HALKTV — Kursad Oguz ile Rota
20260915 010000 UTC
2139 transcript segments
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Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record.

[00:00:00] That is, if Erdoğan hadn't existed, perhaps this regime
[00:00:03] wouldn't exist either, and the MHP couldn't be a part of that regime. That is, Erdoğan's pragmatism,
[00:00:07] inclusiveness, alliance
[00:00:10] policies, and capacity to adapt
[00:00:13] to the politics needed, both domestically and internationally, these
[00:00:17] are actually what established it. It wasn't founded on ideological unity,
[00:00:20] but on a political line, a common vision
[00:00:24] for the future. It was founded on pragmatism,
[00:00:27] the MHP. Otherwise, the MHP is like this, historically. Serena is very right
[00:00:31] when she said it. It has no policy in economics. In foreign policy, whether
[00:00:35] you've done this or that, the MHP doesn't speak outside of very basic national security
[00:00:38] matters. The MHP has no economic policy. The IMF comes, implements a program,
[00:00:42] and it doesn't make a sound. The IMF leaves, you call it domestic and national, and it doesn't make a sound.
[00:00:45] Does anyone wonder about its program? The MHP is not a programmatic party,
[00:00:49] not a mass party. I'm curious about the 100-article constitutional
[00:00:52] proposal, but that's already related to this.
[00:00:55] So, it's a bit like looking at what's
[00:00:59] happening now. But let's not forget, this is not a very
[00:01:03] happy togetherness. This is always
[00:01:06] tense, always creating tension
[00:01:09] here as we look forward. That is, the MHP's
[00:01:13] especially because it could vision doesn't align with the AKP's view of the future,
[00:01:16] or it may not align. Look, almost everyone
[00:01:20] Bahçeli has taken a photo with has seen a prison, and you can't
[00:01:23] get any of them out. This is also true, you know. Isn't it many people?
[00:01:27] In the Aziz Hisan Aktaş case, the detainee is very good. He said, "He is very close to me,"
[00:01:31] and referred him, but the person still hasn't been released. None of what he said during the process
[00:01:34] happened. Therefore, this, you know,
[00:01:37] that relationship, uh,
[00:01:40] peaceful, happy, stable togetherness,
[00:01:44] rather, as expectations for the future
[00:01:47] increase, tensions emerge from today. Therefore, different, different,
[00:01:50] uh, something like this also happened sometimes,
[00:01:53] you know, these days, Bahçeli shared with the public
[00:01:56] what he told Nagihan Alçı, right? Also,
[00:02:00] of course, the Minister of Justice, yes, a two-story house for Bahçeli. No,
[00:02:03] it's not a denial, there are things happening there, things
[00:02:07] are happening there, of course, uh,
[00:02:10] the Minister of Justice spoke as if to invalidate
[00:02:14] the information about its Ocalan dimension, uh,
[00:02:18] we can also give that as an example. Especially sometimes
[00:02:21] we discuss
[00:02:24] if there's tension, what's happening. Actually, those tensions are not due
[00:02:27] to today's events. Now, the MHP is
[00:02:30] more advanced, it is expressing a policy
[00:02:33] about the perpetuation and continuation of this regime in a different
[00:02:37] way. As it expresses that, conflicts arise
[00:02:40] in today's pragmatic relationship.
[00:02:44] He says such a house was built for Ocalan, but
[00:02:47] he doesn't use it because
[00:02:50] he has no status. Status should be given.
[00:02:52] Think about it, he rejected the house, he rejected
[00:02:56] the status. The AKP is also stalling because the AKP is the party
[00:03:00] that needs to get votes, not the MHP, yes. The MHP
[00:03:04] defines this state, that is, it defines
[00:03:07] a new state in its own way and has positioned itself at the center
[00:03:11] and core of it. Let me say a couple
[00:03:21] Vietnam, Brazil, England, look at all these places. Outside of Africa,
[00:03:24] everyone has increased the price
[00:03:28] of free meals for elementary school children,
[00:03:31] children in their development stage, and the contribution was not enough.
[00:03:35] For example, Vietnamese people ask children what they like
[00:03:38] and expanded the menu. This year, they added such a thing. That is, they are already giving
[00:03:42] money, and they say, let's not give standard food,
[00:03:46] because not everyone might like the same thing. So they take requests from students
[00:03:49] for five or six types of dishes. That is,
[00:03:52] people around the world have switched to food,
[00:03:56] to giving cheap food, free food. Can I say something, because of this, why?
[00:04:00] Vietnam, with all your exports, has achieved more technology
[00:04:03] exports. This country is also competing with
[00:04:07] Finland in education, coming in at number one, because they ask why
[00:04:11] this is happening. It's not for nothing. Let me give you a figure related to that.
[00:04:15] Aren't there such bridges with guaranteed passage? Many resources
[00:04:18] are flowing there. I've planned my
[00:04:21] 100 years, 1000 years. There's a simple calculation:
[00:04:25] every $1 you spend on free school meals
[00:04:28] returns to you between $7 and $35.
[00:04:32] That is, the world, a very, very
[00:04:34] clear scientific study has been done.
[00:04:37] There is a coalition called the World School Meal Coalition, which Turkey
[00:04:41] Unfortunately, Last year, there were 108
[00:04:45] countries in the world. Today, it's 113 countries
[00:04:49] that provide free school meals to their children.
[00:04:52] Many of these countries, that is,
[00:04:56] except for two countries in Europe, they also need it.
[00:05:07] Millions of children get hot meals
[00:05:10] every day in India. All children in the system
[00:05:14] are covered with hot yes and by
[00:05:17] the way
[00:05:20] we are envied because they can't even give a free toast and ayran. Look, they can't
[00:05:24] give a free toast and an ayran.
[00:05:26] Those children will go hungry. Now look, for example, schools opened today,
[00:05:30] tomorrow is mealtime. Now there are such critical and
[00:05:34] tragic issues that teachers experience
[00:05:37] a great tragedy when mealtime comes. Children with full lunch
[00:05:41] boxes. Children with empty lunch boxes.
[00:05:44] Children with only a bread with tomato paste in their lunch box.
[00:05:48] Not a toast, not a chicken döner sandwich.
[00:05:51] In England, the current discussion in England is
[00:05:55] whether to have fries or not. The world has come to this point,
[00:05:58] they are discussing the menu, should we do this,
[00:06:02] should we do that? Since Vietnam was mentioned,
[00:06:06] I would like to share an anecdote
[00:06:08] I experienced with you. Between 2013-2014,
[00:06:11] "I was the chairman of the Vietnam Friendship Group. The Vietnamese Ambassador
[00:06:15] came to visit me specifically in the parliament, and he had asked
[00:06:18] for my help in getting appointments with the Speaker of the Parliament
[00:06:22] and our ministers responsible for economy at that time.
[00:06:25] Under the conditions of that day, Turkey's trade volume with Vietnam
[00:06:29] was approximately 35 or 40 thousand,
[00:06:32] uh, million dollars only.
[00:06:36] Yes, he was making a great effort to increase this to 100 million dollars.
[00:06:39] Mr. Bahadır said a little while ago, "
[00:06:51] He made an assessment regarding the payments
[00:06:54] made for interest with a wholesale approach from 2001
[00:06:57] to 2026. I also shared a table
[00:07:00] regarding interest payments from 2002 to
[00:07:04] 2018-2021 with you. Now, let's acknowledge
[00:07:07] this right. In 2002, he took over
[00:07:11] as interest payment.
[00:07:21] In 2016, at the end of 2015, when Mr. Babacan left,
[00:07:24] these figures were never exceeded
[00:07:26] in any period.
[00:07:28] Between 2002 and 2015, inflation
[00:07:32] had fallen to single-digit figures, and interest
[00:07:35] payments also continued almost at the same level
[00:07:38] as in 2002, in a stable condition, until 2015-16.
[00:07:42] "In fact, it continued until 2018. When
[00:07:45] in economics, a different method
[00:07:49] was adopted with the thesis that interest is the cause and inflation
[00:07:52] is the result, and the Central Bank, through the back door,
[00:07:55] in the 2019 local elections, emptied
[00:07:58] 130 billion dollars in a way that it was unknown
[00:08:02] to whom it was sold, when it was sold, and at what price it was sold. After that, that
[00:08:05] balance was broken. From 2019 onwards, until
[00:08:08] today, it has reached
[00:08:12] 2 trillion 742 billion liras,
[00:08:15] and the foreign exchange protected deposit is on top of that,
[00:08:19] excluding that. Therefore, this government,
[00:08:22] not because we don't have the means, not because of scarcity,
[00:08:25] but because it is a matter of choice
[00:08:29] to allocate a budget to meet the nutritional needs of these children,
[00:08:33] otherwise, believe me, it would have the means
[00:08:36] to easily fill those lunch boxes,
[00:08:40] because as soon as it came to power,
[00:08:43] you know, this government had made books
[00:08:46] free. It had saved all primary
[00:08:49] schools from the trouble of books. Because at that time,
[00:08:53] you know what, Mr. Gökmen, behind the success story
[00:08:56] of that day was the desire to govern
[00:08:59] the country with strong institutions that made strong
[00:09:03] decisions and stood behind them, and with competent, qualified
[00:09:06] people. When you make
[00:09:09] strong decisions and equip
[00:09:13] them with strong institutions, and
[00:09:16] bring competent, qualified cadres
[00:09:18] to the helm, it doesn't matter who the name is. This country
[00:09:22] will quickly see good days, beautiful days
[00:09:26] again. But currently, the government's choice
[00:09:29] is unfortunately a choice in favor of interest,
[00:09:32] a choice based on rent,
[00:09:35] and a management approach that can satisfy
[00:09:38] a small number of people. It is worth stating this especially now.
[00:09:42] Let me just say something about IBB today, since it's the topic. Look, IBB has been
[00:09:46] subjected to so many operations, so many cadres, bureaucrats are inside, yes.
[00:09:49] An 8 billion lira aid package for children,
[00:09:52] meals for students, an aid package for pensioners,
[00:09:55] a rental aid package announced, 8 billion liras. That's a huge
[00:09:59] amount for IBB in this condition. You know, daycares were deemed a crime,
[00:10:03] dormitories are being tried to be taken,
[00:10:06] uh, city restaurants were mocked.
[00:10:09] They saw that it was very effective, and they are crashing down
[00:10:13] on them, as you know, they are being closed. Despite
[00:10:17] this, in these conditions, look, the bureaucrats and politicians there still
[00:10:20] prioritize the situation of the people, which is very important. They announced it today. I think
[00:10:24] today was its most important event. Yes. In fact, today, the Ankara Metropolitan
[00:10:28] Municipality also announced it. It was an incredible figure. Especially
[00:10:31] in schools, it is striving for one meal. But to support
[00:10:35] what Mr. İdris said, in order for us to truly
[00:10:39] grasp the essence of the matter, all of society, all of us,
[00:10:42] must realize that this is a matter
[00:10:46] of priority, of choice.
[00:10:49] The government does not choose this,
[00:10:52] because this government used to provide one
[00:10:55] free meal and clean water to children in both
[00:10:58] transported education and preschool
[00:11:02] education for up to 4 million students.
[00:11:04] This was the first thing the government cut.
[00:11:08] It lost votes because it abolished it in both preschool
[00:11:12] and transported education. It abolished it.
[00:11:15] That is, it had reached up to 4 million, it started with 1.5 million,
[00:11:18] and it had reached up to 4 million. Why did it abolish
[00:11:22] it, sir? That is, for the sake of saving?
[00:11:28] I'm quoting the honorable minister: for
[00:11:31] the sake of saving. That is, everything
[00:11:35] that could be saved is gone, and this is what's left. The free
[00:11:38] meal for 4 million children. If children voted,
[00:11:42] would they even have a task? But their vote doesn't matter,
[00:11:46] so it's not a problem. They already said that as education increases, our votes
[00:11:50] decrease. After saying this, these matters
[00:11:53] were entrusted to sects, foundations, and communities.
[00:11:57] You started doing this with children after that, because education
[00:12:01] in every country ignites the yearning for a better life
[00:12:04] and for a better politics, a better state, a more just order. This is an inevitable
[00:12:08] development of humanity. It's not about
[00:12:11] saving, sir. They can
[00:12:14] do it elsewhere, of course. Of course, I'm just saying
[00:12:18] that it's not their priority, they can ignore
[00:12:21] it. Why isn't it their priority? The issue is that
[00:12:33] people cannot pay
[00:12:35] for their children's school transportation fees, they cannot pay
[00:12:39] school installments, and they cannot even afford the most basic
[00:12:42] meal. But from those who cannot afford a meal
[00:12:46] to those who cannot pay for school transportation, even those who are better off cannot
[00:12:50] pay school installments. In fact, this is everyone's common denominator.
[00:12:53] Therefore, what does a government need to gain support?
[00:12:57] To convince broad segments of society, it could actually invest
[00:13:00] here. But the issue comes back to the same point, I think.
[00:13:04] We've moved past these ideological etc.
[00:13:06] tendencies. Currently, the voter's,
[00:13:09] or rather, our society's power to make the government do something,
[00:13:13] as if The power to change the government
[00:13:16] or to create public opinion. There is no longer
[00:13:20] an area where civil society can make its voice heard.
[00:13:23] The platforms where opposition parties
[00:13:26] can make their voices heard are gone. The parliament, you say, is already
[00:13:30] dysfunctional. On the other hand, the government does not
[00:13:33] need the votes of these voters. Why did citizens
[00:13:36] give their votes to local governments? Was it only because there were very
[00:13:40] popular candidates? No. It happened because of
[00:13:43] the promises they made, especially after 2019,
[00:13:45] due to the activities of IBB and Ankara Metropolitan
[00:13:48] Municipality. But right now, throughout the entire broadcast,
[00:13:52] the political ground we are discussing is reaching such a point
[00:13:55] that since their public support doesn't matter,
[00:13:59] why should priority be given But there's nothing
[00:14:02] in all these processes, in the upcoming process,
[00:14:06] the point where society will be cut the most towards this election will be short-term, artificial
[00:14:09] uh, certain economic
[00:14:13] supports could exist, happened
[00:14:15] Now, here there's something
[00:14:17] called deep poverty
[00:14:20] network, yes, Hacer Fogo, yes, dear viewers, Hacer Fogo
[00:14:24] worked on this for years, she compiled
[00:14:28] studies, observations, and stories on this topic. Of course,
[00:14:31] she continues, but at that time, it was much more prominent,
[00:14:35] the story was on the agenda. Let's repeat the most striking
[00:14:38] situation she described while we're talking
[00:14:41] about this topic. She had observed
[00:14:43] some children who preferred to be seen
[00:14:47] around during snack time. That is, she learned
[00:14:50] that there were such children. Yes, that is, when snack time
[00:14:53] came, they wouldn't stay in the classroom and would go out
[00:14:57] to the yard. Yes, children who preferred to be seen around.
[00:15:01] This is the situation. Look, let me tell you something else
[00:15:04] Ms. Hacer said, this is truly tragic.
[00:15:07] Uh, there are children who fill their stomachs
[00:15:10] with water. With water,
[00:15:13] but in most of these schools,
[00:15:15] there is no clean water, no clean
[00:15:19] water. They can buy water from the canteen. When you
[00:15:23] put water, they take it away saying it's spilled. So,
[00:15:26] uh, the municipality had initiatives in this regard. Professor Öner
[00:15:30] mentioned that
[00:15:33] some schools did not accept the work
[00:15:36] he wanted to do.
[00:15:49] 40 years ago, 40 years ago, when we
[00:15:53] were in primary school, milk, hazelnuts, and grapes
[00:16:25] to even give our children one meal, taking us back
[00:16:29] 40 years. This is what we should be talking about. There's no water
[00:16:32] in the school, no water, Mr. İdris. Children cannot
[00:16:36] access water. In this regard,
[00:16:39] we, as the DEVA Party, had a project
[00:16:42] to provide a water dispenser and a water purifier
[00:16:46] for every single school. The architect of this project
[00:16:49] was Ms. Evrim Rızvanoğlu. However,
[00:16:52] we couldn't keep Evrim Rızvanoğlu. Now, the new party will
[00:16:56] implement this project, God willing.
[00:16:59] I suppose you, Ms. Ebru, are also very interested in this topic.
[00:17:03] Did I misremember the name? It could be Ms. Ebru
[00:17:06] will come." Our Ms. Evrim was
[00:17:10] dealing with this in DEVA. Now Ms. Elif is dealing with it,
[00:17:14] Ms. Zeynep is dealing with it, Ms. Zeynep,
[00:17:18] yes, Ms. Elif is also specifically
[00:17:21] following up on this, because when Ms. Evrim left, it fell
[00:17:25] to our Istanbul Member of Parliament, Elif Hesene, to complete
[00:17:29] the unfinished projects she left behind.
[00:17:39] the MHP sometimes talks about changing the electoral system as well. But even there,
[00:17:43] it would block the path to success for other parties, say the İyi Party.
[00:17:47] But if they introduced narrow constituencies,
[00:17:50] then they themselves would suffer, meaning, given the MHP's current
[00:17:54] vote share, such a scenario doesn't seem possible, I think.
[00:17:58] Uh, there's definitely something we can understand with codes
[00:18:02] and so on, but I completely interpret it as something
[00:18:05] related to the electoral system, related to the regime.
[00:18:19] And for the period after that, after Erdoğan, the dynamics of this regime, I think, that is, the dynamics
[00:18:22] of the political ground currently being shaped, are
[00:18:25] preparing for the period after President Erdoğan, that is, after
[00:18:29] a period when he can no longer serve. The current dynamics are also
[00:18:32] based on President Erdoğan running
[00:18:36] and winning the next election, I think. A significant
[00:18:39] portion of opposition actors are also acting with this belief.
[00:18:42] So, these messages should be read in that way,
[00:18:46] but since it's not a very detailed message, as Professor Öner
[00:18:50] said, we are constantly looking for something underneath it.
[00:18:53] We need more details. Also, of course, it has spread from Bahçeli
[00:18:57] to all MHP members. He likes to throw out
[00:19:00] a statement and create a discussion. Old journalists know Bahçeli,
[00:19:03] that is, when we watched him, he used to say such things because in the past,
[00:19:07] when he first became the head of the MHP,
[00:19:10] he wouldn't speak, he wouldn't speak, he'd say, "Don't worry, I'll give you a headline."
[00:19:14] He'd say something, and then for a week,
[00:19:17] what was he saying? But as far as I know
[00:19:20] Celal Bey, this
[00:19:36] let's move on to the next. I also wonder why
[00:19:39] Oktay Saral, the name in the Palace, got so angry,
[00:19:43] why he reacted so harshly. What did Arınç say to him? We'll discuss that,
[00:19:47] and also, can
[00:19:50] a member of parliament, a member of the ruling party, be threatened
[00:19:53] by a governor? What kind of thing is this? What kind of accusation,
[00:19:56] to be more precise? We'll also discuss
[00:19:58] that in a moment.
[00:20:46] It continues openly, dear viewers. Something very interesting happened.
[00:20:50] That is, a member of parliament alleged that
[00:20:53] the governor of his province threatened him and shared
[00:20:57] this with the public. Justice and Development Party Burdur MP,
[00:21:01] Professor Dr. Adem Korkmaz.
[00:21:04] He states that he voiced the reactions to the compulsory digital
[00:21:07] water meter in Burdur in Ankara.
[00:21:10] He explains that the Ministry of Interior intervened in this matter.
[00:21:14] And then,
[00:21:16] uh, in Burdur, Governor Tülay Baydar. He says
[00:21:20] he heard her saying, "I will take the professor too."
[00:21:24] That is, according to his hearing, the governor said something like that.
[00:21:27] He then states that he went to meet
[00:21:31] with her. Now, let's listen to him describe it in his own
[00:21:34] voice. How did Justice and Development Party Burdur MP Adem
[00:21:38] Korkmaz describe this situation? Let's watch.
[00:21:42] That is, he doesn't say, "Look, I'll take you." When he repeated the same phrase,
[00:21:45] "I'll take the professor," there was nothing more to say.
[00:21:49] I've been living with this burden for a year, I have no worries.
[00:21:53] But now I'm going to
[00:21:57] say something else. My
[00:22:00] "I'll take him"
[00:22:02] statement is right there in the open. When this combines
[00:22:06] with these events, then how will
[00:22:09] I fill this in? What
[00:22:12] will I understand?
[00:22:14] Is this a political statement?
[00:22:18] Who will protect my life safety, Mr. Hasan?
[00:22:21] Look, this is the duty of the state, and it is also the duty of the civil administration
[00:22:25] to protect the life safety and property safety of the society. Brother, how will
[00:22:29] I fill in this threat here?
[00:22:32] I requested protection from the Ankara Governorship for this.
[00:22:36] I am sharing this for the first time. My life
[00:22:39] safety, here, I requested
[00:22:43] protection from the Ankara Governorship for this. That is,
[00:22:46] he doesn't say, "I'll take you." The same expression.
[00:22:50] Mr. İdris, were you able to look into this matter at all? Well, this attracted a lot of attention, that is, a member
[00:22:54] of parliament.
[00:22:56] For the last two days, I have also encountered these statements,
[00:23:00] especially on social media. In fact, these statements
[00:23:03] by the honorable member of parliament show that the political institution
[00:23:07] has failed. Earlier, Serena made a point.
[00:23:10] That is, if you combine the government
[00:23:13] with the state, if you eliminate the distinction
[00:23:16] between government and state, if you also hollow out
[00:23:20] the political institution, in the period after 2018,
[00:23:23] the governors of the state say, "Sir, the authority that appointed
[00:23:26] the members of parliament is the same authority that appointed
[00:23:29] me here." Therefore, if you get
[00:23:32] used to acting like a governor of the government,
[00:23:36] then you will find
[00:23:39] the courage and audacity to even threaten
[00:23:43] an elected member of parliament of the government. This is an extremely
[00:23:46] inappropriate attitude and behavior, and it is absolutely
[00:23:50] unacceptable for an appointed official
[00:23:53] to use such a condescending tone and utter such a sentence
[00:23:57] against an elected official. For this reason, we reiterate
[00:24:00] that the institutions of the state and state
[00:24:04] administration are separate. Governments are temporary,
[00:24:07] the state is permanent. We must emphasize
[00:24:11] and separate this distinction with thick lines.
[00:24:14] However, I regret to state that after the 2017 Constitutional
[00:24:18] amendment, this system has combined
[00:24:22] them. In most provinces,
[00:24:25] provincial governors act like provincial chairmen,
[00:24:29] and from time to time, the provincial
[00:24:31] chairmen of the government
[00:24:34] put themselves in the place of the governor and
[00:24:37] are in conflict with each other regarding duties and powers.
[00:24:40] Here, there is only one thing that the honorable
[00:24:44] member of parliament should do: if he respects the will
[00:24:48] of the elected, if he wants to protect his honor,
[00:24:51] he must resolve this matter with the governor
[00:24:55] and with the Minister of Interior. And if a member of parliament
[00:24:58] in the same province acts with the feeling
[00:25:02] that he has been threatened by the governor,
[00:25:05] then it is not possible to talk about the freedom
[00:25:08] of the people's will and the belief that sovereignty
[00:25:11] belongs unconditionally to the nation.
[00:25:14] The honorable member of parliament is responsible for protecting
[00:25:17] his honor and the will of the people
[00:25:20] of Burdur there. This is my personal opinion.
[00:25:24] Now, as far as we understand, there is a discussion
[00:25:28] regarding the compulsory digital water meter
[00:25:32] in an application in Burdur. He says he voiced
[00:25:35] these reactions in Ankara. He says the Ministry of Interior
[00:25:38] intervened in this matter. And he reacted
[00:25:41] to the governor's statement that "I will take the professor too." What does
[00:25:45] "I will take him" mean? What
[00:25:48] does it mean? Where to? In the sense of "I will harm him."
[00:25:51] Yes, does that imply something? They say, "I'll make you come off your feet,"
[00:25:55] etc. So, what does the governor
[00:25:58] have to do with the water meter?
[00:26:01] isn't it? He
[00:26:04] explains that the ministry intervened in the matter when he brought it up in Ankara,
[00:26:08] and that the governor then said that he heard something like that.
[00:26:11] But here, what is truly striking is that
[00:26:15] one is a member of parliament and the other is a governor. Moreover,
[00:26:19] it's not even an opposition MP, but an MP of the ruling party. So, yes,
[00:26:22] what is it that cannot be discussed and understood here? What
[00:26:26] is not part of their dialogue? It's as if
[00:26:30] the MP prevented something the governor wanted to do
[00:26:34] even though he was warned or told about it. But this is for a governor, Suat Bey,
[00:26:37] for God's sake, Gökmen Bey is letting
[00:26:40] us speak here, but
[00:26:43] the gentleman is a member of the ruling
[00:26:47] party, and the other is a governor appointed by the ruling
[00:26:51] party. We were just talking about the opposition here. What he means
[00:26:54] here, in fact, is that the governor says, "Even
[00:26:57] though the MP complained about me to the Ministry
[00:27:01] of Interior in Ankara, he doesn't have the power to
[00:27:05] get me removed. But I have the power
[00:27:08] to remove the MP." That's the essence of the matter. "I will remove him,"
[00:27:11] they say. Yes, but of course, what else did you understand, Gökmen
[00:27:15] Bey? I don't know, I didn't understand anything else.
[00:27:19] I'm also trying to understand. Where is the threat here, hocam? Maybe,
[00:27:23] of course, since you never said "I'll remove you," they'll have a meeting in Kızılcahamam
[00:27:26] and sort it out. But I think we're discussing
[00:27:30] a very fundamental problem of the system. It constantly comes before
[00:27:34] us in a different way. So,
[00:27:36] is it the MPs, or is it the governor?
[00:27:40] Is it AK Party MPs, or is it the advisors
[00:27:44] or bureaucrats in the palace? This is actually a discussion
[00:27:47] that comes to us constantly, through different people.
[00:27:50] Generally, the ruling party brings up the problems
[00:27:54] of the opposition as an agenda item,
[00:27:57] but actually, underneath,
[00:28:01] there is a boiling pot within
[00:28:04] this system, and we constantly hear
[00:28:07] these discussions and small squabbles. But of course,
[00:28:10] due to the system there, those names immediately fall silent.
[00:28:14] The next day, "we have no problems, what you said was distorted,"
[00:28:17] and so on. But actually, the system is truly
[00:28:21] a dysfunctional system. The appointed
[00:28:25] and the elected in terms of duties,
[00:28:28] powers, and responsibilities, and the support they receive.
[00:28:32] Look,
[00:28:37] by complaining about the appointed, claiming it was a tutelary
[00:28:40] regime, and saying that the national will
[00:28:43] was not recognized in Turkey, he came. At the point
[00:28:46] we have reached today, for example, I had never seen that, after the single-party
[00:28:49] era in the history of the republic,
[00:28:52] governors and district governors had
[00:28:55] such authority. On the other hand,
[00:28:59] they even conduct election campaigns,
[00:29:03] and you see district governors and governors even on certain social media
[00:29:06] platforms. They are running a communication
[00:29:10] campaign. Therefore, in the system, one side
[00:29:14] is stronger in terms of authority and influence, and the other side
[00:29:17] receives the support of the people's will.
[00:29:20] It says, "My source is the people's will," but actually
[00:29:24] there is no such influence, no such power, etc. I think this situation
[00:29:27] also shows both the system
[00:29:30] and who has more power.
[00:29:40] From their complaints, we see that they are very
[00:29:44] dissatisfied with being powerless in the parliament, with not being
[00:29:47] able to solve anything. We constantly see this,
[00:29:50] but probably tomorrow or the day after, this discussion
[00:29:54] will close. He probably
[00:29:56] made the statement here because he knew
[00:29:59] this. I think these examples also become
[00:30:03] a fundamental indicator of the parliament's dysfunction.
[00:30:06] Or he had him dismissed by saying, "Does a governor dress like this?" Therefore,
[00:30:10] here, bureaucracy is all intertwined, but basically
[00:30:13] a CHP deputy, a CHP deputy,
[00:30:16] a CHP deputy supporting the administration
[00:30:19] of the province, yes,
[00:30:23] he got him dismissed, that is,
[00:30:26] he caused his dismissal, let's say. He said, "What kind of clothing is this?"
[00:30:30] They said, "What kind of clothing is this?"
[00:30:33] So, here, I mean, what kind of function does the parliament take on?
[00:30:36] It's not like an MP was listened to, but rather,
[00:30:40] an MP's complaint has been listened to.
[00:30:44] So, what Seren Hoca said is truly who is where,
[00:30:47] how much responsibility, how has the hierarchy changed
[00:30:51] within this hierarchical structure, how much has what is called
[00:30:54] tutelage changed in nature. For years,
[00:30:57] we talked about military tutelage, now we are moving
[00:31:01] towards a conceptualization called civil tutelage. How much
[00:31:05] of civil tutelage is, in quotes, civil? So,
[00:31:07] these and similar indicators,
[00:31:11] I think, show that the parliament,
[00:31:14] the position in parliament, can take on a completely different
[00:31:17] quality depending on a bureaucrat's relationships, network,
[00:31:20] and how extensive it is. Otherwise,
[00:31:23] I say in quotes, can a huge MP
[00:31:27] come out and talk about the governor's
[00:31:30] safety, about his safety?
[00:31:33] It's not easy, yes. He asked
[00:31:36] from Ankara, so he couldn't get it there either.
[00:31:40] He asked from Ankara. The MP from
[00:31:43] Burdur is requesting protection from Ankara
[00:31:47] for himself. But the real news is what the Ankara governor's
[00:31:50] office is doing. We don't know that, sir. There's also the impact
[00:31:54] this has on society. in Turkey,
[00:31:58] of course, when you experience a problem,
[00:32:01] when you suffer injustice and unlawfulness,
[00:32:04] people don't believe that it will be resolved
[00:32:07] fairly. Now, these incidents are very serious and show
[00:32:11] something else. If an MP experiences this,
[00:32:15] if an MP of the party experiences such a threat, such a thing,
[00:32:18] what will I do? So this is like
[00:32:22] a place where there is no law or right, and the person we call the governor
[00:32:25] is responsible for the security of that province, for the security
[00:32:29] forces, and is their superior. Therefore,
[00:32:33] this seems like just a discussion, but
[00:32:36] indeed, society, we also
[00:32:39] conduct different research, and we ask similar
[00:32:43] questions in each of them. People have no faith in justice. But
[00:32:47] think of the opposite: if you are powerful,
[00:32:50] it's a system where you can do anything. So, if there's
[00:32:54] power behind you, support, you can do any
[00:32:57] injustice, unlawfulness, or bullying.
[00:32:59] This is actually a very, very
[00:33:03] deep and profound issue, but it seems contradictory. We are
[00:33:07] discussing this event, a problem within the ruling party itself.
[00:33:10] The best example of the power
[00:33:13] system that governors have is the intervention
[00:33:16] of the Istanbul Governor in the Üsküdar
[00:33:19] Municipal Council. So, a fight broke out here
[00:33:23] about a water meter. I don't know the reason. What
[00:33:26] didn't the gentleman like about the water
[00:33:29] meter? I don't know that either.
[00:33:33] Why did the governor get involved in something that is the municipality's
[00:33:37] business? I don't know that either, but what I do
[00:33:40] know is that he probably objected to it being made mandatory. The MP probably objected to making the digital water meter mandatory.
[00:33:43] Please continue. Well,
[00:33:47] I don't know, but I
[00:33:50] know the intervention of the Istanbul
[00:33:53] governor in the election in the Üsküdar Municipal
[00:33:56] Council. You mean in terms of the election date, right?
[00:34:00] The election date. I know that he prevented
[00:34:04] MPs from entering, first by requiring them to form a group,
[00:34:07] and then, when the group was formed, by prohibiting political
[00:34:11] parties from entering. In my opinion,
[00:34:16] that is much more important. So, why are we discussing
[00:34:19] this? Of course, in terms of showing the nature
[00:34:23] of the system, it shows a weakness,
[00:34:27] it shows a problem. But what happened in Üsküdar, Istanbul,
[00:34:30] already showed that weakness. So,
[00:34:33] this gentleman should discuss his problem
[00:34:36] with Mustafa Demir, who is responsible for local administrations
[00:34:39] within the party. Isn't that right? Or
[00:34:43] Mustafa Demir, local administration...
[00:34:50] Instead of local administrations, he explained his problem to the Ministry
[00:34:53] of Interior, and the governor heard this and said,
[00:34:57] "Are you trying to complain about me to the Ministry of Interior?
[00:35:00] Do you think you can get me removed from here?
[00:35:03] Watch how I remove you." That's the essence of the sharing.
[00:35:07] So, here, in fact,
[00:35:10] you can see how much the elected
[00:35:13] person's powers are limited
[00:35:16] and, as a result, it completes a process,
[00:35:20] because if there is only one will appointing
[00:35:24] everyone, then the will of the people loses
[00:35:27] its importance. Here in parliament, we hear
[00:35:30] many ruling party MPs complaining that a department head doesn't answer their calls,
[00:35:34] that a general manager doesn't return their calls.
[00:35:37] And we say, "We have come to such a bad
[00:35:41] period that in the past, we never experienced
[00:35:45] any of these. We were also MPs when our party was in power.
[00:35:48] If a general manager or a department head
[00:35:52] didn't get back to us when we called them
[00:35:55] to convey the demands of the people, would such a thing be possible?
[00:35:58] If the people have given you the authority
[00:36:01] to govern the country, then those you have appointed
[00:36:05] are obliged to meet the demands of these people,
[00:36:09] and they must answer the calls of the elected.
[00:36:12] This is a necessity. There is no other explanation for this.
[00:36:15] But now, when we call some governors to convey
[00:36:18] a problem related to that province, their private secretaries ask
[00:36:22] which party the caller is from.
[00:36:25] I tell them to hang up the phone on the private secretary who asks
[00:36:29] that question. After I call from the Grand National Assembly of Turkey,
[00:36:33] it doesn't matter which political party I belong to.
[00:36:36] I am an MP of Turkey, and I am dealing with a problem.
[00:36:39] Otherwise, we cannot have a special relationship with a governor.
[00:36:43] We call them to convey the demands of the people and to solve
[00:36:46] their problems. They are obliged to take us as interlocutors
[00:36:50] and to listen to us. This applies whether it's a ruling
[00:36:53] party MP or an opposition MP. But in this system,
[00:36:56] this is one of the most important pictures
[00:37:00] showing the parliament's ineffectiveness. The attitude of the honorable MP is also a sign of humiliation,
[00:37:03] it cannot be expressed in any other way. Well, how does
[00:37:07] an MP interpret a governor's
[00:37:11] words to the extent of saying, "I don't have personal safety?"
[00:37:14] So, it means that regarding the word "I'll take you,"
[00:37:17] because he says, "What am I to understand from this word?"
[00:37:20] "I'll take you." Is this a political expression? Who else
[00:37:23] would make such an insinuation about my personal safety? How will
[00:37:27] I fill this threat? For example, now, when you think about
[00:37:31] what "I'll take you" means here, it's like, "You can't remove
[00:37:34] me from my position, but I can remove you." For example, "I can end
[00:37:38] your deputyship," or "I can't end it in the next term, but I can
[00:37:41] end your political
[00:37:42] career."
[00:38:18] party MP to worry about personal safety...
[00:38:21] He would say, "Follow us,
[00:38:24] what's
[00:38:26] going on in Turkey?" If a ruling party MP
[00:38:30] worries about personal safety because of a governor's
[00:38:33] words, if an elected MP of a province
[00:38:36] in his own constituency worries about personal
[00:38:39] safety, there is only one thing he can do:
[00:38:42] return to the people. This is a sign of humiliation, it cannot be expressed
[00:38:46] in any other way. If a lady governor
[00:38:50] says, "I'll take you," and you swallow those words and
[00:38:53] continue to be an MP there for a year, then
[00:39:10] I didn't know who it was, I just saw that she was a lady
[00:39:13] governor, that's why I said it. Otherwise,
[00:39:17] there is no gender discrimination. The position
[00:39:20] we are characterizing is the governorship. Whether
[00:39:23] the governor is a woman or a man, whoever it is, if they are going to
[00:39:27] threaten the elected MP of that province
[00:39:30] or make a threatening insinuation,
[00:39:34] then that MP must solve this
[00:39:37] problem himself. If he cannot solve it,
[00:39:40] then there is no point in him coming to parliament
[00:39:44] to serve as a representative of the people. This is my personal opinion.
[00:39:48] Yes, and also, why hasn't he taken this complaint to the palace?
[00:39:52] Has he talked to the people there, or
[00:39:55] has he taken it, but they decided
[00:39:59] not to take sides on this issue? We don't know, it's
[00:40:02] a very strange issue. It's a very strange issue.
[00:40:06] Well, if an MP fears for his personal
[00:40:09] safety, is protection not provided when he requests
[00:40:12] it, İdris Bey? How does it work? So, now, from the Ministry
[00:40:16] of Interior, some can arbitrarily
[00:40:19] request protection. So, once
[00:40:22] a protection order is issued to someone
[00:40:26] during their term as an MP, they can benefit from this protection order
[00:40:30] even after their term as an MP ends. This is not just for MPs,
[00:40:34] but for any citizen who is genuinely
[00:40:37] facing a sincere threat to their life and property.
[00:40:40] If you ask what is the most allocated
[00:40:44] position in this country, it is a protection
[00:40:47] order. There are tens of thousands of protectors
[00:40:50] today, carrying the bags of people who don't genuinely
[00:40:54] need protection, fulfilling their personal
[00:40:57] needs. This institution must also be abolished.
[00:41:01] For those who are truly suffering from a lack of personal safety,
[00:41:04] for those who are genuinely affected by this,
[00:41:08] of course, a protection order can certainly be issued
[00:41:11] for their safety after a thorough
[00:41:14] investigation. But in our country, this is applied
[00:41:17] very arbitrarily. Even the provincial
[00:41:21] chairs of the ruling parties have protection behind them, district
[00:41:24] chairs have protection behind them. I say this with regret,
[00:41:28] mayors have state protection behind them.
[00:41:31] If an elected official travels with protection in his own constituency,
[00:41:35] it shows that he does not trust himself.
[00:41:38] In the past, such requests were also conveyed
[00:41:41] to us. During my term as the spokesperson of the coup commission,
[00:41:45] and as the spokesperson of the solution commission, I always used this sentence:
[00:41:49] "If I am going to walk around in my own constituency and among our people
[00:41:53] with protection behind me, I should not be doing this job."
[00:41:57] Our protection is the love of the people, the bosom of the people.
[00:42:00] We have never needed any other protection,
[00:42:04] and I don't think it's right to need it. Look, some ministers
[00:42:08] who served in the National Security Council
[00:42:10] can be constantly provided with protection.
[00:42:13] Senior judges who have fought against organized
[00:42:17] crime and served in very effective,
[00:42:19] important positions, or judges who served
[00:42:23] in state security courts in the past,
[00:42:26] can be provided with security.
[00:42:29] But I regret to say that, regardless of their
[00:42:33] position or qualification, these kinds of protection requests
[00:42:36] are widely abused. There is absolutely
[00:42:40] no need for them. If an MP worries
[00:42:44] about personal safety, as I said,
[00:42:47] it means they have lost the ability to serve
[00:42:51] as an independent MP in parliament.
[00:42:53] If they feel concern and anxiety
[00:42:57] about their personal safety in their own province
[00:43:00] because of the governor's words, then
[00:43:03] there is only one way to solve this:
[00:43:06] to solve this matter with their party leaders, with their Minister of Interior.
[00:43:10] Because ultimately, the one who appoints the Minister of Interior
[00:43:14] is undoubtedly Mr. Erdoğan's own will. The will
[00:43:18] that appointed both this MP and the governor is Mr. Erdoğan himself.
[00:43:21] They should solve this matter among themselves.
[00:43:23] Otherwise, appearing with such a humiliating
[00:43:27] image on a television program and making this public
[00:43:30] is, in my opinion,
[00:43:34] truly a sign of helplessness; I cannot evaluate it as anything else.
[00:43:38] Now, one of the events we are trying to understand
[00:43:42] is that Davutoğlu's son had his wedding recently. Arınç was there.
[00:43:45] Even though it was a wedding, a meeting point,
[00:43:49] a meeting point for the wedding, he attacked
[00:43:51] Arınç. No, I mean Arınç.
[00:43:55] Yes, Arınç attacked Gökçe. He said, "Grandpa is chewing
[00:43:59] gum and going to the courthouse with a lack of seriousness," etc.
[00:44:03] Arınç, so to speak, hit Gökçe,
[00:44:07] and the sound came from the palace.
[00:44:28] Let's see what Oktay Saral said, folks. Can we bring up
[00:44:31] visual number 14? Or would you like to first
[00:44:34] show a part from Arınç's speech at this wedding? Which one
[00:44:38] should we show? What do you say? Is there nothing?
[00:44:41] There he is, chewing gum indifferently. You know,
[00:44:44] Arınç has always been against Gökçek,
[00:44:47] ever since that parcel-by-parcel story.
[00:44:51] Again, he got angry at Davutoğlu, gave him as an example,
[00:44:54] and said, "Look, there's an investigation against him
[00:44:57] because of a statement he made years ago. He is going to give his statement
[00:45:01] with utmost seriousness." What did Oktay Saral say? "If Bülent Arınç
[00:45:04] set up a podium in a square, he wouldn't find anyone
[00:45:08] around him except a few unconscious
[00:45:13] people." Oktay Saral starts the polemic directly.
[00:45:17] "Seeing thousands of people together at the wedding, he took the saz
[00:45:20] and used the young couple's happiest day as material for his political
[00:45:24] reckonings. Turning a wedding ceremony into a political podium
[00:45:27] is neither compatible with etiquette nor with statesmanship.
[00:45:31] Moreover, his using insolently belittling
[00:45:34] expressions towards a public prosecutor clearly reveals
[00:45:37] his pathetic state. The answer given to the phrase 'We will see
[00:45:40] good days, children,' was 'I believe we have seen
[00:45:44] good days,' and it set the necessary standard.
[00:45:47] Mr. Arınç, a wedding podium is not a political arena.
[00:45:51] Statesmanship is not speaking at every podium you find,
[00:45:55] but knowing where, when, and how much to speak." Now, look,
[00:45:58] Oktay Saral started directly with this: "If Bülent Arınç
[00:46:01] set up a podium in a square, he wouldn't find anyone
[00:46:05] around him except a few unconscious people." And he's not just attacking
[00:46:09] Arınç, but also those around him. So they
[00:46:12] are also unconscious in this situation, those gathered
[00:46:15] around him. I mean, İdris Şahin
[00:46:19] knows these names, these political figures.
[00:46:22] İdris Bey, why did such a thing
[00:46:26] happen? Arınç attacked Gökçek, and the sound
[00:46:29] came from the palace. What is
[00:46:31] it? First of all, Gökmen Bey, let me
[00:46:35] say this: neither Oktay Bey,
[00:46:38] nor I, nor
[00:46:41] the people who have been commenting recently,
[00:46:44] none of us are,
[00:46:47] in my opinion, of a caliber
[00:46:50] to judge Mr. Bülent Arınç's statesmanship, political
[00:46:53] experience, or where he should speak. Let me state that first.
[00:46:56] We served as MPs together. We did with Oktay Bey, and with Bülent
[00:47:00] Bey. Bülent Bey is not
[00:47:03] saying these things today. Over the years,
[00:47:07] he has always, whenever the time came,
[00:47:10] expressed his thoughts in an original way,
[00:47:13] and when he takes the microphone, he is a person
[00:47:16] who has the ability to make thousands of people listen
[00:47:19] breathlessly. Let me state this first. Whether
[00:47:23] this speech had a place or not
[00:47:25] during that wedding is another matter. On this
[00:47:29] matter, I, personally, if I were there
[00:47:32] yesterday, I wouldn't have spoken about it. Regarding
[00:47:35] Mr. Davutoğlu and the summoning for a statement,
[00:47:38] a person like Bülent Bey, who is truly
[00:47:41] experienced, whose word and conversation are trusted,
[00:47:45] would come to the Ankara Courthouse with the thought that this action
[00:47:48] is wrong, like Mr. Ali Babacan, like Mr. Mahmut
[00:47:53] Arıkan, like our MP friends who were there
[00:47:56] that day. Friends, this procedure is
[00:48:00] not right. You cannot restrict the right
[00:48:03] of a prime minister, a general chairman of a political
[00:48:06] party, to engage in politics with freedom of expression.
[00:48:09] It is wrong that he was summoned
[00:48:12] to give a statement on charges of insulting the president
[00:48:16] for a statement he made 5 years ago. I would have made a statement
[00:48:19] beforehand. There's no problem with that. But
[00:48:23] Mr. Arınç's preference is in this
[00:48:26] direction. Everyone knows that when you invite Mr. Arınç
[00:48:29] to a wedding and he takes the microphone, he gives long
[00:48:33] speeches, he gives advice, he gives a message
[00:48:36] to the people present there.
[00:48:40] Mr. Oktay Saral knows very well that if he invited
[00:48:43] him to his own wedding, he would act the same way.
[00:48:47] Therefore, I see these
[00:48:50] as somewhat excessive words. Because I also know
[00:48:53] Mr. Oktay Saral very well. Therefore,
[00:48:56] did you sense anything between the President
[00:49:00] and him, a past issue, or...? No,
[00:49:03] no, I don't think there's any problem between Oktay Saral
[00:49:07] and Bülent Bey. Oktay Bey
[00:49:10] was the mayor of Of in the past,
[00:49:13] and he was our friend who served as Trabzon
[00:49:16] MP with us in the 24th term.
[00:49:20] Currently, these advisors
[00:49:24] at the Presidential Complex, with the title
[00:49:27] of advisor, there are dozens of advisors who need to make themselves known,
[00:49:30] Gökmen Bey. From time to time, these friends come out
[00:49:34] and remind people of their presence by saying, "We are here." Well, now these people
[00:49:38] are advisors in the palace. When they make such speeches,
[00:49:41] for example, they criticize Arınç severely, they call those who gather
[00:49:44] around Arınç and listen to him "unconscious,"
[00:49:48] saying there's no one but a few unconscious people.
[00:49:51] Well,
[00:49:54] doesn't Erdoğan say anything to them in the palace? Is Oktay Bey speaking or
[00:49:57] is he being made to speak? I mean, I believe Oktay Bey
[00:50:01] took it upon
[00:50:03] himself to make this speech. Of course,
[00:50:07] our viewers said I called him
[00:50:10] a Trabzon MP based on his Trabzonli
[00:50:13] Ofslu identity. We worked together during the same period,
[00:50:17] but he was an Istanbul MP. Let me correct that.
[00:50:21] Also, although MPs know
[00:50:24] it very well, according to this system
[00:50:28] and this political parties law,
[00:50:31] they are appointed by leaders,
[00:50:34] but they insist that we say they are elected by the people.
[00:50:38] But I don't believe Mr. Oktay Saral
[00:50:41] made this speech due to any guidance.
[00:50:45] We cannot even approve of the
[00:50:48] sentences he used. Bülent Arınç
[00:50:51] Bey is one of the rare names
[00:50:55] that this country has produced. He has never been involved in anything,
[00:50:58] and he is a name who has always
[00:51:01] had the courage to express what he
[00:51:04] thinks and believes from the past to the present.
[00:51:07] Therefore, here, İdris Bey
[00:51:10] still hasn't explained parcel parcel
[00:51:14] and shared it with the public
[00:51:17] yet. He just says he will go
[00:51:21] if called for a statement. Now, as a
[00:51:23] result,
[00:51:26] the words Bülent Bey said are a denouncement.
[00:51:30] If the public prosecutors accept this denouncing
[00:51:33] statement and open an investigation file
[00:51:37] and invite him, rest assured
[00:51:40] he will fully tell everything he knows.
[00:51:44] I don't have any information about the
[00:51:47] extent of what Mr. Bülent Arınç knows on this matter.
[00:51:51] But I know very well
[00:51:54] that he has the courage to say all of it.
[00:51:57] Here, don't you think he doesn't
[00:52:01] owe an explanation to the public? Even if this mechanism doesn't work,
[00:52:05] don't you think he doesn't owe an explanation to the public?
[00:52:08] As a seasoned politician, I said earlier
[00:52:12] that when Mr. Davutoğlu was called to give a statement,
[00:52:16] it is not only Bülent Bey but everyone
[00:52:19] who believes in the democracy and rule of law
[00:52:22] of this country, and who believes
[00:52:25] that this country will continue as a democratic,
[00:52:29] secular, social state of law, that needs to show
[00:52:33] this solidarity.
[00:53:05] I believe it is a duty, but I am not in a position
[00:53:08] to tell him what he should do and
[00:53:12] how he should act as a founder
[00:53:15] of this party within party discipline.
[00:53:18] Currently, Mr. Bülent Arınç
[00:53:22] is still an active figure due to his
[00:53:25] position as a founder of the AK Party and
[00:53:29] also states that he belongs to the AK Party
[00:53:32] as a party member. Therefore,
[00:53:36] if you ask me what I think,
[00:53:39] I believe that if there is information,
[00:53:41] it should be shared with the public.
[00:53:45] Okay, Mr. Suat, what do you think?
[00:53:47] If you
[00:53:49] invited Arınç to your wedding, would you want him to speak
[00:53:53] like this? But if you invite Arınç, it means
[00:53:57] you're taking the risk of this speech. Yes,
[00:54:00] I've never agreed with almost
[00:54:04] any of the things Oktay Saral has shared.
[00:54:08] So, the language of Mr. Oktay
[00:54:11] Saral, a headline is coming from here, dear viewers.
[00:54:14] His choices
[00:54:16] and his speech and style
[00:54:20] are not something I follow and
[00:54:24] adopt. Besides the introduction,
[00:54:28] I have a tweet open in front of me now. He has a quote
[00:54:31] that says, "When he saw thousands of people together
[00:54:35] at the wedding, he took the saz
[00:54:39] and made the happiest day of the young
[00:54:42] couple a material for his political reckoning." Now,
[00:54:44] I agree with your observation from the outside, yes,
[00:54:48] I think that's how it is,
[00:54:50] but since it was Mr. Davutoğlu,
[00:54:54] the former Prime Minister, who invited Mr. Bülent
[00:54:58] Arınç there, and knowing Arınç's
[00:55:01] potential, he seems to have given the
[00:55:05] microphone to Mr. Bülent Arınç, putting the young couple at risk.
[00:55:08] The second part is that turning
[00:55:11] a wedding ceremony into a political platform
[00:55:15] is neither compatible with courtesy nor statesmanship.
[00:55:18] Now, as İdris Bey said, it is not
[00:55:21] for us to discuss statesmanship, but you said,
[00:55:25] "If it were your wedding ceremony,
[00:55:29] I would find it rude." I would also
[00:55:32] find it rude. Continually
[00:55:35] belittling a public prosecutor rudely
[00:55:37] and referring to the "we will see
[00:55:41] beautiful days, children" part was also very
[00:55:44] interesting to me. I listened to the speech
[00:55:48] several times to see if it came
[00:55:51] out of his mouth that way. Mr. Arınç
[00:55:55] then talked about steering the engines into the blue.
[00:55:57] This is entirely a song used
[00:56:01] in the rallies of the left wing,
[00:56:05] the new party, the Republican People's Party, and therefore
[00:56:08] it's Nazım's poem. So
[00:56:12] the mayor who officiated the wedding
[00:56:15] had to remind him that
[00:56:18] "we believe we have seen beautiful days."
[00:56:22] Does the mayor mean we have seen it?
[00:56:25] Yes, he said, "I believe we have seen
[00:56:29] beautiful days." So that departure
[00:56:33] was also very interesting. Wasn't it Ergün Bey?
[00:56:36] He is not a person known for polemics.
[00:56:39] And then Mr. Arınç said
[00:56:43] about knowing where and when to speak.
[00:56:47] Now, this is not something
[00:56:50] we can decide for the former Speaker of the Parliament.
[00:56:54] Of course, after so much experience,
[00:56:57] he knows where to speak. He decides for himself.
[00:57:01] He decides for himself. Bravo. Therefore,
[00:57:04] Mr. Arınç wanted to send a message by saying
[00:57:08] this there. He especially wanted
[00:57:11] to do this. There is also support for Mr. Davutoğlu.
[00:57:15] There is also a concern to convey messages to Mr. Melih Gökçek.
[00:57:18] Do you think there is support for Gökçek in Oktay Saral's message?
[00:57:22] No, no, no, not directly, but do you feel a supportive
[00:57:26] attitude in Arınç's message?
[00:57:30] Of course, I'm telling you this because
[00:57:32] he doesn't directly defend Gökçe here.
[00:57:36] There is indeed indirect support, but I think
[00:57:39] it's more personal, as İdris Bey said.
[00:57:43] I don't think there was an intention like, "Write a message
[00:57:46] from the palace, let's give everyone a hard time."
[00:57:55] you asked İdris Bey, "While all these things
[00:57:58] are being discussed, the public expects
[00:58:01] Mr. Arınç to support Davutoğlu and
[00:58:04] criticize Melih Gökçek, but they don't expect
[00:58:08] this criticism." For years,
[00:58:10] the owner of the phrase
[00:58:13] "parcel parcel" which is the main
[00:58:16] source of a book, that is, the one
[00:58:20] who gave the book its name, Mr. Arınç,
[00:58:24] why, listen,
[00:58:26] why, is the time for
[00:58:30] this never coming? Or why is there a condition
[00:58:34] that "if the prosecutor
[00:58:36] calls me"? How can this be?
[00:58:40] What is the reason for us to wait
[00:58:44] for this condition to be met? Shouldn't he also
[00:58:47] protest why no prosecutor has called him on this matter for years?
[00:58:51] Why isn't the judiciary taking action? Because, dear viewers,
[00:58:55] Gökçek went to give a statement, but it was not about the claims
[00:58:59] Arınç made. Mr. Gökmen also made this distinction,
[00:59:02] dear Gökmen, he said
[00:59:06] that if he is called for
[00:59:09] the past, he will not hesitate to tell everything
[00:59:13] he knows about the past, not just about the current
[00:59:16] issue. So why does Mr. Arınç
[00:59:19] insist on a prosecutor calling him? All the public is currently
[00:59:22] wondering what Mr. Arınç knows about Mr. Melih Gökçek,
[00:59:26] and this is completely about corruption
[00:59:30] or allegations of corruption. Therefore,
[00:59:33] here, what Mr. Arınç should do is not
[00:59:35] to address a crowd at a wedding,
[00:59:39] but rather, as a former Speaker
[00:59:41] of the Parliament, to quickly and
[00:59:45] urgently share what he knows with the public.
[00:59:49] Okay, Professor Serhan, what do you say? Since we can't talk about politics,
[00:59:52] we are actually talking about the implicit
[00:59:55] messages of those in power
[00:59:57] to each other. But I think
[01:00:01] there's only one thing worth noting here,
[01:00:04] which is that a former prime minister,
[01:00:07] the chairman of a party, is called to give
[01:00:10] a statement due to political
[01:00:12] statements. We see beyond that.
[01:00:16] Mayors are in prison today. The main opposition
[01:00:19] party was actually divided
[01:00:22] by a judicial operation, and another new party
[01:00:26] was formed. So, since politics cannot
[01:00:29] be done in the country, we are constantly trying
[01:00:33] to perceive a message through implicit messages,
[01:00:36] as Professor Öner said. Today, access
[01:00:39] to the social media accounts of many
[01:00:42] journalists
[01:00:43] or activists
[01:00:47] has been blocked. We cannot talk
[01:00:51] about people who bring politics to the agenda,
[01:00:53] make news about them, and discuss
[01:00:57] them. We see this very clearly here.
[01:01:01] There is Fırat Fıstık, Özlem Akarsu Çelik. We can't
[01:01:04] even discuss them, because they want to shift
[01:01:08] the ground there. Yes, access was blocked to the Evrensel
[01:01:12] newspaper's Twitter account, then Amnesty
[01:01:14] organization, Amnesty Turkey?
[01:01:18] Before that, Sol newspaper also had it blocked
[01:01:22] before Evrensel. Our colleague Özlem Akarsu
[01:01:25] Çelik had her account blocked. Peace academics,
[01:01:28] then İrem Afşin, Barbaros Altuğ,
[01:01:31] and Hak İnisiyatifi
[01:01:34] on kıvılcım gen Fırat Fıstık,
[01:01:38] MLSA Turkey, the ones who follow
[01:01:42] journalist trials, Belit
[01:01:44] Özyükan, I mean Özyükan Belit Ayp Buğdaycı.
[01:01:48] Justice, socialism,
[01:01:50] Retro Ç 871. I can't say their
[01:01:54] pseudonyms here. Umut Sendikası, Kadir Dil, Benim
[01:01:58] Benkardi, Love your of Moon, Emrah the
[01:02:01] Politic. I mean, this is available on the internet,
[01:02:05] dear viewers, you can access these accounts
[01:02:09] that have been blocked. What is this? Look at it, bro.
[01:02:13] So Twitter accepts every request, right, Professor Serhan?
[01:02:16] But every time, our political
[01:02:20] sphere, politics is not just
[01:02:23] parties talking and arguing, or MPs talking.
[01:02:27] We've come to this recently. Rights, labor issues.
[01:02:41] The voice is being cut. Isn't the same being done
[01:02:45] to Ekrem İmamoğlu? I mean, Ekrem İmamoğlu's
[01:02:48] image, voice, every area where he
[01:02:52] could address the public has been slowly erased.
[01:02:56] Let's think from the top, the opposition's presidential
[01:02:59] candidate, the family solidarity network. This is not new,
[01:03:02] actually, there are constantly
[01:03:05] pressures on journalists and civil society
[01:03:09] organizations. But at the point we have reached,
[01:03:12] the area for doing politics, speaking,
[01:03:16] expressing ideas has narrowed so much
[01:03:19] that what's left for us is
[01:03:23] "who said what to whom." But in essence,
[01:03:26] what's left for us is Arınç and the Prime Minister,
[01:03:31] there is an investigation into the Prime Minister.
[01:03:34] There could be more serious consequences, as I said,
[01:03:38] many politicians and journalists are in prison,
[01:03:41] and those who are not are being silenced.
[01:03:44] We know what is happening to the press and media.
[01:03:48] In such an environment, we are discussing what
[01:03:51] Arınç is. When the 7th part of the "Turkey Without Terrorism"
[01:03:55] report starts to be implemented, and this period,
[01:03:59] laws and regulations will probably pass through
[01:04:03] the parliament for a more democratic Turkey.
[01:04:06] Will Twitter accounts be opened then, professor?
[01:04:10] I wonder if there was such an article in the 7th part.
[01:04:13] They say "close-paracy". Yes,
[01:04:17] and also, I'm sorry, professor,
[01:04:20] the names given to these operations are interesting.
[01:04:23] For example, this wave of bans
[01:04:26] is being carried out with an operation
[01:04:30] called "My family is safe." Therefore,
[01:04:32] we need to underline how something is presented,
[01:04:35] and how it is desired to be perceived by society.
[01:04:39] Mr. Professor,
[01:04:49] talked about it a lot. I think it's not
[01:04:53] my wedding, nor yours. I mean,
[01:04:56] the addressee of these questions
[01:05:00] is actually Davutoğlu, but against Davutoğlu,
[01:05:04] in my opinion, a slightly
[01:05:06] advanced behavior,
[01:05:10] let's say, to put it mildly,
[01:05:13] was displayed, a message was tried
[01:05:17] to be conveyed. And if you notice,
[01:05:19] while he was going
[01:05:23] to give a statement at the prosecutor's office,
[01:05:26] all the opposition party leaders were there.
[01:05:30] They showed solidarity,
[01:05:33] and it seems they also gave
[01:05:37] the same support at the wedding.
[01:05:40] But Bülent Arınç
[01:05:43] was not there when he was giving
[01:05:47] a statement, because of his position.
[01:05:50] Because he was in the AK Party and so on.
[01:05:54] Therefore, perhaps he felt
[01:05:57] a deficiency there and expressed
[01:06:01] his protest as someone
[01:06:05] from within the AK Party. I see it that way,
[01:06:08] and I am not the one to evaluate it.
[01:06:12] If it were my wedding, I would evaluate
[01:06:15] it differently, of course. But
[01:06:18] he has his addressees there. Isn't he?
[01:06:22] I mean, if it were my children's wedding, I mean,
[01:06:25] what does it mean?
[01:06:27] I mean, if I were the host,
[01:06:31] I wouldn't go after it. But Oktay
[01:06:34] Bey's thing is also an unnecessary
[01:06:38] message, I think. You said,
[01:06:41] "Is he protecting someone here?"
[01:06:45] I still don't understand who he's protecting from that
[01:06:49] message. It's also unnecessary, especially
[01:06:53] the first part. But I am closer
[01:06:56] to the point that İdris Bey expressed.
[01:07:19] Article 299, which is the crime
[01:07:22] of insulting the President, was also in the old
[01:07:26] Turkish Penal Code number 765, but in its
[01:07:29] current form, it entered into force on June
[01:07:32] 1, 2005. Yes,
[01:07:36] when the crime of insulting the President was regulated
[01:07:39] on June 1, 2005, the President was neutral.
[01:07:42] He was not a member of any political party.
[01:07:46] But later, an amendment was made to Article 101 of the Constitution,
[01:07:50] and the phrase "sever ties with his party"
[01:07:53] was removed. After the phrase "sever ties
[01:07:56] with his party" was removed, there was
[01:08:00] no indication that he would become the chairman of his party.
[01:08:04] At that time, when that constitutional
[01:08:07] amendment was made, it was not thought
[01:08:09] that a president would become
[01:08:12] the chairman of his party. The type of crime
[01:08:16] should be evaluated differently in this respect.
[01:08:19] Currently, the partisan president
[01:08:23] has two separate hats: a party leader hat
[01:08:26] and a presidential hat. While he says everything
[01:08:30] to the leaders of the opposition parties, it should
[01:08:34] not be forgotten that he will also
[01:08:37] be answered for the words he says to the people
[01:08:40] he addresses as the leader of the ruling party.
[01:08:44] Nobody says these sentences with the
[01:08:48] intention of insulting the President, but when the
[01:08:51] identity of the party leader also merges
[01:08:54] with the same name, such accidents
[01:08:57] happen. For this reason, Article 299
[01:10:50] wakes up. We continue where we left off
[01:10:54] in the parenthesis on Halk TV screens.
[01:10:57] We are taking the pulse of politics. As you know,
[01:11:01] especially in recent days, the most talked about topic,
[01:11:04] especially in the ruling party, is when
[01:11:07] the elections will be. Early elections are being
[01:11:10] discussed, snap elections are being discussed. And calls for
[01:11:14] elections from the opposition are continuing.
[01:11:18] For example, Özgür Özel reiterates his call
[01:11:21] for elections every time. In the ruling party, whatever scenario
[01:11:25] is being discussed, President Erdoğan's
[01:11:28] candidacy is also on the table. Now, Ali Mahir Başarır
[01:11:32] evaluated all these issues on Deniz Bayramoğlu's
[01:11:35] "Gün Doğarken" program on Halk TV screens
[01:11:38] this morning. He said early
[01:11:41] elections are a necessity in Turkey.
[01:11:56] data, economic data, money allocated to interest,
[01:12:00] people's situation, justice situation,
[01:12:03] democracy situation, elections are a necessity
[01:12:07] in Turkey, so I think there will be an early election,
[01:12:10] because things are
[01:12:36] getting worse every day. Whether Erdoğan will be
[01:12:39] a candidate again is
[01:12:42] also a matter of debate. "May your unity
[01:12:45] and solidarity be perpetual, and may
[01:12:49] Allah grant us many
[01:12:51] more successes in this unity."
[01:12:55] Lastly, AKP Election Affairs President Alihsan
[01:12:58] Yavuz had proposed a formula regarding
[01:13:02] President Erdoğan's re-candidacy. Yavuz had
[01:13:05] said that the Parliament's decision to renew
[01:13:09] the elections a week earlier would be sufficient for Erdoğan's
[01:13:12] candidacy. Başarır also reacted to Yavuz's words,
[01:13:16] saying, "This would overturn the constitution."
[01:13:19] They say April or May, or they say a week.
[01:13:23] This is not going to happen. They say, "What will we do for him
[01:13:27] to be a candidate for the third time?" We will hold the election
[01:13:30] three days, four days, a week earlier. This is
[01:13:34] overturning the constitution. The new Party Leader
[01:13:38] Özgür Özel had recently
[01:13:41] given the early election message
[01:13:45] at the Üsküdar rally. Özel shared a part
[01:13:48] of his speech at the rally as a video
[01:13:51] on his social media account. "Now the
[01:13:55] lines are drawn. The election will be between
[01:13:58] Democrats and Autocrats.
[01:14:02] It will be between the Turkey Alliance
[01:14:04] and the Coup Alliance.
[01:14:08] Reactionaries and coup plotters are
[01:14:11] on the side of the autocrats."
[01:14:13] Özel, who said the game is broken,
[01:14:16] also included the
[01:14:18] words, "There is torment
[01:14:20] in separation, and mercy in unity,"
[01:14:24] which he used after Mansur Yavaş.
[01:14:27] "The game is broken. I want to give
[01:14:30] good news to those listening all over Turkey
[01:14:33] now: it's time for all democrats
[01:14:37] to unite. There is torment in separation,
[01:14:41] and mercy in unity." Now, of course,
[01:14:44] speaking of elections, the presidential candidate
[01:14:47] of the opposition, formerly known as,
[01:14:51] and now as the new party, is Ekrem İmamoğlu,
[01:14:55] the Mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. He is also
[01:14:58] a presidential candidate. But after he became
[01:15:02] a presidential candidate, as you know,
[01:15:05] he faced a legal process full of numerous
[01:15:09] lawsuits, and that process continues.
[01:15:12] He said his life is being squeezed
[01:15:16] between the courthouse and prison.
[01:15:19] Last week, what did we discuss?
[01:15:22] We discussed the lawsuit related to the Tuzla Mayor.
[01:15:39] He made a statement about this issue,
[01:15:42] calling it the Tuzla scandal. Now, we are talking about
[01:15:46] a case where Ekrem İmamoğlu
[01:15:49] was acquitted twice before. After two acquittals,
[01:15:52] he was re-tried, and both the venue
[01:15:56] and the judge changed. What was the result?
[01:16:00] He was sentenced to two years and one
[01:16:03] month in prison. If this is also
[01:16:07] upheld by the Court of Appeals, he may also face a political ban.
[01:16:10] The lawyers of İmamoğlu will appeal the decision.
[01:16:14] If the appeal is approved, the lawyers will go to the Court of Cassation.
[01:16:17] We are facing bullying, but I want you to know
[01:16:21] that I will not give up. A part of Ekrem İmamoğlu's
[01:16:25] defense in the case I am the subject of 13 separate lawsuits.
[01:16:28] 12 of them are criminal cases, and one
[01:16:32] is an administrative court case. İmamoğlu reacted to the sentence from the
[01:16:35] courtroom, saying, "No court will make a decision on my behalf."
[01:16:39] He then made a statement on his social media account.
[01:16:43] Now, please put yourself in my shoes.
[01:16:46] There is a case in which you were acquitted.
[01:16:49] You are brought before the judge again in this case due to
[01:16:52] judicial and political games.
[01:16:55] Because the case was overturned because no statement was taken, it is a procedural,
[01:16:59] not a substantive issue. At this time, the judge who acquitted is immediately replaced.
[01:17:02] The newly appointed judge disregards the acquittal and gives
[01:17:06] a prison sentence of more than two years so that a political ban also comes.
[01:17:10] This is not a coincidence. My life
[01:17:13] is being squeezed between the corridors of the courthouse and the prison,
[01:17:16] and there it is desired to be spent with psychological
[01:17:20] torture.
[01:17:25] Arınç confronted the Palace.
[01:17:27] The Palace sided with Gökçek. Bülent Arınç's series of criticisms began
[01:17:31] when Melih Gökçek chewed gum on his way to the courthouse
[01:17:35] at the wedding he attended, which was Ahmet Davutoğlu's son's wedding, if I remember
[01:17:39] correctly. Melih Gökçek's answer
[01:17:42] was not delayed. He addressed his comrades
[01:17:45] and said, "See well who is siding with whom."
[01:17:49] This call was not left unanswered
[01:17:52] by the Palace. The President's chief advisor.
[01:18:18] Mr. Arınç, the wedding podium is not a political arena. Being a statesman
[01:18:21] is not about speaking at every podium you find, but knowing
[01:18:25] where, when, and how much to speak. After Bülent Arınç's
[01:18:28] statements, Melih Gökçek addressed the government
[01:18:32] as "my comrades." He said, "Everyone should see well
[01:18:35] who is siding with whom." Gökçek's call was heard
[01:18:39] from the Palace. President's Chief Advisor Oktay Saral
[01:18:42] made a harsh social media post about Bülent Arınç's words.
[01:18:46] You're attacking me. On one day or
[01:18:49] the day before, another politician
[01:18:52] stated that he came by invitation. Chewing gum
[01:18:56] with a popping sound,
[01:19:00] from his eyes.
[01:19:05] And I watched with great shame.
[01:19:17] He can't find anyone but an unconscious person.
[01:19:20] Seeing thousands of people together at the wedding, he picked up his saz and made
[01:19:23] the happiest day of the young couple a tool for his political
[01:19:26] showdowns. Turning a wedding ceremony into a political
[01:19:30] podium is neither compatible with etiquette nor with statesmanship.
[01:19:34] He went at the invitation of a prosecutor. He gave
[01:19:38] answers to the questions asked. He said, "I
[01:19:40] always stand behind the ideas
[01:19:42] I express. I am a politician.
[01:19:46] A politician criticizes. I use my right to criticize
[01:19:50] everywhere." This is a noble act. Bülent
[01:19:53] Arınç's reaction to Ahmet Davutoğlu being called to testify for insulting
[01:19:56] the President was to criticize
[01:19:59] the prosecutor. Saral commented on Arınç's words
[01:20:03] as "expressions that contemptuously belittle the Public Prosecutor."
[01:20:06] He also used the expressions, "Arınç clearly reveals
[01:20:09] the pitiful state he is in."
[01:20:12] Oktay Saral's criticism was not
[01:20:16] limited to this. The wedding of Ahmet
[01:20:18] Davutoğlu's son was performed by the AK Party Fatih
[01:20:22] Mayor Ergün Turan. The dialogue between Arınç and Turan
[01:20:26] during the wedding attracted attention. Oktay Saral supported
[01:20:29] Ergün Turan. He said, "He has shown the necessary measure."
[01:20:32] We will see beautiful days, children.
[01:20:35] Sunny beautiful days.
[01:20:50] Dear viewers, actually, on September 1st, we discussed this issue with you
[01:20:54] a little bit. What was it? The new regulations
[01:20:58] introduced by the CMB for funds,
[01:21:01] free funds, and these regulations literally created an earthquake
[01:21:04] effect in the fund market. We talked about it over the weekend.
[01:21:08] It was initially claimed that Muhammet Yarız, the chairman of the portfolio management board and one of the major
[01:21:12] shareholders of Katılım Ev, fled abroad. He denied these claims,
[01:21:15] and at the same time, Serdar Turhan, the founding partner
[01:21:19] of Katılım Ev, was banned from leaving the country.
[01:21:22] But without sticking to names and companies,
[01:21:26] was this regulation implemented by the CMB too late? Or what did it
[01:21:30] bring along that these things are happening? And will we see more of these? We will
[01:21:34] talk about these. We have our guest, Professor Doctor Soner Gökten, with us. Welcome.
[01:21:37] Hello, Gizem Hanım, good
[01:21:41] broadcast. Thank you, sir. Can we say that the CMB
[01:21:45] has put a brake on share sales through the back door to bosses
[01:21:48] and major shareholders? What did this regulation bring about
[01:21:52] that the events of the weekend happened? And most
[01:21:54] importantly, was this regulation, that is,
[01:21:58] this regulation implemented by the CMB, actually
[01:22:01] aslında geç mi kalındı?
[01:22:05] I don't know how long it's been since our broadcast with you,
[01:22:08] but we talked about these things. Yes, well, at that time,
[01:22:11] there was no regulation, sir. There wasn't, but
[01:22:14] we knew what would happen. In Turkey, let me tell you,
[01:22:18] Ms. Gizem, look, there are 7 million stock
[01:22:21] market investors. From 10,000 lira to hundreds of millions of lira.
[01:22:25] Its distribution is not very important.
[01:22:28] There is a 13 trillion fund market. These
[01:22:32] decrease and increase every day. So I'm
[01:22:36] telling you, those 30 million people, 30 million
[01:22:40] people are currently living and breathing the stock market. Look, for the first time,
[01:22:45] you are always in the midst of breaking news
[01:22:48] in your country,
[01:22:50] but right now, politics has taken a back seat for the first time, you know,
[01:22:53] Ms. Gizem? Look, nobody is talking about it or anything.
[01:22:56] Why, you ask? Because we are really
[01:23:00] going through historic days. History, now,
[01:23:03] I will tell our viewers two or three things, if you allow me.
[01:23:06] And how did this happen? I will get to that.
[01:23:10] We have a concept called "related party" here.
[01:23:13] I won't be too technical. Let me explain "related party" like this:
[01:23:16] I told you one and a half to two years ago.
[01:23:20] Two people said this in Turkey, the first one, Sait
[01:23:24] Ürünü, and the other one, Soner Gökten. We both paid the price. I won't say
[01:23:27] how Sait abi paid the price, but my X account was closed.
[01:23:31] By whom? By the Bakırköy Public
[01:23:34] Prosecutor's Office. The news came out yesterday.
[01:23:37] After the statement, it was closed by 3 gendarmerie
[01:23:41] personnel. What did I say there? I didn't say anything. I predicted
[01:23:44] these days, and I didn't even give a name.
[01:23:47] Look, there is one article. Our law considers
[01:23:51] a fund as a legal entity. This means,
[01:23:54] I'm trying to explain it very simply, because the financial literacy
[01:23:58] capacity of our valuable viewers is low. Let's underline this,
[01:24:02] it's low. In fact, not just for our
[01:24:05] viewers, look, I'm telling you,
[01:24:08] it's also low for financial professionals. Now, our brother
[01:24:11] Muhammed, about whom allegations have been made, his name in the market
[01:24:15] is Mami. He is a 28-year-old brother. He received a penalty
[01:24:18] from the CMB in due time. I don't say anything about
[01:24:22] the claim that made this allegation. It doesn't concern me.
[01:24:26] But today, this
[01:24:28] matter cannot be personalized, meaning it cannot be blamed
[01:24:31] on individuals. The authority waited for a year
[01:24:34] and a half.
[01:24:36] Today, I saw a tweet series, an X
[01:24:40] series. It says, "10% daily, monthly is enough for me."
[01:24:43] Ms. Gizem, it says, "10% return is enough."
[01:24:47] Look, in financial theory, we call this
[01:24:50] behavioral distortion. That is,
[01:24:53] behaviors have been distorted. They consider 10%
[01:24:56] normal. You put money into a fund for 10% monthly.
[01:25:00] There is risk at number 7. There is nothing higher than that.
[01:25:03] What is higher than that, you ask? It's pressing 32
[01:25:06] in a casino. That's higher. And
[01:25:10] 10% is reasonable, they say. Such a behavioral distortion
[01:25:14] has occurred. The culprit for this, the culprit for this,
[01:25:17] excuse me, is the authority. The minister announced that
[01:25:21] there is a risk of fund manipulation in manipulations.
[01:25:24] The CMB waited for a year and a half. That's why
[01:25:28] the authority, look, if the authority had implemented Article 107,
[01:25:31] given a penalty, it would have been over. There is no need to give a penalty.
[01:25:34] When you reach a certain point, you call them, you say,
[01:25:38] "What are you doing, friend?" They are all our friends, acquaintances.
[01:25:42] We love them. But you say as an authority, you are a regulatory
[01:25:45] institution, brother. You say, "What are you doing? Fix this
[01:25:49] now." "Don't put us under suspicion." When did this
[01:25:52] regulation come, Ms. Gizem? It came when the "gavur"
[01:25:55] said it, when MSI said it. It said, "I will
[01:25:59] downgrade your stock market from emerging markets
[01:26:03] to frontier market." That's when these regulations came. How long did it take?
[01:26:06] One and a half years. How did we get to this? I won't
[01:26:09] elaborate too much. How did we get here? There is an article,
[01:26:13] "You cannot take a position where you are a related party.
[01:26:17] If you do, I will penalize you." So,
[01:26:20] "I am Soner, I have a company, Soner Inc.
[01:26:23] I cannot buy and sell Soner Inc.'s shares as I please,
[01:26:27] I cannot accumulate shares. Why? Because I
[01:26:31] know the information about my company, right?
[01:26:33] I know the information. But the article says that
[01:26:37] funds are a separate legal entity. What do I
[01:26:41] do, Ms. Gizem? I go to a fund and a year and a half ago,
[01:26:45] I set up a closed fund. Closed means that
[01:26:48] it doesn't sell fund shares to anyone.
[01:26:51] Allegedly, there's a citizen who presses a button,
[01:26:54] the fund manager. Oh, so the fund manager
[01:26:58] is Warren Buffett. Okay, this time,
[01:27:02] when this fund buys these shares,
[01:27:05] it says, "No, Soner didn't buy this." You can do it.
[01:27:09] It goes to astronomical places. So I said, "Look, if you don't
[01:27:13] stop this, everyone will start doing it."
[01:27:16] That is, the price on the stock market
[01:27:20] is detached from reality. Then I raise it,
[01:27:23] I raise it, I raise it. We're talking about the compass, right?
[01:27:27] There are others too. Look, the problem here is not the compass.
[01:27:30] The problem here is not the others. The problem here
[01:27:34] is that the authority waited for a year and a half.
[01:27:37] It waited for a year and a half. Gizem, why did Soner Bey
[01:27:40] wait? I have
[01:27:42] no idea.
[01:27:44] I have no idea. Look, what am I telling you? My X account was closed because
[01:27:48] I said this.
[01:27:50] Three gendarmerie intelligence personnel were assigned
[01:27:54] to investigate whether there was a criminal
[01:27:58] element in the post. Is it gendarmerie
[01:28:01] intelligence personnel? Is it Professor Soner Gökten?
[01:28:05] Do they know the capital market? I don't
[01:28:08] know. Look, I
[01:28:11] don't know. By the way, yesterday,
[01:28:15] the Bakırköy Chief Public Prosecutor's Office published it. Many
[01:28:18] important national
[01:28:21] channels ran wrong headlines. It said, the headline is this: Look at financial
[01:28:25] literacy. I will talk about legal ignorance.
[01:28:28] It said that the Bakırköy Public Prosecutor's Office
[01:28:32] has started to monitor manipulations.
[01:28:35] Open and read the CMB law, reporters, valuable
[01:28:39] managers of economy channels, valuable
[01:28:42] people. The CMB law states that
[01:28:46] in any crime related to the capital market,
[01:28:49] it is obligatory for the CMB
[01:28:52] to apply to the prosecutor's office.
[01:28:55] Otherwise, the prosecutor's office cannot make arrests
[01:28:59] related to capital market crimes.
[01:29:04] The news that came from the Bakırköy Public Prosecutor's Office today, what did
[01:29:07] it say? What is it investigating? It is investigating
[01:29:09] the press crimes bureau. Look,
[01:29:13] the press crimes bureau. Because the CMB,
[01:29:17] prosecutors, this is a technical job, Ms. Gizem. We talk about
[01:29:20] merit, right? Merit, knowledge, experience, right?
[01:29:23] You need to know the capital
[01:29:26] market. Press crimes, deceiving the public. I'm not
[01:29:30] getting involved in that. There are two things: either the CMB
[01:29:34] applied and made arrests, which we understand
[01:29:37] is not the case, because where is the investigation being conducted?
[01:29:41] The press crimes bureau. Our journalists,
[01:29:45] in the guise of, in the guise of economic reporters,
[01:29:48] pretending to know economics, there was a woman
[01:29:52] who was formerly a party general vice-chairman, a former party MP,
[01:29:55] explaining "shaking out." And I said in a broadcast, even in your broadcast,
[01:29:59] years ago, "Madam, what do you know about shaking out? What do you know
[01:30:02] about the stock market? Is this your
[01:30:05] place?" I said, "Is this your place?"
[01:30:08] She was left like this. Because a journalist looks
[01:30:12] for clicks, the other one looks for something else.
[01:30:16] Let's talk about the facts. Soner Bey, speaking of facts,
[01:30:19] I would like to clarify this point. As we said, I don't want to
[01:30:22] dwell on a specific company or person, but Trasula
[01:30:26] announced that it bought after the new regulation. However, this has not
[01:30:29] been officially completed yet, because this transaction is subject
[01:30:32] to CMB approval. It has not been approved yet. Is it possible
[01:30:36] that it will not be approved? And most importantly, will
[01:30:39] this activity also occur in other portfolio companies and funds?
[01:30:43] It is subject to the approval of not only the CMB but also the BRSA.
[01:30:46] Look, one and a half years ago, I
[01:30:50] was the first to criticize
[01:30:54] Tera, saying this is not how things should be. But do you know what happened to Tera,
[01:30:57] Ms. Gizem? I know your education
[01:31:00] is very good.
[01:31:02] It happened. Its Turkish equivalent is not to go bankrupt.
[01:31:06] It became too big to fail. Now everyone is in the same boat,
[01:31:10] and today, Tera, I'm telling you openly, Tera
[01:31:13] also has other rumors, from here, I don't
[01:31:16] want to speculate. Yes, I don't
[01:31:19] want to, but Tera has now put its hand in the fire.
[01:31:23] However, the reverse repo transactions, we as experts
[01:31:25] see them as such. I don't want to say this here,
[01:31:29] but today Tera... "By doing this, it has
[01:31:32] prevented a disaster. That is, Emre
[01:31:36] and Emir have prevented a disaster.
[01:31:38] Look, let me underline this. Today we are in the same
[01:31:42] boat. Today we must sit down and think about how
[01:31:45] to save this business. Hmm hmm. I'm not saying
[01:31:48] anything to small investors. Because this has turned into
[01:31:52] a football club. If I were to give you one percent daily
[01:31:56] return in a virtual computer world, wouldn't
[01:32:00] you love me, Ms. Gizem?" "
[01:32:03] "I mean, when I say wouldn't you love me, wouldn't you
[01:32:06] be interested as a fan? You would. It's necessary
[01:32:10] to overcome these things and save the current situation. And at the point
[01:32:13] we have reached today, look, honestly,
[01:32:17] in the capital markets, I'm telling you openly,
[01:32:21] no one should be offended, there are very good
[01:32:25] people in this country.
[01:32:27] If you exclude these people
[01:32:30] and put people who don't understand the capital
[01:32:33] market in this position, this is the point
[01:32:36] you will reach. So you are talking about the CMB
[01:32:39] itself. Let me tell you something, it's clearly stated in the law.
[01:32:43] Yes. Is it legal? It's legal. Actually,
[01:32:47] the transactions made are legal. That is, the closed fund
[01:32:50] established, its closed circuit nature and all details are legal.
[01:32:53] But the part about manipulating the prices afterwards is illegal.
[01:32:57] No, the law allows for this too. It says you can do it if you are a fund.
[01:33:00] We call this financial engineering.
[01:33:04] It says you can do it.
[01:33:07] This loophole exists. Financial engineering. This happened
[01:33:11] in America too, and elsewhere too. What needs to be done
[01:33:15] about this loophole if
[01:33:17] you wait a year and a half
[01:33:20] and then come up with a completely nonsensical
[01:33:23] regulation, then this is what
[01:33:26] happens. Did the infidel have to say it? Did MSI
[01:33:30] have to say it? This is, of course, very... I don't want
[01:33:33] to talk technically too much, but today we are in
[01:33:36] the same boat. Look, today we are in the same boat. If you allow me,
[01:33:40] Ms. Gizem, I also want to touch upon
[01:33:43] the speculations, that
[01:33:45] he fled abroad. I would be happy if we briefly
[01:33:49] touched on this, Soner Bey. I will keep it brief.
[01:33:52] Property rights are protected
[01:33:55] under the Central Securities Depository. None of the securities
[01:33:57] in that fund are going anywhere
[01:34:01] just by waving their hand, okay? They are not going anywhere.
[01:34:05] And their price is falling because
[01:34:08] it has to fall. No one should blame
[01:34:12] those who invested in this. They have no right
[01:34:15] to say anything today.
[01:34:18] Look, they have no right today. Nor do they have
[01:34:22] the right to ask those who won, who left the ship early,
[01:34:26] why they earned this money.
[01:34:27] yok,
[01:34:30] Because unfortunately, in our country,
[01:34:33] ethical values, authority
[01:34:36] oversight, and continuous institutional quality improvement
[01:34:39] processes do not work.
[01:34:42] It comes to a limit and then it ends. And what happened
[01:34:45] yesterday, look, I'm going to say something.
[01:34:49] The chairman of the board of directors of some place
[01:34:53] fled. These are very dangerous,
[01:34:55] wrong statements that can completely manipulate
[01:34:59] those who lack financial literacy and system
[01:35:02] knowledge. I'm addressing the journalists
[01:35:05] who write without understanding. You don't understand
[01:35:08] anything. If that person, let's
[01:35:12] say, really fled, Ms. Gizem, well, I don't know.
[01:35:15] You cannot associate his flight with the fund.
[01:35:19] Because the property right of the fund is different,
[01:35:22] that is different. If a penalty is to be given for this,
[01:35:26] the CMB will enforce Article 107 and give it. We are in
[01:35:29] a completely absurd period. I hope that sane,
[01:35:33] knowledgeable people will understand. The CMB and currently
[01:35:36] the BRSA have a very big job to do. Because look, there
[01:35:40] is a participation bank. There is a participation finance
[01:35:44] cycle. There are those who approve these.
[01:35:48] We are going through historic days, but I can say
[01:35:51] that we are all in the same boat now.
[01:35:55] I'm talking about a minimum of 30 million people, Ms. Gizem.
[01:35:58] A minimum of 30 million people. We are in the same
[01:36:02] boat. We have to speak very carefully. It ended a year
[01:36:05] and a half ago. You closed my X account, that's it.
[01:36:08] Today, criticizing, they are talking today,
[01:36:12] where were you a year and a half ago? You are speaking today.
[01:36:15] Where were you? I won't
[01:36:17] name names. This is
[01:36:21] like the murder of Kaşif Bey. Just as those who spoke
[01:36:24] then are hiding under the table today,
[01:36:28] those who didn't speak a year and a half ago are speaking today. Where were
[01:36:31] you, brother? Those days are over. We are in the same boat
[01:36:35] and we are in finance. Not just
[01:36:38] finance. We are in an existential
[01:36:41] crisis for the economy. Let's sit down and talk about this.
[01:36:45] I will ask you a question related to that as a final point, because
[01:36:49] everyone was wondering what would happen today when the markets
[01:36:52] opened. There was an anxious wait,
[01:36:56] frankly. As far as I can see, after the CMB's new
[01:36:59] regulation on calculating free float,
[01:37:03] the free float rates of 247 companies on Borsa İstanbul
[01:37:06] decreased in one day, while the rates of 343
[01:37:10] companies remained stable. The free
[01:37:13] float rate.
[01:37:26] Don't get stuck on it, there are others. Will we experience a domino effect
[01:37:29] in the future? Let's look at that if you like.
[01:37:32] The free float rate has dropped by about 3%, Ms. Gizem.
[01:37:35] In the financial community, not
[01:37:39] only in Turkey but also in the world, these people, excuse
[01:37:42] me, I apologize, are not stupid. So Warren
[01:37:46] Buffett is not a stupid person, and the people
[01:37:49] who do this on Wall Street are not stupid, okay?
[01:37:52] 13, those who do this blindly,
[01:37:56] it dropped by 3%. In Turkey,
[01:38:00] how many of the funds that disclose
[01:38:03] their real ownership can we know? Here,
[01:38:07] we are winking at MSI. MSI said we are entering the technical field.
[01:38:30] to do this in the world. I will hide my name.
[01:38:33] Not even my soul will know that Soner bought it. People are not stupid.
[01:38:37] The authority, the authority immediately
[01:38:40] introduces regulations. Financial engineering
[01:38:44] immediately finds a solution against the authority. This has been
[01:38:47] going on since 1830. The question we need to ask
[01:38:51] is this: two questions. Two questions.
[01:38:54] Where were you a year and a half ago?
[01:38:58] We said it. Where were the others? Those who are speaking today
[01:39:02] are coming out, right? What price did they pay?
[01:39:05] Second, the second basic question: There are 10
[01:39:09] problematic assets in the market.
[01:39:11] And all of these 10 assets,
[01:39:15] all of these 10 assets in the fund,
[01:39:18] must be held at a certain value. What will we do with
[01:39:21] these 10 assets? We have two problems.
[01:39:24] But the problem has grown so much that
[01:39:27] MSI is issuing regulations so that it doesn't downgrade us to the Frontier market.
[01:39:31] They are coming out very badly, by the way.
[01:39:35] They are rule-based. There's no need for them to come out.
[01:39:38] I don't want to get too technical here. You abolished the free
[01:39:41] fund, which we call a hedging fund, a fund that needs protection.
[01:39:45] Why are you abolishing it?
[01:39:48] You're making it rule-bound. While doing this, I'm saying
[01:39:52] something to the commentators who think they are economists,
[01:39:54] to the journalists who think they know about finance
[01:39:58] and capital markets, to those who have no
[01:40:01] idea about money and who harm
[01:40:04] this country from abroad and elsewhere just
[01:40:08] for clicks: shut up.
[01:40:11] susun,
[01:40:24] to get clicks and PR, Ms. Gizem.
[01:40:28] Professor, I just want to reiterate this part, because
[01:40:32] I understand what you're saying, but
[01:40:35] when you answered the first question, you said
[01:40:39] it's not just about the compass, there are other players too. From
[01:40:42] that point, will we face things like what we experienced
[01:40:46] this past weekend in the coming days?
[01:40:49] Now, there are those who are hurt,
[01:40:52] those who acted ethically as they should,
[01:40:56] and are hurt. Who are they? I won't name
[01:40:59] names, but these are the ones who have been managing the fund
[01:41:03] as it should be for two years.
[01:41:06] Do you know what happens, Ms. Gizem?
[01:41:10] For example, you gave me 100 lira. I am a fund manager.
[01:41:13] I made you earn 70% annually.
[01:41:16] What kind of thing is this? Don't you think it's a good thing? I made you
[01:41:19] earn above inflation. You rested, you traveled, or
[01:41:23] you stayed at home and watched a movie.
[01:41:26] Behavioral? We're coming to finance. There's a Nobel prize for that, right?
[01:41:30] function is there, it's a very bad function, the real academician who is
[01:41:34] watching me, well, today someone has come out, uh,
[01:41:38] is he an academician or what, he's marketing his YouTube, ridiculous,
[01:41:42] I don't want to say it anymore, you
[01:41:45] can't put us in that situation, brother, you can't make such statements, anyway, I've
[01:41:49] passed that, behaviorally, 70%
[01:41:52] is not liked, Ms. Gizem,
[01:41:56] now you... You are a fund
[01:41:59] manager who has made 70% and they tell you, what did you do, brother,
[01:42:02] 70%, why didn't you make 100%?
[01:42:06] How would
[01:42:06] you feel?
[01:42:10] I understand the point here, this is what we call behavioral finance, we have become
[01:42:14] a great laboratory, we have become a great laboratory,
[01:42:17] uh, let's see
[01:42:21] what happens, but let me tell you, we are not in the situation
[01:42:24] we were in a year and a half ago, hm hm, today there are
[01:42:28] to big to fail situations, I'm not saying this for those who invest
[01:42:31] there, I'm saying this for the survival of Turkey's financial and economic markets,
[01:42:35] today it's the exact opposite, we are in the same
[01:42:38] boat, it's necessary to protect that boat,
[01:42:42] it's necessary to be calm and prudent, thank
[01:42:45] you very much, Professor Sonar, for your
[01:42:48] participation, I also thank you, good broadcast, regards, thank you, same
[01:42:52] to you, sir, now we will
[01:42:56] turn to Syria and... "We will say fuel prices,
[01:42:59] gasoline price hikes in Syria, fuel price hikes are being
[01:43:03] protested, but it has spread to 7-8 provinces,
[01:43:06] uh, huge price hikes were made for gasoline
[01:43:09] and diesel there, the Syrian people, who know
[01:43:12] very well that the fuel price hikes will spread to transportation,
[01:43:16] food and basic necessities in a short time, have literally
[01:43:20] lost their temper.
[01:43:24] The 40% hike in gasoline and diesel data confirming
[01:43:27] to the streets.
[01:43:32] Protests against the fuel price hike intensified in the north and
[01:43:35] east of the country. Demonstrations broke out in many
[01:43:38] cities from Raqqa to Deir ez-Zor, from Hasakah to Tabqa.
[01:43:42] In a short time, they spread
[01:43:43] throughout the country.
[01:43:47] In Syria, where a large part of the population currently lives in difficult economic
[01:43:51] conditions, protesters demanded the withdrawal of the price hikes
[01:43:54] and the resignation of the Minister of Energy. Public transport. Many
[01:43:58] drivers shut down their vehicles
[01:44:00] in protest.
[01:44:10] They tried to block passage by setting tires on fire, and
[01:44:13] in some places where transportation came to a standstill,
[01:44:17] clashes and even conflicts
[01:44:20] occurred
[01:44:21] between protesters and security
[01:44:26] forces. The Damascus administration tried to calm the situation
[01:44:30] by arguing that the price hikes were temporary. The Ministry
[01:44:34] of Energy cited tensions in the Middle East causing fuel
[01:44:37] prices to rise and supply to become more difficult.
[01:44:41] It was stated that the refinery in Baniyas being shut down for two months
[01:44:44] caused a decrease in fuel supply to the domestic market
[01:44:48] and additional imports. Syria imports approximately 60%
[01:44:52] of the fuel consumed in the country. This is because
[01:44:55] due to deficiencies in the infrastructure, not all of the crude oil extracted
[01:44:59] in the country
[01:44:59] can be converted into
[01:45:03] products. Now, the war in the Middle East, America attacking Iran,
[01:45:07] the crisis in Hormuz, and even the Houthis seizing
[01:45:11] the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, oil prices
[01:45:14] continue to climb. Here, too, a price hike is expected
[01:45:18] for diesel as of tomorrow night, and it seems
[01:45:21] it will reach the 100 lira band. Here are
[01:45:23] these price hikes in fuel,
[01:45:26] what happened in Syria has appeared on your screens. We will talk about this. At the same
[01:45:30] time, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan will also have contacts in Syria there.
[01:45:34] So what is the issue and what caused all these, that is,
[01:45:37] what caused the fuel and oil prices.
[01:45:45] Donald Trump announced the date the war
[01:45:48] will end, we will evaluate these, we are
[01:45:51] returning to America, our representative Serra Karaçan is with us. Welcome,
[01:45:54] Serra, good broadcast Gizem, thank you, if you like, let's start
[01:45:58] with Syria. Yes, actually, we just watched
[01:46:02] the protest news, what happened after is an important
[01:46:06] test for the new government, for the interim government, and
[01:46:09] it's an internal test, not a test from the outside
[01:46:13] world, from external actors, these are the biggest protests
[01:46:16] since the transition period, and of course, it's very clear
[01:46:20] that there's a cost of living shock linked to the impact of the regional
[01:46:23] war on oil prices,
[01:46:26] but in Syria, 109% of the population is already
[01:46:30] struggling with poverty, below the poverty line,
[01:46:33] so the country has been hit twice
[01:46:36] as hard by this fuel cost.
[01:46:40] We are looking at Israeli news sources, of course, in any development related
[01:46:44] to Syria, especially when there are things that can be
[01:46:47] provoked, like protests, even though there was no such
[01:46:51] like to add a note uh, in the news there,
[01:46:54] uh, in 2025, uh, based on the
[01:46:58] i24 channel, reported that
[01:47:01] bullets were fired at protesters, they call them live bullets, which
[01:47:04] means real bullets, this, uh, news came that the
[01:47:08] internal security forces, forces affiliated with the Ministry of
[01:47:12] Interior, opened fire, but on the other hand, there is
[01:47:15] SDG integration, we were
[01:47:29] it appears that this was not mentioned,
[01:47:32] there is a source inconsistency, uh, of course,
[01:47:35] in the developments in Syria, the fact that Israel
[01:47:39] needs to be watched is also a reality. As you said, Fidan made a two-day visit
[01:47:42] to Damascus, he met with the Foreign
[01:47:46] Minister, he met with President Evşara, and he also met with the Minister of Interior,
[01:47:50] which is quite important. Besides this, of course, we see
[01:47:54] that he also met with names such as the Aleppo Member of Parliament
[01:47:57] of the Syrian People's Assembly, the President of the Turkmen Assembly,
[01:48:01] and representatives of different groups. Uh, the most important topic,
[01:48:05] in my opinion, during this visit, was President Erdoğan's
[01:48:08] upcoming visit to Syria in the near
[01:48:11] future, which will be the first time. Fidan
[01:48:15] said that the decisions taken through
[01:48:18] the high joint committee would be reviewed. Last week,
[01:48:21] you know, there were discussions in Syria about French
[01:48:24] being an optional language, and how Turkish would be included
[01:48:28] in schools. Hakan Fidan had clarified these issues.
[01:48:31] He said that Turkish would also be an optional course. Of course,
[01:48:35] when we talk about the increase in fuel prices, let's turn
[01:48:38] to America, the effects of the regional war
[01:48:49] diesel, was asked to President Donald Trump on the plane
[01:48:52] yesterday while returning from Ireland. The question
[01:48:55] was whether the Russia-Ukraine war or the Iran war
[01:48:59] would end first. But
[01:49:02] Trump said, he said, regarding
[01:49:05] Russia, because we get most of our diesel from Russia,
[01:49:09] I asked Zelensky not to attack diesel
[01:49:12] facilities and refineries. He explained that diesel
[01:49:16] prices are rising due to the difficulty of leaving
[01:49:18] Russia. He said this is also a situation that harms
[01:49:22] the world. "He used the phrases, of course, you know,
[01:49:26] inflation during the Biden era was bad, it was
[01:49:30] really bad, he came with the promise to fix it, those who voted
[01:49:34] for him are now being tested with this,
[01:49:38] of course, we can say that it has globally affected
[01:49:40] both Syria and the world due to the war. I would
[01:49:44] I forgot for Syria,
[01:49:47] there were some incidents of violence
[01:49:51] against Druze, it was reflected in both UN reports and
[01:49:54] civil society organizations, after that, it is quite
[01:49:57] important to follow these
[01:50:33] statement on Friday, we talked about it on Saturday on Sınırsız,
[01:50:37] and now, of course, while returning from Ireland on the plane,
[01:50:40] Iran came back on the agenda in various ways, uh,
[01:50:44] but the most recent was his statement
[01:51:03] want to negotiate and they keep calling me. But
[01:51:07] he used the phrase "I won't say yes
[01:51:10] to an agreement I don't accept." Of course, he has been saying
[01:51:13] since day one that oil prices will drop when the war ends, but the war is not ending, it was said
[01:51:17] it would be a few weeks, it's been 6 months. While all this was being discussed,
[01:51:20] of course, oil prices were very high. On September
[01:51:23] 9, he similarly said the war would end
[01:51:26] right after the election, but
[01:51:29] there's something like this, negotiations have stopped,
[01:51:33] let's remember that, and he says they are calling me, but we see
[01:51:37] that there is no agreement very close right now. On the other
[01:51:40] hand, of course, we know that there would be some meetings
[01:51:44] of Gulf countries in Oman, and these have been postponed. There
[01:51:47] was a new tension with Saudi Arabia this weekend,
[01:51:51] uh, some facilities were closed there too, which
[01:51:54] affects oil. Uh, Iran,
[01:51:57] when we look at Iran's
[01:51:59] desperate message,
[01:52:02] we see Iran. Most recently, the President spoke at a summit
[01:52:05] in New Delhi, uh, and he said
[01:52:08] they would not bow to bullying, he said they would resist
[01:52:12] Israel and America. Both sides therefore continue
[01:52:15] to present a narrative of weakness
[01:52:18] that is opposite to each other. Tensions
[01:52:22] are still high regionally, meaning there are no
[01:52:25] Trump's optimistic predictions.
[01:52:29] Especially as you said, attacks on Saudi oil
[01:52:32] infrastructure, the Houthis' advance, we see that
[01:52:35] alternatives in maritime trade routes are also
[01:52:39] in trouble. Uh, that's why, uh, it is reported
[01:52:41] that President Trump is being tried
[01:52:45] to be persuaded to adopt a strategy
[01:52:48] that will prevent the war from escalating further. An alternative
[01:52:53] development path, Karataş, which Turkey is also a part of. It
[01:52:56] is very important for Syria's stability when an alternative
[01:52:59] is sought in Hormuz. Yesterday in Ireland, at the residence
[01:53:03] of the American Ambassador,
[01:53:20] phrase. With the Iran war, we always talk
[01:53:23] about how Iran was successful with its cheap unmanned aerial
[01:53:27] vehicles, and in return, America's expensive ammunition
[01:53:30] stocks are running out. He emphasized that cheaper
[01:53:34] alternatives are being sought for slower missiles,
[01:53:38] and he said that laser will be the technology of the future.
[01:53:41] You know, Turkey was negotiating for Patriots for
[01:53:45] air defense, but because this didn't happen, they bought S400s,
[01:53:48] but here too, new technologies are being discussed.
[01:53:51] Serra, we have 3 minutes. I actually
[01:53:55] wanted to talk about artificial intelligence too, can I quickly get
[01:53:58] that from you? Of course, uh, last week, you know,
[01:54:02] there was a resignation from Antropic due to concerns that artificial
[01:54:05] intelligence could take over humanity and get out of control,
[01:54:09] and it was emphasized that in a few
[01:54:13] cases where it was released for the development of artificial
[01:54:16] intelligence, it was involved in two separate hacks,
[01:54:19] therefore it couldn't be trusted. The CEO of Antropic also issued
[01:54:35] a new warning. A few weeks ago, he published an article. If China
[01:54:38] does not slow down, there is concern that they will fall
[01:54:41] behind in the competition. Trump was asked this on the plane yesterday,
[01:54:45] and he said he also uses artificial intelligence. When asked what
[01:54:49] functions he uses it for, he said you can do a lot
[01:54:52] with artificial intelligence, and he did not explain
[01:54:56] what he uses it for. Of course, perhaps his assistants
[01:54:59] use it. But the phrases "whoever wins
[01:55:03] in artificial intelligence will win the world" especially drew attention. Currently,
[01:55:06] the United States is trying to get ahead in artificial
[01:55:10] intelligence technology by taking some risks and
[01:55:12] postponing regulations
[01:55:32] American public's agenda. You know, previously, a technology
[01:55:36] company that had an artificial intelligence agreement with the
[01:55:40] Pentagon had refused to give all of its artificial
[01:55:43] intelligence capabilities to the Department of Defense,
[01:55:48] be misused in wartime situations. After this, they had declared
[01:55:52] that company a national security risk. Now, the company
[01:55:56] has been found right in court, of course, this decision can be overturned
[01:55:59] by the higher court, it's not final yet, but
[01:56:03] we can say that it affects all
[01:56:13] areas. Good broadcast, thank you, sir, now we briefly mentioned Russia-Ukraine, uh, more through
[01:56:17] fuel prices. Russia targeted railway infrastructure
[01:56:20] in its recent attacks on Ukraine, but who
[01:56:24] else was in that target? Some important European political
[01:56:27] officials and politicians
[01:56:30] who were visiting Ukraine were there, and it
[01:56:33] turned out that they narrowly
[01:56:35] escaped the attack.
[01:56:41] The Russian Ministry of Defense announced that they hit some
[01:56:44] railway lines and trains in their attacks
[01:56:48] on Ukraine over the weekend. The ministry claimed that these lines
[01:56:51] were used to transport military cargo from European
[01:56:54] countries.
[01:56:58] It was true that the wagons were going back and forth to Europe,
[01:57:01] but some of them did not contain cargo, but important
[01:57:08] European passengers. It was announced that Boris Johnson,
[01:57:12] former Prime Minister of the UK, and Carbilt passed through
[01:57:15] the same spot in another train 15 minutes before one
[01:57:19] of the trains was hit. It turned out that the duo, who attended
[01:57:22] a conference in Kyiv and were preparing to leave Ukraine, narrowly
[01:57:26] escaped the attack that took place just 800 meters from
[01:57:28] the Polish border.
[01:57:46] was at a train station nearby during
[01:57:49] the incident.
[01:57:54] On the other hand, Ukrainian officials announced that the
[01:57:58] passengers on the train whose locomotive was hit were evacuated
[01:58:01] when the Russian UAV was detected, and there were no deaths or injuries
[01:58:08] in the incident. Since the start of the Russian
[01:58:11] invasion in 2022, railways have become the main
[01:58:15] means of transportation for Ukraine due to the suspension
[01:58:17] of all air travel.
[01:58:24] Dear viewers, with this news, we have come to the end of our time,
[01:58:27] we are concluding. Hopefully, we will meet at the same time tomorrow.
[01:58:31] Eco Ünar will be with you for Halk Anahaber. Good evening.
[01:58:48] To make the unheard heard, to say the unsaid,
[01:58:52] to show the unseen.
[01:59:20] Every weekday morning from 7 to 10,
[01:59:23] while Turkey wakes up, we will
[01:59:26] be together in this studio.
[01:59:48] "Good morning, my dear Turkey, welcome, you bring honor, it's September
[01:59:52] 15, 2026, Tuesday, you are
[01:59:55] on Halk TV screens, the clock shows 6, I am
[01:59:59] Gökhan Kayış, welcome to the hour where we will convey
[02:00:02] everything our esteemed news center has prepared,
[02:00:05] with its hot news,
[02:00:25] with Seferihisar, sir, I want to make a very quick entry, because
[02:00:29] there is hot information and hot images.
[02:00:32] In İzmir Menderes, you know, 47 names
[02:00:35] were detained in connection with a bribery
[02:00:38] operation. A detention warrant was issued for 48
[02:00:42] people in the bribery investigation carried out against the Seferihisar
[02:00:46] Municipality. In the operation conducted on Friday, September
[02:00:49] 11, 47 people were detained, and
[02:00:52] it was reported that efforts to apprehend one person were ongoing,
[02:00:56] it was said that this person was abroad, if
[02:00:59] I remember correctly, all of those detained,
[02:01:02] after their procedures at the police station were completed, were transferred to the courthouse
[02:01:06] in the morning with extensive security measures. Now,
[02:01:09] after their interrogations at the prosecutor's
[02:01:12] office, these 47 names, the 47 detained names,
[02:01:16] you know, the mayor of Seferihisar also changed by proxy
[02:01:20] and went to the AK Party, here too, there was
[02:01:24] a serious debate about it, and today,
[02:01:27] for 47 names, uh,
[02:01:29] we will see if a request for arrest will be made
[02:01:33] after the prosecutor's interrogation for all of them or
[02:01:36] for certain names, that will be one of the topics we will
[02:01:39] report in our broadcasts in the coming
[02:01:42] hours, sir.
[02:01:44] efendim.
[02:01:49] Operations and hot topics, I guess we've gotten used to them, for a long
[02:01:53] time there have been operations against municipalities,
[02:01:56] against district municipalities, and Turkey is moving step
[02:02:00] by step towards the general election, and in people's minds,
[02:02:03] is Turkey still a democracy, authoritarian democracy, no election
[02:02:07] democracy and so on, many things are being talked about, but
[02:02:11] the emotions of a government that tries to convince
[02:02:14] even district municipalities and is so determined
[02:02:17] even for a district municipality with all the resources
[02:02:21] of the state, regarding the general elections, really
[02:02:25] confuses all of us. Let's quickly look at our headlines,
[02:02:28] my dear director will also send the link, what's on the agenda
[02:02:32] for Tuesday, September 15, 2026? We start with Nefes Newspaper,
[02:02:35] yesterday little first graders, hardworking second graders,
[02:02:39] an army of 17 million students and 1.2 million
[02:02:43] teachers, an education army, went out to their schools,
[02:02:46] some hungry,
[02:03:04] for 185 lira in line for a lifetime,
[02:03:07] it says. Now, this sentence
[02:03:10] is always used, "I would be a slave for 40 years
[02:03:13] to anyone who teaches me a letter," and from "I would be a slave for 40 years
[02:03:17] to anyone who teaches me a letter," to sweep... to the point of sweeping, sweeping, sweeping our protesting
[02:03:21] teachers, I don't even want to say it, but you know what
[02:03:25] is swept, sir. The question of how we got to this point
[02:03:28] is our headline in Nefes Newspaper, where we will discuss
[02:03:31] what opportunities the state offers to 100 thousand
[02:03:35] contracted teachers like an unregistered business.
[02:03:38] And there's this photo, my dear friend, I don't know if you
[02:03:42] can show it, maybe we'll show it when it's bigger, but look at this security measure
[02:03:46] being taken. "The lady is searching the
[02:03:49] student, meaning we are also exposing
[02:03:52] the children, we always have trouble finding the balance,
[02:03:56] sir. Let's say a gun was found in this bag,
[02:03:59] what will this private security guard do? I mean, it's been
[02:04:02] said 40 times that specialist sergeants are waiting for appointments,
[02:04:35] look into this, a terrible news from Sivas and
[02:04:39] Evrensel. The small news next to the headline
[02:04:42] is actually its complement, under the headline "Nobody is Safe,"
[02:04:46] today there are LGBTI operations. "operations against street gangs
[02:04:50] related to children, there is such a chaos
[02:04:54] around, but among
[02:04:56] this chaos, the banning
[02:05:00] of some internet addresses." If we had put a headline today, we could have said
[02:05:04] "banned," access ban on our newspaper's
[02:05:06] X account, why was Evrensel
[02:05:10] newspaper's social media account banned? Why
[02:05:13] was the social media account of Ali İsmail Korkmaz Foundation
[02:05:16] banned? Amidst many bans,
[02:05:19] we are facing a government that talks
[02:05:22] about democracy. Bülent Arıç has an answer. Here,
[02:05:26] there is a criticism directed at Oktay Saral,
[02:05:30] the palace and its entourage, and the people
[02:05:33] living in that region, the president doesn't say everything,
[02:05:36] some people say it on his behalf,
[02:05:39] the answer is here now. Bülent Arınç made a long statement
[02:05:43] and completed this statement by praising Recep
[02:05:46] Tayyip Erdoğan throughout, but the Oktay Saral
[02:05:50] criticism he made at the end is it directed at the Palace,
[02:05:53] or at Oktay Saral, or at the Presidency? We will
[02:05:56] discuss that all together. The footsteps of the local
[02:06:00] geliyor efendim, nereden anlıyorsunuz derseniz,
[02:06:03] cumhurbaşkanı TRT ekranlarında daha çok görünüyor
[02:06:06] sanki.
[02:06:09] Dünya diplomasisinin öncü lideri geliyor. Bakın işte
[02:06:12] verdiğimiz veriler, ekonomik veriler, faize ayrılan para,
[02:06:15] insanların durumu, adalet durumu,
[02:06:18] demokrasi durumu. Türkiye'de seçim zorunluluktur. O yüzden
[02:06:49] leader of world diplomacy is coming. Look, the data we
[02:06:51] and the timing, whether President Erdoğan will be a candidate
[02:06:55] again is also a
[02:06:56] matter of debate.
[02:07:30] he said it would be. They say April, May or a week, this is not something
[02:07:34] that will happen, he says, what will we do for him to be a candidate for the third
[02:07:37] time? They say we will hold the elections 3 days, 4 days, a week earlier.
[02:07:41] This is to overthrow the constitution. The new party leader Özgür
[02:07:44] Özel gave his early election message at the Üsküdar rally
[02:07:48] for the last time. Özel shared a part of his speech
[02:07:51] at the rally as a video on his social media account. The lines
[02:07:55] have now become clear, the election
[02:07:58] will be with democrats.
[02:08:19] The game is broken, all over Turkey,
[02:08:23] now I want to give the good news to the listeners,
[02:08:25] that it is time for
[02:08:28] all democrats
[02:08:30] to come together, there is torment in separation,
[02:08:33] and mercy
[02:08:34] in unity.
[02:08:39] I always thought that, sir, and when these news often came to the agenda
[02:08:42] in recent years, one gets
[02:08:46] this feeling, at least I do,
[02:08:50] of course, may Allah grant them all a very long life,
[02:08:54] we cannot say
[02:08:56] anything else, of course, Mr. Devlet Bahçeli and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
[02:09:00] may they have very long lives, may they have very healthy lives,
[02:09:03] with their grandchildren, their families, may they have a good life,
[02:09:07] a long life, but it's as if
[02:09:10] they are behaving as if if someone leaves that seat,
[02:19:02] party name has also become a problem," he said, and
[02:19:06] Mr. Murat Emir responded to this yesterday
[02:19:09] evening on Halk TV. It was Gökmen Bey's program, if I remember
[02:19:12] correctly. The new party faced a name similarity crisis
[02:19:16] before entering the congress process. The Chief Public Prosecutor's Office of the Supreme Court of Appeals
[02:19:19] sent a notification to the new party to change its name
[02:19:23] upon the application of the innovation party. While
[02:19:27] political backstage was buzzing,
[02:51:31] Everyone's dream is to own a house to call their own
[02:51:34] after working for years. In the past, it was possible
[02:51:37] to buy a house with a retirement bonus. However,
[02:51:40] this is becoming more difficult over the years. Today, a retirement
[02:51:43] bonus is not even enough for a house or a car. We asked the public,
[02:51:46] "What is the most you can buy with a retirement bonus today?
[02:51:50] What is it enough for?" "Nothing can be bought,
[02:51:53] nothing at all. Both the worker and the retiree are miserable.
[02:51:57] We cannot buy anything of high material value, you cannot buy real estate,
[02:52:01] you cannot buy a car. What could you do with it? Maybe make a down payment,
[02:52:04] or it could be for a small investment. Nothing else. Now, nothing can be bought,
[02:52:08] not even a car. I miss the old days. How good
[02:52:12] it was before! We can't even buy and eat two or three types
[02:52:15] of fruit. That's what I do. What can I do, my daughter? Manage.
[02:52:19] If you don't manage, we'll lose our way home, my daughter, what can we do?
[02:52:23] It's not enough for anything, it's not enough for anything.
[02:52:26] We are still working at this age. I collect paper, I collect things
[02:52:30] from markets. You used to buy a house, you used to buy a car.
[02:52:34] People used to wonder, 'Oh, I wish I could retire.'
[02:52:38] Now, money has become a bitter memory. May God help our future.
[02:52:41] One simit is 25 liras. Calculate it, you can't even buy
[02:52:45] a simit. I wish it was 10 liras, 5 liras. I am 69
[02:52:48] years old. A house could be bought for 10 liras once. Now
[02:52:52] it's 10 liras." "May God bless those with children,
[02:52:54] they could become homeowners. In the past, people could buy
[02:52:57] houses,
[02:52:59] they could buy cars with their retirement bonuses, they could at least
[02:53:02] make an investment. But unfortunately,
[02:53:06] that's not possible now.
[02:53:09] I mean, they either go on a family vacation, or for a month.
[02:53:11] Since I have a retirement salary, I go to the city's
[02:53:15] public dining hall right now. I ate and came back, may God bless
[02:53:18] those who invented them. He said, 'I tolerate
[02:53:21] my son's clothes.' I make do with my son's clothes.
[02:53:24] Maybe for investment, a little dollar or gold, and put it aside,
[02:53:28] and try to make a living from its interest.
[02:53:32] Girl, you've already paid the money to her.
[02:53:35] For years, in rain, snow, and winter, you paid
[02:53:38] that money to her. So, give them something
[02:53:42] so they can relax. Nothing will happen. You can't buy
[02:53:45] a car, not even a small
[02:53:47] junk car now."
[02:55:34] without saying much or little, donate to Darüşşafaka,
[02:55:37] so our children can have a bright future through education.
[02:56:17] News of price increases and decreases for fuel
[02:56:20] are coming, citizens are confused. Their heads are spinning. Tracking
[02:56:24] fuel prices is harder than tracking the stock market.
[02:56:27] Now, getting the timing right is also important. So we asked the public,
[02:56:30] "When and according to what do you decide to fill
[02:56:34] your tank?" Well, in Turkey, we can't really
[02:56:38] decide that, because it's volatile every day.
[02:56:41] Now, when the fuel is at the bottom, we buy it when it's at the bottom.
[02:56:44] I mean, as much as our money is enough,
[02:56:47] according to my needs or my pocket. Most of all...
[02:56:51] göre en çok da...
[02:57:05] it might be easier to follow, because why? The screens are always in front
[02:57:09] of your eyes, but it's not like that here. Here, will you follow
[02:57:12] the road, or will you follow the labels
[02:57:16] on the road? These are big problems. When my tank is empty,
[02:57:19] I have to fill it up. We don't look at price increases or decreases.
[02:57:23] But when there's a discount, that's our loss. For example,
[02:57:26] I filled my tank now, but if there's
[02:57:29] a discount tonight, I'll lose money, that's what I mean. We can't
[02:57:32] keep up with the prices anymore, because they change every day. They reduce it,
[02:57:36] then they increase it, there's no stability in the country. Those discounts don't affect
[02:57:40] me at all. I'll buy 50 liters of fuel,
[02:57:44] and it will make a 200 lira difference, but my tank that used to cost 1500 liras
[02:57:47] to fill, now costs 4500 liras. A 200 lira discount
[02:57:51] won't affect me at all. We always keep our tanks full,
[02:57:54] but the prices are high, of course. Well,
[02:57:58] my car is both gasoline and LPG.
[02:58:01] I've cancelled the gasoline, I mean, fuel is too expensive.
[02:58:05] LPG is also expensive. In some places it's 30 liras, in some places
[02:58:09] it's 35 liras, that's how it goes. I don't know, I buy and use LPG. But it's very harmful
[02:58:12] to the engine. What can you do, you have to. They're making fun
[02:58:16] of it. Today they increase the price, 3 days later,
[02:58:20] you look and they say there's a discount. What's the point?
[02:58:24] It will come again in 3 days. No need, I think.
[02:58:27] This is an election investment, a gimmick,
[02:58:30] a show.
[02:58:36] Getting access to current news instantly is now very easy.
[02:58:40] Open WhatsApp and find the Updates tab. Type
[02:58:43] Halk TV in the search bar. Find the Halk TV
[02:58:46] page from the results and don't forget to click
[02:58:50] the Follow option in the top right corner.
[02:58:53] Be instantly informed of breaking developments.
[02:58:57] Follow Halk TV on WhatsApp and access news immediately
[02:59:00] whenever you want.
[02:59:19] "Good morning, dear viewers, welcome to Gündoğarken. I am Deniz
[02:59:22] Bayramoğlu. Today is September 15th, Tuesday. We will present
[02:59:26] the developments on Turkey's and the world's agenda in detail
[02:59:28] to you. What happened, what transpired
[02:59:32] since yesterday evening while you were asleep, it's all on your screens."
[02:59:35] Of course, we will not stop there. For those who are setting off, what is the
[02:59:39] traffic situation? We will look and report. We will tell you the main points in Istanbul.
[02:59:43] We will look at the weather forecast. We will report on world developments.
[02:59:46] We will go to London. We will go to Washington. So,
[02:59:50] for the next 3 hours, from 7 to 10, whatever
[02:59:54] you need to know before you set off today, before you start your life,
[02:59:58] before you start your day, it will all be on these screens. Let's not make it too long.
[03:00:01] Let's immediately see what's on our agenda, but first. Let's also
[03:00:05] remind you that you will see it in our headlines shortly, you will see it
[03:00:09] as our first headline, in fact, almost, uh,
[03:00:11] diesel fuel has been increased, so that's why today, after many price increases,
[03:00:15] after many problems, we said "bill", where are the bills
[03:00:18] being cut, to whom are they being issued, to which of us are they being issued, what
[03:00:22] is the size of the bill, what is its magnitude?