] social democrats, liberal democrats,
[01:15:25] or conservative democrats and
[01:15:29] nationalist democrats need to come together.
[01:15:32] The path is clear. The foundation of this is the IYI Party.
[01:15:35] It says unified opposition. We also say unifying opposition
[01:15:39] or the opposition that forms
[01:15:43] the Turkey Alliance. There is no division among us, and the principles are
[01:15:46] clear. Mr. Rak also said this. The principle is the gains of the Republic.
[01:15:50] The principle is clear and
[01:15:54] concise. It's the flag. It's a unitary
[01:15:56] state, a democracy where freedoms
[01:16:00] are experienced, and especially the reconstruction of the rule of law.
[01:16:04] Where are the problems, as I just said? As Mr. Bahadır said,
[01:16:07] there are no rules, no law. Today, operations are being carried
[01:16:10] out, operations are being carried
[01:16:13] out, and interventions are being made into the right to life. That is,
[01:16:16] against LGBT individuals and those
[01:16:20] entering homes to film actions that are not considered
[01:16:23] a crime by law. "Operations continue even though they are
[01:16:27] not considered a crime. I am the group spokesperson of the Justice Commission. In the bill
[01:16:30] that came two years ago regarding the influence agent,
[01:16:34] there were regulations regarding this lifestyle. They were
[01:16:37] withdrawn. Later, they said they would bring a new regulation
[01:16:41] to the Justice Commission, but they didn't.
[01:16:44] How can you intervene in a citizen's right to life
[01:16:47] by portraying an act that is not legally a crime as a crime
[01:16:51] and arrest them? The operations
[01:16:55] carried out today are clearly unregulated,
[01:16:59] unlawful, and are operations that do not constitute
[01:17:02] a crime under the Turkish Penal Code.
[01:17:06] In conjunction with this, we see
[01:17:09] that the Minister of Justice came out
[01:17:12] before the first IBB conspiracy operation and said it was the biggest
[01:17:16] corruption operation in Turkey and the world.
[01:17:19] My professor just said the same thing. Where is the $560 billion
[01:17:23] operation? Where is the corruption? "There is no such thing at this point.
[01:17:27] There is no evidence, no document, no point. But something else
[01:17:30] happened. In our previous conversation, the governor of the state,
[01:17:34] the district governor of the state, in old Turkey, when we say the state governor,
[01:17:38] the state district governor, our Turkish nation has a characteristic,
[01:17:41] we have traditions from the past. We want to talk about a structure
[01:17:45] that works for the nation, that is impartial,
[01:17:49] that sees citizens as equal within the state structure.
[01:17:52] But look at the Minister of Justice. The Minister
[01:17:56] of Justice linked all of Turkey from Adana
[01:18:00] to Aydın to Istanbul with the chief prosecutor's
[01:18:03] operations in Istanbul and the chief prosecutor of Turkey.
[01:18:06] He then became a minister. Then, he came out
[01:18:10] on the same day and talked about justice, law,
[01:18:13] and democracy. He made a press statement.
[01:18:17] An hour later, he appeared at the AKP's provincial chairmen's meeting.
[01:18:20] He said, "We are carrying out and
[01:18:23] will continue to carry out the necessary work for the success of our party."
[01:18:27] Who said this? The Minister of Justice. So, during his time as Chief Public Prosecutor,
[01:18:31] he carried out these operations for the success of the AKP.
[01:18:35] He intervened with judicial apparatus
[01:18:38] for operations against
[01:18:41] the national will or those who usurp the national will.
[01:18:45] What I mean is, there is no law, no rule. It's raining
[01:18:48] on all of us, a fascist rain is falling. In this rain,
[01:18:52] whether it's the IYI Party, the CHP, the new party, the AKP, the MHP,
[01:18:56] it doesn't reflect. This is not a case
[01:18:59] of annulment. This is a case of democracy. I want to live freely.
[01:19:03] When I set out, there was no security for a member of parliament.
[01:19:06] There cannot be a democracy where even a member of parliament
[01:19:09] cannot exercise their freedom of expression. The group deputy chairman
[01:19:13] of the IYI Party went
[01:19:16] to the parliament and made a speech. Immediately, an hour later,
[01:19:19] the Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an investigation.
[01:19:23] How can
[01:19:28] there be such a thing? There is immunity of the rostrum. It is not possible for Chief Public
[01:19:32] Prosecutors not to know this. The problem is this. The problem
[01:19:35] is this. The rules
[01:19:38] in the Constitution will be applied. There cannot be a lawless world. Article
[01:19:41] 137 of the Constitution. I am telling those who do not comply with these rules,
[01:19:45] who give orders that constitute a crime, from here.
[01:19:49] That is, today has a tomorrow. They should not perceive this as a threat. This is not a threat.
[01:19:52] A democracy where the right to a fair trial is applied, where the rule of law is established,
[01:19:56] will surely come. In this democracy, we will change this dark order
[01:20:00] with an inclusive opposition or a unifying opposition or
[01:20:03] the Turkey Alliance. We will change it at the ballot box, and those
[01:20:07] who do this wrong, those who commit this cruelty
[01:20:10] in Silivri, Sincan,
[01:20:13] Kırşehir, Bursa, Çorlu,
[01:20:16] those who continue this cruelty
[01:20:18] in prisons with their families will be held accountable for this.
[01:20:22] There cannot be such a thing in a state of law. Can such a thing be possible? As a group
[01:20:26] deputy chairman, you cannot open an investigation as a chief
[01:20:29] public prosecutor for a speech made under parliamentary immunity. They have violated
[01:20:32] the Constitution in every regard. That's why the rain falling,
[01:20:36] the rain falling. A political rain is falling. We will all be together. We will all
[01:20:39] continue the united opposition. You reminded me of Turhan Çömez.
[01:20:43] He was our guest on Friday. Mr. Selçuk
[01:20:46] Türkoğlu. The images of the police intervention that occurred
[01:20:49] while he was going to support the veterans' protest.
[01:20:53] And those images will not be erased
[01:20:56] from memory. Did they get their rights?
[01:21:00] No, they didn't. No, they didn't. The bill
[01:21:03] that came regarding veterans and martyrs' relatives was
[01:21:06] alongside the framework law within a few days.
[01:21:10] The bill that came regarding martyrs' relatives and veterans was empty.
[01:21:13] They couldn't get their rights, and their struggle was justified.
[01:21:17] So, this cannot be. While teachers,
[01:21:21] private school teachers, teachers who were victims of interviews,
[01:21:24] our young girls, young
[01:21:28] teachers were being dragged by their hair
[01:21:31] at the Çankaya gate in front of the Parliament,
[01:21:34] the Minister of Interior passed by. We saw this with our own eyes.
[01:21:38] "Such a society, such a state, is not a state
[01:21:41] with democracy." Well, now let me get Professor Barış's opinions. Professor Barış,
[01:21:45] what would you add? Integrated opposition,
[01:21:48] unifying opposition. There are differences
[01:21:51] in rhetoric, but whether you call it the Turkey Alliance,
[01:21:55] in essence, the expectation is common.
[01:21:58] Mr. Bülbül says the path is clear. So, at this
[01:22:01] point, what is missing or is there something
[01:22:05] missing? What do you say? Ms. Bilge, what is actually
[01:22:09] missing here is the language, that is, one needs to be very
[01:22:13] careful with the language and discourse used. Actually, the question you just asked
[01:22:17] is not independent of the discussion we just had. In Turkey,
[01:22:20] a process of depoliticization is being implemented, meaning
[01:22:24] that you shouldn't discuss, you shouldn't talk, marginalization,
[01:22:27] polarization, people moving away
[01:22:30] from politics, and even being afraid,
[01:22:33] becoming indifferent, especially among young people,
[01:22:36] from the ballot box. My will is already clear with the vote,
[01:22:40] but my will is not respected. Will the ballot box be able to change this,
[01:22:44] or will the opposition be able to come together?
[01:22:47] We will discuss a survey on the opposition's own candidates
[01:22:51] in a moment. The most controversial name of recent days,
[01:22:54] or a name that is sought to be drawn into this debate, is Mansur
[01:22:57] Yavaş and his candidacy. In fact, this whole process
[01:23:01] is a election campaign put forward by the government
[01:23:04] in a process where we are moving towards a very conscious,
[01:23:08] programmed project. What the opposition needs to do here
[01:23:11] is legitimate. I think this is very, very important.
[01:23:14] To recognize the legitimate and elected opposition
[01:23:18] and for them to come together.
[01:23:20] Where the legitimate opposition will be in this process
[01:23:24] will become very clear in the upcoming process. But here,
[01:23:28] attention needs to be paid to common fundamental principles and values,
[01:23:31] and the language here also needs to be given great importance.
[01:23:35] Without offending or breaking, there will naturally be criticism,
[01:23:38] but political parties have their own programs.
[01:23:42] They will present their own programs. The language used while conducting
[01:23:45] politics within the framework of these programs should not be marginalizing
[01:23:49] and divisive. Because this is actually
[01:23:52] something that benefits the government. The government is putting
[01:23:55] forward a unified process here. The policies it has put forward
[01:23:59] from yesterday to today can change. It can put forward a policy
[01:24:02] that is completely opposite to what it said yesterday. But even if you, as the opposition,
[01:24:06] follow a very stable policy, you are criticized for
[01:24:09] the stable policy you put forward. What needs to be done there
[01:24:13] is to prevent polarization.
[01:24:16] That's why the concept of integrated opposition in this
[01:24:20] context is very important. We need to put aside differences, to
[01:24:24] avoid marginalization, to use beautiful language,
[01:24:27] to pay attention to tone, and of course, with criticisms,
[01:24:31] to gain strength from these criticisms, but in a certain way,
[01:24:34] we talked about it in the first session, certain names, the media,
[01:24:38] the weight of the media here is very important, because the media is the most important
[01:24:42] in determining politics. It is always said that it is the fourth power after the legislature,
[01:24:45] executive, and judiciary. Certain names in the media,
[01:24:48] shares made on YouTube, social media. Therefore, we need to stay away
[01:24:52] from discussions that constantly trivialize the opposition,
[01:24:55] that divide the opposition, that turn the opposition
[01:24:59] into a deep pit and push it towards this.
[01:25:02] That's why the concept of integrated opposition here is very
[01:25:06] important. Common values, fundamental principles,
[01:25:09] a line where the values
[01:25:12] of the Republic of Turkey are upheld and the unitary state is never abandoned,
[01:25:16] where the opposition comes together. In this context, a united
[01:25:20] front needs to be formed. Because the Presidential Government System tells us this:
[01:25:23] 50 + 1. If you are going to elect a president,
[01:25:27] the opposition needs to come together one way
[01:25:30] or another. Of course, far from these impositions.
[01:25:33] As Burak Bey said, candidates determined entirely
[01:25:36] within the framework of principles and values, a conciliatory attitude. But here,
[01:25:40] I will definitely emphasize that the language and discourse used
[01:25:44] are very important. A language and tone that does not increase
[01:25:47] polarization should be adopted, and in this context,
[01:25:50] it is time for all democrats to unite. This, of course,
[01:25:54] should not be a six-party table adventure like in the 2023 elections,
[01:25:58] because the 2023 adventure, unfortunately, put the Turkish society
[01:26:02] to sleep in a sense, it played for time,
[01:26:05] the candidate was not determined until the last moment,
[01:26:08] the determined candidate was not announced for different reasons,
[01:26:12] and it was a process that dashed the hopes of the Turkish society.
[01:26:16] But the Turkish society has already realized this.
[01:26:20] "I think politicians in Turkey are also very much aware of this.
[01:26:24] That's why what was discussed, and what our Chairman Mr. Özgür Özel expressed
[01:26:27] in Üsküdar, was exactly this: he always talked about fundamental
[01:26:30] values, principles, and goals. There was no mention
[01:26:33] of a common interest or a political calculation.
[01:26:37] That's why all democrats need to unite within
[01:26:40] the framework of certain principles and values.
[01:26:43] This is not easy to do, but it is possible.
[01:26:47] It is easier to increase divisions and not come together.
[01:26:51] Coming together is always harder. It is difficult,
[01:26:54] compromising is harder, but if you can truly
[01:26:57] show this will, if you carry the desire to come together,
[01:27:01] you will come together and you can progress on a common path.
[01:27:05] And Turkey needs this. It is not possible to escape
[01:27:08] the process we are in in any other way. By listening, understanding,
[01:27:12] listening, understanding, and explaining,
[01:27:15] we can only escape this process. I believe this can be done.
[01:27:18] My hope and expectation are very high. Both politicians
[01:27:22] and society, especially the grassroots,
[01:27:25] already want a united opposition, and this united
[01:27:28] opposition has already formed at the grassroots.
[01:27:32] Politicians also need to see this, and they need to pursue
[01:27:36] a policy aimed at this. If that unity at the grassroots
[01:27:39] is reflected more harmoniously at the grassroots,
[01:27:43] this system will definitely change with the ballot box. Well, now, you also reminded
[01:27:47] us, and in the Üsküdar
[01:27:51] rally, Mr. Özgür Özel's
[01:27:54] words, which actually reiterated
[01:27:58] Mr. Mansur Yavaş's earlier words,
[01:28:02] "There is torment in separation, and mercy in unity." Now, let my friends prepare
[01:28:05] that. Let's bring that video of Mansur
[01:28:09] Yavaş saying these words to the screens. Why was Mansur
[01:28:12] Yavaş suddenly dragged into such a debate?
[01:28:15] When we look at it, we see that all the government's
[01:28:18] writers simultaneously wrote articles about this.
[01:28:22] And it's not just that, but
[01:28:25] we see that some figures
[01:28:28] known as opposition figures have also made
[01:28:32] quite striking comments on this issue
[01:28:36] in recent days. What happened that Mansur Yavaş suddenly
[01:28:40] became a subject of debate as if a button was pressed?
[01:28:43] He had a meeting with President Erdoğan. Shall we show
[01:28:46] that photo, Ali? Let's bring visual
[01:28:50] number 8 to the screens. After that meeting
[01:28:54] he had with President Erdoğan in Beştepe,
[01:28:58] it was said that he would attend the Republican People's Party's
[01:29:01] founding anniversary reception that day.
[01:29:04] Just on that day, after such a meeting
[01:29:07] and the shared photo, discussions
[01:29:11] flared up. Now, first, regarding
[01:29:14] the timing, this visit and during this visit, of course,
[01:29:18] Mansur Yavaş explained what they discussed. He said
[01:29:21] they met with President Erdoğan for the metro. He said
[01:29:25] they discussed Ankara's problems. He clearly stated
[01:29:28] that he positioned
[01:29:31] himself above politics. He had messages
[01:29:35] for both the Republican People's Party and the new party leadership. Mr. Tuğran,
[01:29:39] why are we discussing Mansur Yavaş right now?
[01:29:43] Because there is a government that wants him to be discussed.
[01:29:46] Ultimately, those other factors
[01:29:49] you listed also want this to be discussed, but
[01:29:53] the problem is that this is not Mansur Yavaş's
[01:29:55] first attitude. Mansur Yavaş's
[01:29:59] model of politics, his way of doing politics,
[01:30:02] is like this. That is, he tries
[01:30:05] to focus on his work as much as possible,
[01:30:09] to show that he is there. But the main contradiction
[01:30:12] is that artificial things determine the agenda. That is, Mansur Yavaş
[01:30:16] meets with the president. Nobody sees any harm
[01:30:19] in this. If you recall, Mr. İmamoğlu also
[01:30:23] requested an appointment many times.
[01:30:25] In terms of meeting, because they are mayors, they manage large cities, and naturally,
[01:30:29] they can meet. Did he go? Yes. Many approvals
[01:30:32] come from there, of course, Professor Oğuz. It's not about
[01:30:36] investments that need to be made. Ekrem İmamoğlu went to the palace once, right?
[01:30:40] They met collectively in the 2020 elections.
[01:30:44] Yes, they met collectively in the 2020 elections.
[01:30:47] So, they hadn't been meeting since the election. There was
[01:30:51] a chair leg before the election. Yes, collectively
[01:30:54] at airports and so on, to welcome. So, in this sense, the exaggeration
[01:30:58] or overemphasis of this requires looking at whose interest
[01:31:01] it serves. But it is in whose interest?
[01:31:05] The fact that this is being discussed so much certainly serves the government's interest.
[01:31:08] The reason is that there is something like
[01:31:11] a savior mentality in the opposition.
[01:31:15] That is, the mission that the Ak Party or
[01:31:19] Ak Party cadres
[01:31:21] ascribed to Mr. Erdoğan. But, of course,
[01:31:25] who the presidential candidate will be is important, but apart from
[01:31:29] that, there are so many parameters that are just as important as the cadres.
[01:31:33] You mentioned in the previous topic why unity is important.
[01:31:37] I have been talking about a united and determined opposition
[01:31:40] bloc for a long time. The reason is that everyone
[01:31:43] perceives this as an election alliance, but it is not an election alliance.
[01:31:47] Because, look, the opposition's perspective
[01:31:50] of power in Turkey actually began with the Nation Alliance.
[01:31:54] That is, with the Nation Alliance established in 2018.
[01:31:57] Before that, as we always say about the CHP, there is a glass ceiling,
[01:32:01] it cannot pass. The Ak Party received
[01:32:04] twice as many votes as the CHP in almost all elections it entered.
[01:32:07] There was no other opposition candidate. With the Nation Alliance,
[01:32:10] this also reflected in the general elections in 2019.
[01:32:14] The opposition achieved a great success after a long time.
[01:32:17] That is, the taking of Istanbul, Ankara, Adana, Mersin,
[01:32:21] Antalya. Between 2019 and 2024,
[01:32:24] as Oğuz Hoca explained earlier, the demonstration
[01:32:28] of the municipalities' will to govern
[01:32:32] to the people. That is, almost,
[01:32:35] when the people had a very important problem, if there was a problem with nurseries,
[01:32:39] the municipality went and built a nursery.
[01:32:42] barınma problemi varsa gitti yurt yaptı, işte süt dağıttı,
[01:32:46] metro yaptı yani sadece oraya da sıkıştırmayorum metroda
[01:32:48] yapıldı yok ben şey anlamında söylüyorum aslında
[01:32:52] eee asli görevi olmayan şeylerden bahsediyorum
[01:32:55] yani belki metro falan daha asli görevini de çok iyi
[01:32:58] yaptı yani orayı da yaptı ama buraya da kaynak ayrı.
[01:33:02] olabileceğini de göster fark yarattı o anlamda ve sonuç itibariyle aslında
[01:33:06] 2019'la 2024 arasında yapmadıklarını
[01:33:09] 2024 seçimleri kazandıktan sonra iktidar yapmaya
[01:33:12] başladı çünkü bir tehlike görüyordu kendinde bir de eee o
[01:33:16] muhalefetin bir arada olması eee altılı
[01:33:19] masa örneği var herkes için altılı masayı tamam altılı masa
[01:33:23] konsept olarak aslında çok yanlış bir şey değildi ama çok
[01:33:26] yanlış yerlere evrildi demin söylediğimiz gibi hani
[01:33:30] eee cumhurbaşkanlığı adayı ne bileyim. 7 tane cumhurbaşkanlı
[01:33:33] yardımcısı seçmek, milletvekili listeleri o
[01:33:37] ittifak modelleri kadar böyle suni ve siyasi
[01:33:40] ajandalar tartışıldı ki eee ve başarıya
[01:33:43] ulaşamadı ama şimdi. demin asgari müşteriliklerde
[01:33:47] birleşmekten bahsedildi, ya biz araştırmalar yapıyoruz, insanlara
[01:33:50] soruyoruz, en büyük probleminiz nedir diyoruz, ekonomi
[01:33:54] diyor, tabii ekonominin içinde işsizlik var, asgari ücret var, emekli maaşları
[01:33:58] var, kira artışları var, kredi kartları var, icra dosyaları
[01:34:01] var, iki ondan sonra saymaya devam ediyor, sağlık
[01:34:05] diyor, sağlık sistemiyle ciddi problemleri var
[01:34:08] insanların, eğitim diyor, yani eğitimle ilgili
[01:34:11] muhtemelen konuşacağız, yani çok...
[01:34:15] "yoğun problemleri var ve adalet diyor, aslında dört tane
[01:34:18] kalemi en önde söylüyor, asgari müşterek çok fazla aramaya
[01:34:22] gerek yok diye düşünüyorum, hani ekonomi başta olmak üzere, bu
[01:34:25] anlamda bir araya gelip bir de parlamenter sistem gibi bir moddu,
[01:34:29] çünkü halkın %60 ile 65
[01:34:33] arası muhalefetten yana,
[01:34:36] yani iktidar karşıtı, iktidardan memnun olmayanların oranı
[01:34:39] %80, ama destek
[01:34:42] vermeyenlerin oranı demiyorum, memnun olmayanları. geçen yine burada bir
[01:34:45] araştırma konuşuldu eee iktidara yakın bir araştırma
[01:34:49] kuruluşu, iktidarın eee ekonomi
[01:34:51] politikalarından iktidar seçmeni ağırlıklı
[01:34:55] olarak şikayetçi, hem MHP seçmeni hem de AKP seçmeni.
[01:34:58] Şimdi bütün bu koşullar varken hani bu objektif
[01:35:01] koşullar varken orada bir siyasi irade koymak lazım, da bir araya
[01:35:05] gelmek. Bir de seçmen şunu sevmiyor, hani ikircikli tavırları
[01:35:09] sevmiyor. Net, tutarlı ve kararlı tavır istiyor. Ya
[01:35:13] muhalefet partileri bu... çünkü
[01:35:24] ee doğru bir birliktelikle ben bu
[01:35:27] eee hem parlamento hem de cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerinde bir
[01:35:30] problem ama bu kazanacak aday aday kim olsun
[01:35:33] tartışmaların da boğmamak lazım şimdi ekrem imamoğlu'nun bir yandan
[01:35:37] işte eee dava yükünü soruşturmalar
[01:35:40] davalar onları konuştuk şimdi bir diğer eee muhalefetin
[01:35:44] güçlü adayı. Mansur Yavaş ama Mansur Yavaş'ın verdiği mesajlar son
[01:35:47] günlerde şimdi dediniz ya net tavır eee seçmen
[01:35:51] gösterilmesini istiyor acaba net bir tavır ortaya kondu
[01:35:55] mu bunu ben eee konuklarıma soracağım şimdi tabii CHP'li belediyelerin büyük bir
[01:35:58] kısmı yeni partiye geçti bir süredir de gözler
[01:36:01] Mansur Yavaş'ın üzerindeydi ama bir yandan da Ankara Büyükşehir belediye
[01:36:05] Meclisindeki dengeleri eee gözetiyor
[01:36:09] Mansur Yavaş şimdi CHP ile yeni parti arasındaki
[01:36:12] ayrışmaya da dikkat çekti o sözlerine de bakın.
[01:36:45] olsak siyaset rekabetçi, hani bugünkü koşullarda
[01:36:48] değil, daha rekabetçi, herkesin kendi siyasetini anlattığı
[01:36:52] bir ortamda biz seçilecek kişi bir cumhurbaşkanı
[01:36:56] olacağı için yani bir kişiyi seçtiğimiz için son tahlilde seçimde
[01:36:59] We can talk about names, discuss
[01:37:03] them. Should it be Mansur Yavaş or
[01:37:06] someone else? But that's exactly
[01:37:10] what the system imposes on us. It says, "Talk about names."
[01:37:13] Is it Mansur Yavaş or someone else? Can President Erdoğan be a candidate again,
[01:37:17] or can he not? Or, from another perspective,
[01:37:20] as Semih Bey said earlier, those who are anti-government
[01:37:23] are also on their side. That is, regardless of whether
[01:37:27] they are anti-government or on the government's side,
[01:37:30] the number of people who think that this system
[01:37:34] does not work is much larger. That is, they may support the AK Party,
[01:37:37] they may vote for President Erdoğan in the presidential election,
[01:37:41] but the number of people whose answer to the question
[01:38:15] "Should we be governed by this system?" is "no" has turned into a larger pool.
[01:38:19] It's not about being against Erdoğan. That is, I'm saying this because
[01:38:22] it's a system where even members of the Justice and Development Party
[01:38:26] are not happy. It's not about being anti-government
[01:38:29] or pro-government. If we cannot
[01:38:32] when we bring the issue to the 50+1 discussion, there is nothing
[01:38:36] fixed on 50+1, but when it comes to the discussion or with him, whether you are AK Party
[01:38:40] or not, whether you are from party X or not, the 50+1
[01:38:44] discussion comes to the agenda. However, what we primarily need to solve
[01:38:47] is the removal of the depoliticization
[01:38:51] environment, and the return of political competition to the agenda.
[01:38:54] Therefore, yes, leaders are very important in politics.
[01:38:58] Their coming together, discussing, and talking, but
[01:39:01] the so-called minimum common ground is already achieved here. So,
[01:39:04] for this, name A, name B, name C, did Mansur Yavaş
[01:39:08] meet with him, did Mr. Özel say this, is Mr. Müsavat
[01:39:11] Dervişoğlu like that? No, there is a point where we all agree. So,
[01:39:15] will we chase after unifying names or will we chase after unifying
[01:39:18] principles? I think the opposition should decide
[01:39:22] this point. People are
[01:39:25] already politicians.
[01:39:34] And still, encouraging to follow someone is not very rational to me anymore. This is where I stand.
[01:39:38] Should we follow Ahmet or Mehmet? Okay,
[01:39:41] leaders are important in politics, I have no objection to that, but
[01:39:45] beyond that, society has an objection and a struggle
[01:39:48] with the system, not just the leader. We should not forget this. Therefore,
[01:39:52] we have to define opposition
[01:39:55] not through politicians, but through politics.
[01:39:58] So, we have to be able to have
[01:40:01] a political ground where we can discuss
[01:40:05] where we are uniting, even though Mr. Burak
[01:40:09] and his party have other ideas, and Mr. Süleyman
[01:40:13] has other ideas and things. That's why I really don't want
[01:40:17] the next period to be about names, like
[01:40:20] "Mansur Yavaş met with the President, he's going." If he's
[01:40:24] going, he's going, you know what I mean? We are really at this point now.
[01:40:28] Billy Hanım, we should not forget that this is Mr. Mansur's choice,
[01:40:31] it has its pros and cons. If he goes, he goes, if he doesn't, he doesn't, right?
[01:40:35] I think these discussions are just floundering
[01:40:39] for this society. So, if he goes,
[01:40:42] he goes, will we give up? Does that mean this system is good?
[01:40:46] No, if he stays, will we give up on the idea
[01:40:49] that this system is bad? No, this system is a bad system.
[01:40:52] No matter who governs Turkey, it will no longer
[01:40:55] go anywhere between the lips of one person.
[01:40:58] He has shown this to society for 5 or 6 years, he has shown it economically,
[01:41:01] in education, yes. We really need to speak openly
[01:41:05] when we say it. This society no longer wants politician egos and so on.
[01:41:08] It really doesn't. And "you will be the leader,
[01:41:12] and we will follow you." Those days are over, no one can convince
[01:41:15] society this way anymore. So, we primarily
[01:41:19] need to rally society behind us on an issue
[01:41:22] that society is convinced of. What is this issue? The issue
[01:41:25] that this system does not work. Otherwise, if Ahmet manages it, it won't change. So, tomorrow,
[01:41:29] even if it's from the opposition, the citizen no longer believes
[01:41:33] that there will be another name that will take the judiciary and so on
[01:41:37] from its current position to another place. Even if we give it, we saw
[01:41:40] recently that from that party to this party, from this party to that party,
[01:41:44] I mean, we saw things done
[01:41:47] through discussions that were quite unethical, using the Üsküdar example. So,
[01:41:51] citizens want to trust politics, not politicians. Therefore,
[01:41:54] it needs to be built on this trust. I'll say one more thing. We really
[01:41:58] need to accept that this system that the government insists on
[01:42:01] does not work under normal circumstances, and that the whole society,
[01:42:05] not just the opposition
[01:42:08] voters, but also the Justice and Development Party
[01:42:12] voters, are not about Erdoğan anymore.
[01:42:15] This issue is really not like that. So, tomorrow,
[01:42:19] when another story comes, when another name
[01:42:22] comes, we should not leave better governance to a person's
[01:42:26] personal characteristics or personal preferences.
[01:42:31] Now, we showed that photo a little while ago, that photo was
[01:42:34] talked about a lot. Let me also get Bahadır Özgür's
[01:42:37] opinion, and then we'll move on to other
[01:42:40] topics under this issue. So, what did they talk about, why did he go?
[01:42:44] Could it be that he will join the Justice and Development Party? I mean,
[01:42:48] there were very extreme comments like that, or did he go
[01:42:51] to stop an operation? So, various scenarios
[01:42:55] are flying around, even. Of course, new حلقات added to this,
[01:42:59] eee artık belediye başkanlığı dönemi bitince
[01:43:02] siyaseti mi bırakacak cumhurbaşkanlığı adaylığı fikrine nokta mı koydu gibi
[01:43:06] türlü çeşit yorumu görüyoruz
[01:43:09] izliyoruz peki neden oğuz hocam önemli bir şey
[01:43:12] söyledi isim mi konuşmamız lazım bizim ilke mi
[01:43:15] konuşmamız lazım şu anda isim de konuşmamız lazım şimdi Türkiye'de bu
[01:43:19] gerçek var yani böyle yani siyaset böyle dünyada da böyle hani bu
[01:43:22] bizim arzu ettiğimiz şey olmayabilir ama mesela yani olmazsa diyelim
[01:43:26] ki Mansur Bey. vazgeçti yapmıyorum
[01:43:28] dediğinde bu artık bittik mi yani bitme
[01:43:32] değil ama yani sonuçta seçim kazanan adaylar vardır hani ama işte
[01:43:36] bu bizi bir yere kitliyor mesela Bahadır Bey bunu söylemeye çalışıyorum yani o ideal
[01:43:40] şimdi mesela şöyle bir şey var Türkiye ben şunu demiyorum yanlış
[01:43:43] anlaşılmasın kastım tam anlamıyla şu eee yani
[01:43:47] burada bir kişiye sıkıştığımızda sanki
[01:43:50] başka bir alternatifimiz yok ve başka bir
[01:43:53] yola giderse de lidersiz kaldık gibi bir dünya yok yani zaten şu hocam zaten.
[01:43:57] Türkiye buraya sıkıştırıldı, yani son
[01:44:00] çeyrek yüzyılı bir partinin, bir düşüncenin, bir programın
[01:44:03] yönetmesinden çok daha saptı, öyle de her
[01:44:06] zaman öyle değildi ama azından bir hani bir katkı yapayım.
[01:44:10] eee biz seçmene sorduğumuzda oy
[01:44:13] verirken eee en önemli parametreler nedir dediğinde hala
[01:44:16] açık ara lider birinci sırada geliyor hocam eee dünyada da böyle şimdi
[01:44:20] mesela ya dünyada da çıkamıyor işte siyasette Amerika'da da
[01:44:23] işte bir farklı bir eee
[01:44:26] siyaset tipolojisi çıkarttıkları için eee bir
[01:44:30] umut oldular yoksa bugüne kadar demokratlar cumhuriyetler gidip
[01:44:33] geliyordu orada da sıkışmıştı bizde de bu bu sıkışma
[01:44:36] bir tarafı ama bakın 2020'de de görüştü Mansur Yavaş hiç
[01:44:39] bunlar. Şimdi görüşmenin ötesinde
[01:44:42] yani siyaset böyle bir şeydir, simgeler, fotoğraflar,
[01:44:46] tutumlar, manzaralar başka türlü toplum tarafından
[01:44:49] böyle yorumlanır. Erdoğan bunu en iyi bilen liderdir, simgelere hep önem
[01:44:53] verir, niye ahlat, ahlat'ta toplum, ahlat ya
[01:44:56] 75, Türkiye'nin yüzyılında öyle bir yer var mı,
[01:45:00] öyle bir tören var mı, yok ama bir gelenek olmuş değil mi niye, çünkü işte Malazgirt
[01:45:04] falan yönetim düşüncesine uygun
[01:45:07] bir eee sembol gösteriyor orada.
[01:45:11] eee bu fotoğraf bugün verildiği koşuldan dolayı tartışılıyor, yani
[01:45:15] içeriğinden bağımsız olarak verildiği koşul nedir, bir
[01:45:18] sürü belediye başkanı AKP'ye geçmeye başladı, hatta çok kök kök
[01:45:22] CHP'liler geçiyor, kök yeni partililer geçiyor, yani foça gibi
[01:45:25] mesela sizin eee ismine garantör
[01:45:28] olduğunuz isimler geçiyor, diğerine
[01:45:31] sürekli operasyon yapılıyor, artık isimleri
[01:45:34] are constantly being arrested in municipalities,
[01:45:38] mayors are being arrested. Besides this... Turkey is also going to an election, and
[01:45:42] as one of the strongest candidates, the opposition itself never
[01:45:45] denied it. Presidential candidate, one of the candidate
[01:45:48] hopefuls, is Mansur Yavaş. Therefore, when these come together,
[01:45:51] every meeting of yours will
[01:45:54] naturally be discussed. Politicians need to accept this. So,
[01:45:58] there's no point in getting angry about this. By getting angry, the content
[01:46:01] of what we discussed, how we discussed it, we are adhering
[01:46:05] to this statement there clearly. So, as a mayor, can't I meet
[01:46:09] with the country's president?
[01:46:40] That's why you have to put this aside. In politics, there's no such thing as "I think
[01:46:43] this for my city, for my city's interest." Saying that has no
[01:46:47] value. The AKP showed us this beautifully
[01:46:50] in 25 years, we learned this. So,
[01:46:54] it's normal for this photo to be discussed,
[01:46:57] but looking at it as "Mansur Yavaş is going there, this is
[01:47:00] over" is politically wrong. So, what we need
[01:47:04] to discuss is that society will discuss this, ask these questions,
[01:47:07] and you need to answer honestly. The problem here
[01:47:11] is this, look, you went to Tom Barack's invitation,
[01:47:15] right? A photo came out. Now,
[01:47:17] you can go, there's nothing strange about it, but if
[01:47:21] a few months ago you called him a "terrorist collaborator"
[01:47:24] and raised your hand, saying "we didn't go," for example. So,
[01:47:27] if you approach it like that, and say, "this
[01:47:30] is a policy to explain to society, to declare this man
[01:47:34] an unwanted person," then society
[01:47:37] will be in doubt, saying "either there's something wrong there, or there's something wrong here."
[01:47:41] Or if we constantly apply
[01:47:45] this "hybrid politics" style, society will eventually
[01:47:48] lead to this contradiction. Mansur Yavaş
[01:47:52] should manage these kinds of things
[01:47:55] better. You are a person
[01:47:57] who has received millions of votes.
[01:48:01] You will be a presidential candidate, you will be open
[01:48:04] in everything. You can hold a press
[01:48:07] conference before you go and say, "I'm going for this reason." If you
[01:48:11] withhold this from society, it's a pity for the people who are already suffering
[01:48:14] from so many problems, they shouldn't have to decode
[01:48:16] your messages. I mean, they shouldn't
[01:48:20] have to look at your photos at night to figure things out. Go out and explain it. The great mayor
[01:48:24] of Ankara, before going, you can say, "I've met before, I'm going to meet about this and this."
[01:48:27] Thank you. What was the harm in saying you're going for this reason?
[01:48:31] Well, we'll get to that now. By the way, if there wasn't a reaction, maybe no statement
[01:48:35] would have been made. Can such a thing happen? And of course, there are also statements made through close circles. Let me convey
[01:48:39] this to you. Now,
[01:48:49] we talked about this on these screens. İzmir Foça is such a place
[01:48:53] that Mr. Bülbül, the Justice and Development Party, didn't even nominate a candidate, right?
[01:48:57] Didn't he, years later, join the AK Party
[01:49:03] and say "My Beykoz, my Beykoz"? I put on the badge, but why?
[01:49:06] He says, ask, let's ask.
[01:49:10] "I have great goals for Foça. Until now, the harmony
[01:49:14] and cooperation between central government
[01:49:17] and local government in implementing some
[01:49:20] services
[01:49:52] Look, the politicians we are talking about
[01:49:56] are important people, they come out with a claim. What I want to say is,
[01:49:59] what I'm debating is not whether he went or not,
[01:50:01] but I don't want people to learn
[01:50:05] this news like this: "People I spoke to from Mansur Bey's
[01:50:09] circle conveyed the content as..." If you are meeting with
[01:50:12] the President of this country at the Palace, you should make
[01:50:15] your statement, you explain it nicely, and this discussion ends,
[01:50:19] we start discussing other things. But as you create mystery
[01:50:22] and every time... now Turkey is going through very difficult conditions, and so many people,
[01:50:25] people who consider themselves opposition, constantly feel
[01:50:28] that they are being deceived in the country,
[01:50:32] and the government constantly uses this. They bring out Haluk Levent
[01:50:35] in front of them, look, Erdoğan also brings out Mansur Yavaş's photo
[01:50:39] from here. He loves those photos
[01:50:41] because he wants you to take this and discuss what's
[01:50:45] in the background. Make up scenarios. You have to prevent this.
[01:50:49] When a new party was being formed here, what did we always discuss? If
[01:50:52] the party, just like there, the people forced you, if they forced
[01:50:55] you to form this party, you have to keep asking them what you're doing,
[01:50:59] you have to keep explaining to them so that
[01:51:02] you can only get out of this fog screen
[01:51:06] applied by the government. So, you need to inform
[01:51:09] the public openly and transparently always.
[01:51:12] Yes, this is not being done, and I, frankly, after 30
[01:51:16] years as a journalist, don't understand why. I'm reading
[01:51:19] from backstage, what is someone who manages the capital city discussing? I don't
[01:51:23] want to read
[01:51:24] from backstage.
[01:51:29] No, it was made later, an open statement,
[01:51:32] but by then, as they say, "after Basra is ruined," right?
[01:51:35] So much happens in one day in Turkey, on the second day no one... Now,
[01:51:39] we will continue to discuss this topic, but first, let me ask Mr. Süleyman
[01:51:42] this while my friends bring it to the screens.
[01:51:46] We saw a similar situation in Aydın. The same thing happened. What were
[01:51:49] the big dreams? Were you able to learn? I mean, they are making fun
[01:51:53] of people's intelligence. So, Burafçı Özlem
[01:51:56] Çerçioğlu, then Burcu Afyon,
[01:52:00] then the mayor of Şehitkamil, Umut.
[01:52:04] Don't make fun of people's intelligence. For example, Professor, did the mayor
[01:52:08] of Foça want to do something and was prevented? Did you ever
[01:52:11] receive such a complaint, like "I want to do
[01:52:13] this"? The MHP candidate received 17% of the votes,
[01:52:17] and was the first party in Foça, meaning the unifying
[01:52:21] opposition's candidate at that time.
[01:52:30] "I'm changing parties" happened. Mhm. You usurped
[01:52:33] 344 thousand votes. Özdem Çerçioğlu received
[01:52:37] the votes given as the Republican People's Party Metropolitan Municipality Mayoral candidate,
[01:52:40] and usurped them. And either
[01:52:43] go to prison, or join the party, become a member,
[01:52:47] get rid of it. So, either be jailed, or come
[01:52:50] to the party with blackmail. You went, joined the party,
[01:52:54] passed on August 14th, 2025, we arrived at August 14th, 2026.
[01:52:58] Not a single service, not a single service.
[01:53:02] These are all just talk, of course.
[01:53:06] There's no service, there's nothing, nothing done in Aydın. I came from Aydın.
[01:53:10] I started the car today, I came from Aydın. No service,
[01:53:13] no service. So, what I mean is, this
[01:53:17] moment Borafçı, for him to be able to provide services,
[01:53:20] he is looking for harmony with the local government and central government.
[01:53:22] Didn't you think about this harmony when you ran for office
[01:53:26] as a candidate of the Republican People's Party or an opposition party,
[01:53:29] as a mayoral candidate? Is there a lack of service? No. Now,
[01:53:33] the dormitory issue. I am very happy that our President
[01:53:36] Ekrem İmamoğlu became the Mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality
[01:53:40] in 2019. Why am I happy? I am a parliamentarian
[01:53:44] for the second term. I used to receive calls. We have girls who got into
[01:53:47] İTÜ, who got into Mimar Sinan,
[01:53:50] from Aegean, from Aydın, they couldn't find dormitories. There were
[01:53:53] no dormitories. After Ekrem İmamoğlu became
[01:53:56] the Mayor of Metropolitan Municipality in 2019,
[01:53:59] more than 20
[01:54:00] girls' dormitories were built.
[01:54:04] And the thing is, there's no nepotism. As a parliamentarian, we think
[01:54:08] about doing some nepotism. No, the mother's situation, the father's situation,
[01:54:11] the economic situation, I'm happy. So, does successful mean that
[01:54:15] Ekrem İmamoğlu is not in the AK Party, but the Republican People's Party Metropolitan Municipality Mayor's success?
[01:54:19] No, he seized the metro money.
[01:54:23] there is and now I live in Beşiktaş, I go to Beşiktaş,
[01:54:26] I take the metro, I can reach everywhere. He built the metro
[01:54:30] even under the most difficult conditions. So, what I want to say is, the usurpation
[01:54:34] of national will. That is,
[01:54:36] I am changing parties for service. In Mansur Bey's case,
[01:54:40] I want to say this, look, friends, both of you are right,
[01:54:43] professor, both of you are right. Do you remember 2023,
[01:54:47] the Six-Party Table, the Six-Party Table's
[01:54:50] work continues. Thousands
[01:54:53] of parliamentary viewers will say they don't want to remember.
[01:54:57] We wrote and drew about the construction of a democratic
[01:55:00] rule of law state and parliamentary system again and again.
[01:55:03] My friend, I mean, the candidate
[01:55:09] is very important, the leader is important. We wrote and drew, a citizen said
[01:55:11] "How will I eat this parliamentary system, as my professor said?"
[01:55:15] He said, "It was very important." We pushed the economy aside.
[01:55:19] We pushed solutions aside. And I want to say one more thing, politics
[01:55:22] is perception, Madam, politics
[01:55:25] is perception, perception. This palace government manages
[01:55:29] perception well. Look, in this environment, nearly
[01:55:33] 35 Republican...
[01:55:43] Ekrem İmamoğlu is a prisoner inside,
[01:55:45] a prisoner, and operations continue within this framework,
[01:55:49] with judicial apparatuses, there is a tremendous attack
[01:55:52] on the national will, and regarding this, two big,
[01:55:55] one of our two presidential candidates is in prison. He was saying, "We
[01:55:59] were saying striker," right? And our other candidate,
[01:56:02] our other candidate was saying they have two strikers. Now,
[01:56:11] the palace says, "Mansur Bey came to my side," it publishes
[01:56:15] photos, shows them. It creates the perception that Mansur Bey came to its side, but
[01:56:18] Mansur Bey's views haven't changed. Mansur Bey is still the same Mansur Bey.
[01:56:22] He still states that there is no rule of law, no democracy,
[01:56:26] and the point Turkey has reached is unjust
[01:56:30] and unlawful. In this regard, Mansur Bey's
[01:56:33] position is normal, as the professor also said earlier.
[01:56:37] These are approval authorities, meetings are normal,
[01:56:40] these activities are normal. We will discuss why later.
[01:56:44] What is tragic is that the President of the Republic, credit
[01:56:47] I will ask Mr. Dalgın this: How do all these things look from
[01:56:51] the İyi Party's perspective? Transfers, badge-pinning ceremonies,
[01:56:54] and the municipalities
[01:56:57] that changed hands with these events in the municipal council.
[01:57:00] What do you see? There's nothing to condone about them. I mean, Üsküdar, let me give it as the latest example,
[01:57:04] it's a disgrace. On top of that, celebrating
[01:57:08] this is a second disgrace. The incident itself is already extremely bad.
[01:57:11] So, the fact that this is done with some pressure, persuasion,
[01:57:15] and at times, according to allegations, with the involvement of public officials,
[01:57:18] is unacceptable. But on top of that, the state
[01:57:22] that the AK Party has reached is really a state that they should reconsider
[01:57:26] again and again. Because, an election was held,
[01:57:30] Sinem Hanım received 50% of the votes. Why is that election being held, let's go one step further back.
[01:57:33] Why is a deputy mayor election being held in Üsküdar? This is where
[01:57:37] the problem starts. So, why is Sinem Hanım in prison? This
[01:57:41] issue has actually been forgotten, right? Events are moving so fast that
[01:57:44] we forget the fundamental cause, why a deputy mayor election
[01:57:48] is being held. Why isn't Sinem Hanım inside, right? The main starting
[01:57:51] point is here. If someone who received 50% of the votes
[01:57:54] from the people of Üsküdar is invited to court, they can
[01:57:57] be prosecuted, just like all of us. But why is she being held
[01:58:01] in custody? Why is a deputy mayor being elected on top of that?
[01:58:14] The AK Party is holding a celebration there. So, no matter where you hold this chain,
[01:58:17] it will fall apart in your hands. From this perspective, it is also
[01:58:21] extremely saddening for Turkey. We are fighting all this struggle we mentioned
[01:58:25] precisely so that such things don't happen. Because, tomorrow, the AK Party might win
[01:58:29] again, there's no problem with that. As long as we play under the same
[01:58:33] conditions. I mean, today we are in a weekend of matches. So, if
[01:58:36] there are two teams, and one of them can play with their hands in football,
[01:58:40] and the other cannot. One plays with 7 people, and the other with 11 people. One's
[01:58:43] goal counts, and the other's goal doesn't count. Offside is called for one,
[01:58:47] and not for the other. If you say this, naturally, the disadvantaged
[01:58:50] fans in the country would raise hell, wouldn't they?
[01:58:53] First, if we are going to play football, let's all agree
[01:58:57] on the rules of football, as everyone involved in politics. Shall we
[01:59:00] agree and put a comma here? Burak Dalgın will continue from here.
[01:59:04] A short break.
[01:59:18] To make the unheard heard, to say the unsaid,
[01:59:21] to show
[01:59:22] the unseen.
[01:59:28] For.
[01:59:49] Every weekday morning from 7 to 10, while Turkey
[01:59:53] wakes up, we will be together in this studio.
[02:00:25] "Good morning, my dear Turkey, welcome, honor brought. I am
[02:00:29] Deniz Gökan Kayış, I am on duty. Süheyla Demir is on her annual
[02:00:33] leave. I know you are used to her at this hour, but my dear
[02:00:36] friend Süleyla will be using one week of her annual leave
[02:00:40] this week. From 6 to 7,
[02:00:43] at the beginning of our program, she will bring
[02:00:47] you the hot news." to know, to highlight what stands out in newspaper
[02:00:49] headlines, to prepare the hot news of the day,
[02:00:53] this duty was entrusted to me.
[02:00:56] And I, as much as I can, as my tongue permits.