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20261011 010000 UTC
3986 transcript segments
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[00:00:00] 7 people were arrested. After all They brought this, the Turkish Football
[00:00:03] Federation Board of Directors convened an extraordinary election
[00:00:06] meeting.
[00:00:10] Seven names wanted to continue in office. Five names expressed
[00:00:13] their opinion that elections should be held. The critical
[00:00:16] meeting did not result in an election decision. The Turkish
[00:00:19] Football Federation Board of Directors decided to continue in office.
[00:00:23] Five directors, including Mecnun Otyakmaz, who wanted an
[00:00:26] election, resigned after the decision.
[00:00:29] There were friends who wanted a general assembly, this
[00:00:33] offer of ours was not accepted, we thought there was
[00:00:36] no point in continuing, we decided to resign. The critical summit
[00:00:40] also decided to part ways with Montella. The Italian
[00:00:43] coach of the national team was dismissed.
[00:00:47] Following the investigations and arrests of the central
[00:00:51] referee board and referees, resignations also came from
[00:00:54] the Turkish Football Federation Board of Directors. The TFF
[00:00:58] made new appointments instead
[00:01:18] of Secretary General Abdullah Ayaz. It's been about half
[00:01:21] an hour, dear Gamze Altunay, dear Semih Çalışkan, the
[00:01:24] 4th round is being held at
[00:01:27] of these families, and so on. Eyüpsultan Municipality, a 3rd round where the balances
[00:01:30] changed had passed, now whoever gets one more vote
[00:01:33] will probably be elected deputy mayor, of course
[00:01:37] these are just one of the deputy mayoral elections we
[00:01:41] frequently experience and witness, what's the latest situation,
[00:01:44] is the voting still ongoing
[00:01:46] in the past half hour, has
[00:01:50] it moved to vote tabulation, can you explain, dear Gamze?
[00:01:54] Yes, Sinan Fıstıkoğlu, let's say that the voting is still
[00:01:57] ongoing at this very moment, there is a very critical
[00:02:10] wait here, a huge crowd is slowly gathering. This
[00:02:13] was an election where votes were cast, so it was thought
[00:02:17] that the votes of the Republican People's Party and the New
[00:02:21] Party group would remain the same, but the CHP candidate,
[00:02:24] who received 21 votes in the first two rounds, dropped to
[00:02:28] 18 votes in the 3rd round and was tied with the AKP
[00:02:32] candidate, one vote was declared invalid. Let's also mention
[00:02:35] who these names are for the AKP and MHP candidate. The
[00:02:39] AKP MHP candidate is Muhammet Çakı, and the CHP New Party
[00:02:42] candidate is Cafer Parlak. These names are currently
[00:02:45] in the fourth round of voting. As you just said, if the
[00:02:48] 18-18 tie does not continue, the person who gets 19 votes
[00:02:52] will be elected deputy mayor. But if the tie continues,
[00:02:56] and there is an objection to the votes, as a result
[00:02:59] of the tie, they will go to the 5th round, and in the
[00:03:02] 5th round, the deputy mayor will be determined by drawing
[00:03:05] lots. The mayor of Eyüpsultan Municipality was arrested
[00:03:09] in recent weeks. The election was held at Ataşehir Municipality
[00:03:12] this morning, and now the Eyüpsultan Municipality deputy
[00:03:16] mayor election, which started at 2 PM, is continuing.
[00:03:19] Let's also say that the voting is still continuing at this
[00:03:22] very moment. In the coming minutes, it is expected that
[00:03:26] the voting of 37 council members will be completed,
[00:03:29] and then the counting will begin. There too... we will
[00:03:32] learn the answer to that critical question, first
[00:03:36] Ataşehir went to the AKP today, will Eyüpsultan Municipality
[00:03:39] also go to the AKP today? Will it go to the 4th round
[00:03:43] or the 5th round for the determination of the deputy
[00:04:01] you will have the priority to speak again, let's also
[00:04:04] mention that. Now, of course, he was one of the mayors
[00:04:08] who chose to join the AK Party ranks by using his
[00:04:12] right of transfer or transition before. The mayor of Çiğili.
[00:04:14] What was the gentleman's name? Let me check quickly.
[00:04:18] Uh, Onur Emrah Yıldız. Water bottles were flying
[00:04:21] in the air even in the first council meeting held.
[00:04:25] There were harsh protests against him. Today, he had
[00:04:28] a visitor. Minister of National
[00:05:00] Education Yusuf Tekin was around. Minister of National
[00:05:03] Education Yusuf Tekin was in İzmir for a series of
[00:05:06] events. He attended activities such as school openings,
[00:05:10] the National Youth Climate
[00:05:15] Workshop, and Erzurum Promotion Days. He also visited
[00:05:18] Çiğli Mayor Onur Emrah Yıldız, who resigned from
[00:05:22] the CHP and joined the AKP. İzmir Governor, AKP İzmir
[00:05:26] MPs, AKP İzmir Provincial Chairman, Erzurum Metropolitan
[00:05:30] Municipality Mayor Mehmet Sekmen, and Menderes Municipality
[00:05:33] Deputy Mayor Ağsuman Şen also attended the visit.
[00:05:37] AKP İzmir Provincial Chairman Bilal Saygılı shared photos
[00:05:40] of the visit. He said, "A new era is starting for
[00:05:44] Çiğli." After the visit, AKP Mayor Onur Emrah Yıldız
[00:05:48] also made a post on his social media account. Yıldız,
[00:05:51] who thanked the minister for the visit, stated that they
[00:05:54] presented their youth and
[00:06:01] education projects and conveyed their requests. In Istanbul's
[00:06:04] Maltepe district a few days ago, five of our citizens
[00:06:07] who were trapped under the rubble when a 7-story
[00:06:11] building partially collapsed lost their lives. The funerals
[00:06:15] slowly started to be received from the Forensic Medicine
[00:06:18] Institute, the siblings were buried. Zeynep and Ahmet
[00:06:22] İnan siblings, who lost their lives, were buried
[00:06:25] today. Let's extend our condolences to their families
[00:06:28] once again. In the meantime, to imply this. I mean,
[00:06:31] within the scope of the
[00:06:38] investigation. Artificial intelligence found many
[00:06:40] geometric deficiencies in the building. It classified
[00:06:44] the building as very high risk category at 95%.
[00:06:47] On Thursday, October 8, a tragedy occurred in Maltepe.
[00:06:50] The first three floors of the 7-story building collapsed
[00:06:54] in the early morning. Five people, including one child,
[00:06:58] lost their lives in the tragedy. The bodies began
[00:07:01] to be recovered from the Forensic Medicine Institute.
[00:07:05] Doesn't Ahmet, at 22 years old, have dreams? Doesn't
[00:07:08] Ahmet have dreams? Ahmet just bought a new car.
[00:07:11] God didn't grant him to drive it. 10 people were
[00:07:15] rescued alive from the rubble. A cat was found
[00:07:18] under concrete pieces, and was rescued alive from the
[00:07:21] rubble hours later. Ahmet
[00:07:22] remained in the rubble,
[00:07:26] you know, and then it came to this. Ahmet is my everything.
[00:07:30] 4 out of 7 floors of the building were illegal. It
[00:07:34] was revealed that a demolition decision was made for the
[00:07:38] illegal floors of the 39-year-old building, but it was not
[00:07:41] demolished despite the municipal
[00:07:51] decision. In the expert's preliminary report, the architect,
[00:07:55] owners, and contractors of the building were found
[00:07:58] to be at fault. Concrete remnants. A funeral ceremony
[00:08:02] was held at Mimarsinan Mosque
[00:08:03] for Ahmet and Zeynep İnan
[00:08:09] siblings, who lost their lives under the rubble.
[00:08:12] The two siblings were buried in Sancaktepe Ortadağ Cemetery
[00:08:15] after the ceremony. In Ankara, at midnight, of course,
[00:08:19] a kindergarten that had been closed for minutes was
[00:08:23] subjected to an armed attack.
[00:08:26] The moment of the attack was reflected instant by
[00:08:29] instant in the security cameras on record, and
[00:08:32] five suspects were detained. In Etimesgut district of
[00:08:35] Ankara, the silence of the
[00:08:38] night was broken by successive gunshots. An armed attack
[00:08:41] was carried out on a kindergarten at night. The attack occurred
[00:08:45] on October 6, around 2:45 AM, in Eti Meskut Şeker
[00:08:48] neighborhood. The attackers opened fire on a private
[00:08:52] kindergarten repeatedly. The situation was reported to
[00:08:55] the police when employees who came to the school
[00:08:58] in the morning noticed that
[00:09:02] four bullets had hit the entrance door. Two empty
[00:09:05] shell casings were found at the scene. Within the
[00:09:08] scope of the operation, a total of five suspects,
[00:09:11] including the suspect who fired the gun, the person
[00:09:15] driving the vehicle, those in the vehicle, and two
[00:09:19] people believed to have incited the attack, were detained.
[00:09:21] The handgun used in the attack was found on the
[00:09:24] roof of a house. After
[00:09:29] their interrogations at the police station, the suspects
[00:09:32] were referred to the courthouse and were arrested by the
[00:09:35] court and sent to prison. Another child worker
[00:09:38] lost his life today in a work accident. It's
[00:09:42] hard to call these incidents accidents. Kadir
[00:09:44] Sevilgen, 15 years old,
[00:09:48] lost his life as a result of being crushed by a construction
[00:09:51] machine. The incident occurred in Gazipaşa district of
[00:09:54] Antalya. The construction machine operated by MK crushed
[00:09:58] 15-year-old Kadir Sevilgen. Sevilgen was severely injured
[00:10:01] in the head. It was claimed that the 15-year-old child
[00:10:05] was working as an oiler on the machine. Kadir Sevilgen,
[00:10:08] who was taken to the hospital, fought for his life for
[00:10:11] 3 days but could not be saved. Following the incident,
[00:10:15] the owner of the construction machine, Ry, and the operator,
[00:10:18] MK, were arrested by the court. According to the
[00:10:21] report of the Workers' Health and Work Safety Council,
[00:10:25] covering the dates of September 2025 to August
[00:10:28] 2026, at least 95 children lost
[00:10:31] their lives in child
[00:10:37] labor deaths. An elderly couple
[00:10:39] went to Pamukkale for a thermal treatment,
[00:10:42] but were found dead
[00:10:44] in the guesthouse
[00:10:49] where they were staying. The elderly couple, who
[00:10:52] settled in a guesthouse in Denizli for thermal treatment, were not heard from for
[00:10:56] two days. They were found dead in the bathroom
[00:11:00] in the room. The incident occurred in Pamukkale.
[00:11:03] Tahsin and Yaşariye Ünver couple had returned to their
[00:11:06] hometown Uşak in June from Denmark, where they
[00:11:09] had lived for many years. For thermal treatment, they
[00:11:13] settled in a guesthouse in Karahayıt, Pamukkale, Denizli
[00:11:16] on October 6. However, the elderly couple did not
[00:11:20] leave their rooms for two
[00:11:22] days. The guesthouse owner,
[00:11:25] suspicious of the situation, checked their rooms. He
[00:11:29] found the couple motionless in the bathroom. Upon the
[00:11:32] notification, gendarmerie and health teams were dispatched
[00:11:35] to the scene. Health teams determined that the Ünver
[00:11:39] couple had lost their lives. It was evaluated
[00:11:42] that the couple may have died due to sulfur gas
[00:11:46] poisoning. Their lifeless bodies were taken to the
[00:11:49] Denizli Forensic Medicine
[00:11:50] Institute Morgue for determination
[00:12:03] of the exact cause of death. After the autopsy, their
[00:12:06] bodies were taken to their hometown Uşak. If you
[00:12:09] secretly read your spouse's messages and
[00:12:13] if you have an intention to divorce, this
[00:12:16] news concerns you very billion.
[00:12:19] 214 individuals decision has been made.
[00:12:23] earned 187.6 billion.
[00:12:26] 214 real and legal
[00:12:29] persons
[00:12:32] who profited from 3 funds
[00:12:36] obtained 287 billion 653 million.
[00:12:39] made a precedent-setting decision by finding the
[00:12:42] husband, who secretly followed his wife's WhatsApp correspondence
[00:12:46] in a divorce case, to be
[00:12:49] severely at fault. The high court ruled that evidence
[00:12:53] obtained through unlawful means will not be considered
[00:12:57] valid. The incident occurred in Kayseri. A woman who
[00:13:01] had domestic problems with her husband filed a lawsuit
[00:13:03] against him. While alleging that her husband had an
[00:13:07] affair with another woman, she also claimed that he
[00:13:10] subjected her to economic and physical violence, insulted
[00:13:14] her, and failed to fulfill the requirements of the
[00:13:17] marriage union. The male defendant, on the other
[00:13:20] hand, filed a counterclaim alleging that his wife
[00:13:24] violated her duty of loyalty. However, the WhatsApp correspondence
[00:13:28] presented by the man as evidence caused controversy.
[00:13:32] It was revealed that the correspondence was obtained
[00:13:35] from the woman's phone and work computer without
[00:13:39] her knowledge and consent. The first instance court
[00:13:42] found the man to be severely at fault, stating that
[00:13:44] his wife's computer was accessed and the correspondence
[00:13:48] was obtained in this way without her knowledge and
[00:13:51] consent. Kayseri 2nd Family Court also found the woman
[00:13:55] slightly at fault and decided to divorce them. Upon
[00:13:59] appeal, the Supreme Court ruled that for evidence
[00:14:02] to be considered legally valid, it must be obtained
[00:14:06] through methods permitted
[00:14:11] by law. It granted custody of the joint child to
[00:14:15] the mother. The chamber ruled for 1,300,000 Turkish
[00:14:19] Liras in material and moral compensation in favor of
[00:14:22] the woman, and also decided
[00:14:27] on alimony for the joint child. "Our goods remained
[00:14:31] on the branches, all the sieves in the neighborhoods
[00:14:34] will be closed, olive picking is forbidden until
[00:14:37] Friday. A strike in Zeytinliova, Akhisar, Manisa, and a
[00:14:41] rebellion in Karacasu district of Aydın. We died as
[00:14:44] farmers, this could even lead to cutting down
[00:14:48] trees. Olive growers are in trouble, the reason
[00:14:50] is rising production costs, low purchase prices. The
[00:14:54] biggest problem right now
[00:14:57] is that the costs are not covered. This olive
[00:15:00] comes from diesel, these tractors run on diesel.
[00:15:04] I sold the olives for far below their cost.
[00:15:07] I mean, 100-150 kg of olives are collected, and
[00:15:11] that's already 3 billion lira. And 2 billion of
[00:15:14] that already goes to labor costs. When fertilizer,
[00:15:17] diesel, water are added, the producer's profit melts
[00:15:21] away. So, to cultivate 25 acres of olives,
[00:15:24] we spend 7000 lira. In return for 40,000 kg
[00:15:27] of produce, we get 200,000 lira. How long can we continue
[00:15:31] this job if we can't cover our costs? They write
[00:15:34] 40-50 lira for this olive in the market, but when
[00:15:38] you enter, it says 400 lira. We are the producers.
[00:15:42] For two days, purchases have been stopped by the
[00:15:46] buyers. The sieve operators and farmers, who gathered
[00:15:50] in Zeytinliova, Akhisar, closed the sieves against
[00:15:53] high expenses and low purchase prices. Olive harvesting and
[00:15:56] purchasing were stopped. Due to the very low olive prices, our
[00:16:00] brokers have closed their sieves as of tonight.
[00:16:03] The producer's demand is to abandon import-based
[00:16:06] policies. We expect the
[00:16:08] government's support, especially
[00:16:12] in trade and export. Our fate is bad, may God bring a good end
[00:16:16] to us. We said "exemplary" on our label today.
[00:16:19] Messages are pouring in from our viewers. Fuat
[00:16:23] Özhan says, "It is exemplary to tell success stories
[00:16:27] while poverty grows, it is exemplary to ignore
[00:16:30] unanswered questions while fund allegations are discussed,
[00:16:33] it is exemplary to make citizens tighten their
[00:16:37] belts and forget about accountability for those
[00:16:40] in power." Fuat Bey wrote his observations,
[00:16:44] thank you very much. Halil Şehidoğlu says, "To
[00:16:47] violate human rights is a matter for the afterlife,
[00:16:51] municipal operations are abhorrent, political transfers
[00:16:54] are shameless, successive price hikes are astonishing,
[00:16:58] if you say the scandal of the century, it's exemplary."
[00:17:01] Yaşar Arslanpay says, "Calendar pages are full
[00:17:05] of exemplary events, some good, some very,
[00:17:08] very painful times, they keep tearing off and don't
[00:17:12] end." Someone said my surname is very sweet.
[00:17:15] Thank you, let's continue then, let's see what's
[00:17:18] happening outside the borders. Now, a very big
[00:17:22] earthquake happened in Panama, it was shaken
[00:17:26] by a 7.7 magnitude earthquake at midnight,
[00:17:29] but the feared did not happen, despite this
[00:17:33] high-magnitude earthquake, there is no information
[00:17:35] yet about any loss of
[00:17:44] life. Of course, let's say get well soon, but
[00:17:48] I don't know whether to envy or emulate the fact
[00:17:51] that not even a single person lost their life.
[00:17:55] This time, the earthquake hit Central America. A
[00:17:58] 7.7 magnitude earthquake occurred in Panama on Friday.
[00:18:02] The U.S. Geological Survey announced that the earthquake,
[00:18:05] which occurred near the southern tip of Panama
[00:18:09] in the afternoon, was recorded
[00:18:14] at a depth of approximately 10 kilometers. Following
[00:18:18] the earthquake felt in the capital Panama City,
[00:18:20] a tsunami warning was
[00:18:27] issued for the region bordering the Eastern Pacific.
[00:18:30] It was stated that more than 100 aftershocks occurred
[00:18:34] after the earthquake, the largest of which was measured
[00:18:37] as 6.6.
[00:18:43] The fact that the earthquake occurred in a sparsely
[00:18:47] populated rural area prevented a major disaster. There
[00:18:50] is no information about any loss of life in
[00:18:53] the first reports from
[00:18:57] the country. It was reported that 15
[00:19:01] of the students caught in the earthquake at a
[00:19:04] school were slightly injured. After the earthquake, the
[00:19:08] situation of the Panama Canal, a critical waterway,
[00:19:11] also became a matter of curiosity. However, the
[00:19:14] Panamanian authorities announced that there was no damage
[00:19:17] to the canal and that
[00:19:23] operations continued normally. It was also announced that
[00:19:27] flights, which were stopped for a short time after
[00:19:31] the earthquake, have resumed. The exact situation regarding
[00:19:34] human and property losses in the country is expected
[00:19:37] to be determined in a short time after damage
[00:19:41] assessment studies. We continue with the protests that
[00:19:44] have been going on for days in France. Students
[00:19:48] have started to get the first concessions, but
[00:19:51] they don't seem to have any intention of backing
[00:19:54] down. Now, France is actually a country very
[00:19:57] accustomed to protests. "A country accustomed to
[00:20:01] strikes, but this time,
[00:20:02] both the crowd is different,
[00:20:15] and the fact that students are participating
[00:20:18] in these protests in very high numbers has
[00:20:21] left the government in a difficult situation. It
[00:20:25] seems like a compromise will be reached, but
[00:20:28] students said, 'We will not give up until we
[00:20:32] get exactly what we want.' They also called for a
[00:20:36] larger mass protest. France has been in turmoil for
[00:20:39] days with high school students' demonstrations. For
[00:20:42] the first time, the French government signaled a step
[00:20:45] back in the face of
[00:21:20] the demonstrations. Education Minister Edward Ceffrey
[00:21:23] promised that students' demands would be taken
[00:21:26] into account when preparing the 2027 budget in the
[00:21:30] coming days. He also stated that 300 substitute
[00:21:34] teachers would be directed to 500 high schools determined
[00:21:37] to have the most need.
[00:21:38] Minister Ceffrey also
[00:21:45] stated that more funds would be provided for teachers
[00:21:48] who want to work overtime. According to the report,
[00:21:52] since the end of September, when the protests started,
[00:21:55] close to 7,000 people, 86% of whom were minors,
[00:21:59] have been detained. While a total of 21 people,
[00:22:02] including 6 minors, were arrested, nearly 1900 people
[00:22:06] were subjected to various judicial control measures.
[00:22:09] More than a thousand people were injured in the incidents
[00:22:12] that occurred during the demonstrations. The breaking
[00:22:16] news appeared on the screen. The vote counting process
[00:22:20] of the tense fourth round has also come to an
[00:22:24] end, objections have been received, and as a result
[00:22:27] of the objections, Eyüpsultan Municipality remained with the Republican People's Party.
[00:22:31] Let me repeat, they had entered with a tie at
[00:22:34] the very end. The New
[00:22:36] Party Istanbul Provincial
[00:22:39] Chairman Özgür Çelik is speaking, let's listen. He
[00:22:41] is a very valuable person. Unfortunately, he was unjustly
[00:22:44] and unlawfully arrested
[00:23:20] and taken to Ankara from here. Today, a deputy
[00:23:23] mayor election was held here. We encountered a familiar
[00:23:27] scene again here. There were some proposals to the
[00:23:31] municipal council members, some attempts to seize
[00:23:34] the will of the people of Eyüpsultan. On March
[00:23:38] 31st, there was a 24 to 23, 23 to 14
[00:23:41] table. With that, 23 council members were elected
[00:23:45] from our lists. 14 council members were elected from
[00:23:49] the Cumhurittifakı lists. "Mr. Özgür, Mr. Özgür,
[00:23:52] can I ask this, at the same time, because the
[00:23:56] speeches are still ongoing, a conversation like this
[00:24:00] happened just now, we actually won in the third
[00:24:03] round, that's why we will submit an objection, a
[00:24:06] situation like in Üsküdar, will the same scenario
[00:24:09] happen? So, we don't know what kind of scenario
[00:24:13] we will encounter, because until today, we have
[00:24:16] won all the first deputy mayoral elections we entered,
[00:24:20] look, we also won in Üsküdar, they canceled
[00:24:23] us through illegal means in the judiciary. We
[00:24:27] won in Ataşehir, they canceled us through illegal
[00:24:31] means in the judiciary, we also won in Adalar,
[00:24:34] we also won in Bayrampaşa, we didn't lose any real
[00:24:38] election we entered, we won, then they canceled
[00:24:41] us with illegal matters. Here, a calculation is
[00:24:45] made based on simple majority, of course,
[00:24:48] simple majority here is 20, because 37
[00:24:52] municipal council members were elected here, with
[00:24:54] Mithat Bülent Özmen, the number is 38, when you
[00:24:58] divide by two, simple majority is one more
[00:25:02] than half, when you divide by two, it is
[00:25:05] 19, one more than 19 is 20, so they
[00:25:07] couldn't even reach 19 in the 3rd round,
[00:25:10] one of their votes was declared invalid in the
[00:25:14] 3rd round, they got 18 votes in the 3rd
[00:25:17] round, so they can object as much as they want
[00:25:20] based on this justification, it cannot be a reason
[00:25:23] to cancel the election. They are citing the Yüceer
[00:25:26] decision as an example, even with that decision,
[00:25:30] 19 is already required, but there are already
[00:25:34] decisions from higher courts above that decision.
[00:25:38] In this regard, in the 3rd round,
[00:25:42] any... a candidate needed to have received 20
[00:25:45] votes to win the election. The candidate of the People's
[00:25:48] Alliance received 18 votes. In the third round, our
[00:25:51] candidate received 18 votes. Therefore, a process cannot
[00:25:55] be carried out based on this. I would like to
[00:25:59] underline one more thing. And that is this: Now, for example, in
[00:26:03] these elections, some citizens naturally have questions
[00:26:06] in their minds about why the municipality is
[00:26:10] changing hands. I emphasize once again. We did
[00:26:13] not lose any of the real elections we entered.
[00:26:16] Look, we did not lose the Islands, we won
[00:26:20] the first election, we
[00:26:29] we did not lose Ataşehir, we won the first election,
[00:26:33] and after winning, these operations are carried out
[00:26:37] through the judiciary based on fabricated issues.
[00:26:40] So, think about it, they arrested two municipal
[00:26:44] council members in Üsküdar to get the number, they
[00:26:47] held the election this way, and after the election
[00:26:50] was over, they released them. Now, in municipalities,
[00:26:54] for example, in the Islands, they took one municipal
[00:26:58] council member with a midnight operation to a bureaucratic
[00:27:01] building, to a bureaucrat's apartment. They lifted the
[00:27:04] suspension letter, they allowed them to vote in exchange
[00:27:07] for their votes. But in Ataşehir, Livangür was
[00:27:10] acquitted, despite being acquitted, we write to the governorship,
[00:27:13] we get opinions from the ministry, our candidate is
[00:27:16] not returning. Therefore, everyone should know this
[00:27:20] very well, these elections are not an election between
[00:27:23] political parties.
[00:27:26] We are, unfortunately, I regret to say,
[00:27:30] conducting a process
[00:27:32] against the judiciary. So, who is this election
[00:27:36] between? Who are we competing with? First, we are
[00:27:39] competing with the judiciary, with the judiciary that detains and arrests municipal
[00:27:43] council members. Second, we are competing with the
[00:27:47] governor of Istanbul, who the members of parliament of the previous term, that is,
[00:27:50] those who took office during the previous administration, let's look at it from the perspective of
[00:27:54] the mayors in Istanbul, the deputy mayor of
[00:27:57] Ataşehir Municipality in Çekmeköy for 10 years, in the previous term before us, people are talking about
[00:28:01] he was trusted.
[00:28:10] In Şile, during the Deniz Baykal era, and in the subsequent period,
[00:28:14] someone who had served as district chairman for 50 years and has been in the party
[00:28:17] for a long time, in Beykoz, during the previous
[00:28:21] administration, he was the deputy chairman of the Youth Branch, then a district executive. We didn't find
[00:28:24] these people from outer space, our General Chairman, Mr.
[00:28:28] Özgür Özel, was elected in November
[00:28:31] 2024, at the congress in November 2024,
[00:28:34] at the congress in 2023, the candidacy process started a month later, in Ataşehir, five of
[00:28:38] he immediately found the candidacy process in his lap, so within a short period,
[00:28:41] people who had served in the party during the previous administration's term
[00:28:45] were nominated, and in this regard, we present people were made council
[00:28:48] such a process to the information of the Turkish public. We thank all of you,
[00:28:52] thank you.
[00:28:56] In Eyüpsultan, CHP won, AK Party lost,
[00:28:59] New Party Istanbul Provincial Chairman Özgür Çelik spoke, we are taking a break.
[00:29:36] Halk TV was first on 30 out of 30 days
[00:29:40] in September.
[00:29:43] Halk TV is again at the top among news channels,
[00:29:47] and it is clearly first again in September. In the all-day viewer
[00:29:51] category, Halk TV was first throughout September.
[00:29:55] In the ABC group, it was first
[00:29:58] on 30 out of 30 days,
[00:30:00] in the AB category.
[00:30:05] Good evening, I am Gökmen Karada.
[00:30:26] Welcome to Açıkça, dear viewers. The Justice and Development
[00:30:29] Party, you know, that issue that could be called
[00:30:32] a victory without an election box, from their own perspective,
[00:30:36] that is, taking over a district they couldn't win in the election
[00:30:39] in another way, well, they added another one to them.
[00:30:42] Ataşehir went to the Justice and Development Party.
[00:30:46] How did it happen, what happened, we will talk about it. In Eyüpsultan, there was an election
[00:30:49] today, the election of the acting mayor. The election
[00:30:53] in Eyüpsultan also went head-to-head in the third round or something.
[00:30:56] While wondering what was happening, in the fourth
[00:31:00] round, the municipality remained with CHP. But of course,
[00:31:03] we don't know if they will object to this result, if some decisions
[00:31:07] will come out of the court, or not, if there will be a new election
[00:31:10] there, or not, we don't know, some things. We have seen
[00:31:14] so far, will we see them again,
[00:31:17] we will address and discuss these here. Meanwhile,
[00:31:21] a prominent figure from the Justice and Development Party, Hasan
[00:31:24] Basri Yalçın, said in a broadcast,
[00:31:28] "Another metropolitan municipality is coming to us," he said, "Another metropolitan municipality is coming to us."
[00:31:31] After that, we wondered what was happening, you know, sometimes rumors
[00:31:34] about Mansur Yavaş come out, Mansur
[00:31:37] Yavaş had to make a statement once again
[00:31:41] today, who knows for the umpteenth time, denying these allegations. But
[00:31:45] he can't get rid of his name being mentioned in these allegations,
[00:31:48] he just can't get rid of it. Of course, we haven't forgotten the fund scandal either,
[00:31:52] dear viewers, look, the statement made in the fund scandal,
[00:31:55] how many people in total, how many
[00:31:59] billions of liras were swindled, very important data
[00:32:02] regarding this issue was announced, but those people
[00:32:05] are not being announced, they are just not being announced. The right to not be stained
[00:32:09] is being talked about, well, it's good, but the SPK
[00:32:12] used to announce the names of the people it had penalized
[00:32:16] due to irregularities one by one, there are many
[00:32:20] examples of this, we will show them on the broadcast tonight,
[00:32:23] so why is there such a cover-up here when there wasn't one there,
[00:32:27] why are the names not being disclosed, is this the right to not be stained,
[00:32:31] and also
[00:32:34] regarding Fatma Betül Sayankaya,
[00:32:36] look, such interesting allegations were made by a writer
[00:32:40] for Türkiye Gazetesi,
[00:32:43] such things are said to be in the file, such HTS records,
[00:32:46] and such statements are mentioned that we will also talk about them.
[00:32:49] The SPK report has also been prepared
[00:32:52] regarding Fatma Betül Sayankaya, what does the report contain,
[00:32:56] when will the report be made public? We will address all of these.
[00:32:59] With whom, of course, let me first say hello to my broadcast partner.
[00:33:03] Fikret Bila. Fikret abi, hello. Hello
[00:33:06] Gökmen, I wish you a good broadcast. I send my greetings and
[00:33:10] love to our guests and viewers. Thanks.
[00:33:13] With a remote connection.
[00:33:20] Hello, good evening, I wish you a good broadcast. Thank you.
[00:33:24] Dear viewers, soon the IYI Party Deputy Chairman Erhan
[00:33:28] Usta will be with us via remote connection. In the studio,
[00:33:31] former Minister of State Professor Doctor Ağat Andican Baraat, welcome, hocam.
[00:33:35] Welcome, I wish you a good broadcast.
[00:33:36] diliyorum.
[00:33:40] Welcome, good broadcast. Starting at 22:00,
[00:33:43] the lawyer.
[00:33:49] Now, please also write, by the way, let me mention an important issue
[00:33:52] before I start, this Ataşehir and Eyüpsultan
[00:33:55] agenda. The annulment administration targeted
[00:33:58] Halk TV. Kılıçdaroğlu, in a broadcast he participated in,
[00:34:02] in a speech, even though he did not mention
[00:34:05] Halk TV by name, it was very clear that he was referring to Halk TV.
[00:34:09] He said, "Why
[00:34:12] regarding these things, 'we
[00:34:15] applied to RTÜK, we sent our friends,
[00:34:18] they didn't do anything,'" he virtually
[00:34:21] called for censorship, he virtually seemed to want something bad to happen to the channel.
[00:34:25] Now, how does this happen, why is
[00:34:29] Kılıçdaroğlu targeting it,
[00:34:32] and what are the underlying reasons? Halk TV Board Chairman Cafer
[00:34:36] Mahiroğlu, what kind of response did he give to this,
[00:34:39] we will also discuss these tonight. Now, I will first ask my friends
[00:34:43] for numbers 9 and 10, because there are the results of today's
[00:34:47] acting mayor election in Ataşehir and Eyüp.
[00:34:51] Let's see
[00:34:54] how Ataşehir went to AKP,
[00:34:57] and how Eyüpsultan remained with CHP. Now let's look at Eyüpsultan Municipality first.
[00:35:01] The acting mayor was determined in 4 rounds,
[00:35:05] look, in the first 3 rounds, in the 3rd round, the numbers were equalized for a while,
[00:35:08] even though in Eyüpsultan municipal
[00:35:11] council, the New Party and CHP members are in the majority, the Republican Alliance
[00:35:15] is in the minority, was it 13 or 14? Despite this,
[00:35:18] in the 3rd round, there was an 18-18 situation, how did that happen? But
[00:35:36] members voted for AKP.
[00:35:39] Because looking at the numbers, there is an interesting situation.
[00:35:43] Now let's look at the other one, in Ataşehir. What happened in Ataşehir?
[00:35:46] AKP entered alone,
[00:35:50] because it said, "Enough is enough," and CHP and the New Party did not nominate candidates there,
[00:35:54] because in Ataşehir, as you know, dear viewers, Onursal
[00:35:57] Adıgüzel was arrested, right, İsmail Bey? After that, an acting mayor election
[00:36:01] was held, it was held, the brother was also arrested, that's right. After that, he
[00:36:04] also got an operation, this has no end, a single candidate
[00:36:07] entered in Ataşehir. The candidate of the People's Alliance, Serdar
[00:36:11] Orhan, got 18 votes in the first three rounds, for the first three rounds.
[00:36:14] Well, of course, that kind of arithmetic
[00:36:18] is needed. Two members who left CHP and remained independent cast blank votes.
[00:36:21] In the election, which most of the CHP Municipal Council members did not attend, Orhan
[00:36:24] was elected acting mayor
[00:36:27] in the 4th round. And how he declares victory, dear viewers, how he declares victory,
[00:36:31] he says, "I was elected mayor with the votes of the municipal council members
[00:36:34] elected by our nation,"
[00:36:37] and so on, "I was elected acting mayor." There is such a situation.
[00:36:40] In these places, what came out of the ballot box in the 2024 local
[00:36:43] elections, we will show that in a moment, but as it is,
[00:36:47] let's ask Gizem Özcan, Ms. Gizem,
[00:36:50] in the Ataşehir elections,
[00:36:53] CHP and the New Party did not nominate candidates. The New Party members.
[00:36:57] "CHP council members went to the district election board,
[00:37:00] they even had difficulty entering the district election board, there was even a scuffle there.
[00:37:04] Their purpose was this: they hung their certificates
[00:37:08] on the wall, on the wall of the district election board building, they hung their certificates.
[00:37:11] That is, they were trying to say, 'Friend, why did you give us this certificate in 2024?
[00:37:15] Here, we are hanging it on your wall.'
[00:37:17] Ms. Gizem, what was
[00:37:20] the purpose of this action, what was the message
[00:37:23] it conveyed, how did Ataşehir come to this state?
[00:37:26] What happened in the voting in Sultan,
[00:37:28] could you evaluate it for us from the perspective of the New Party?
[00:37:32] Yes, Mr. Gökmen, you actually
[00:37:35] summarized what happened, really.
[00:37:38] The situation in Ataşehir was an example of this.
[00:37:42] The hanging of the certificates was very valuable, because in Turkey,
[00:37:45] election law has been turned upside down. Why is there
[00:37:48] a Supreme Election Council, why are certificates given? Why
[00:37:52] are those periods final? Because all elections held in Turkey
[00:37:55] must be finalized, objected to within the appropriate time,
[00:37:58] and subsequently, those who take office
[00:38:02] should complete their duties during their term, but unfortunately,
[00:38:05] the situation has evolved into one where
[00:38:08] through various operations, not through the hand of law, but through a structure
[00:38:11] where politics is designed, where municipalities are managed
[00:38:15] by those without certificates, where there is a management approach
[00:38:19] in the country. So, you have actually defined the phrase
[00:38:22] "victories without ballot boxes" very correctly.
[00:38:26] "When you look today, the will of the voter that emerged from the ballot box
[00:38:29] is not prioritized, and in fact,
[00:38:33] it's not even about a small difference, look,
[00:38:36] if you were to put a ballot box in the same place today, if you were to go to the voter again,
[00:38:40] the outcome would not be different from the previous one,
[00:38:43] and we even experienced this very clearly in Istanbul before,
[00:38:46] with a difference of 13,600, when it was said
[00:38:50] that those managing Istanbul would not be allowed to manage it,
[00:38:52] this time when the election was renewed, the voter said, 'Okay, then,
[00:38:56] I will let them manage it with a difference of 806,000.'
[00:38:59] They had received a very clear answer to this before.
[00:39:02] However, in the situation we are experiencing today, we literally see
[00:39:06] that great victories have been achieved, as if what happened was legal,
[00:39:09] or rather, pretending it was legal, in a way,
[00:39:13] we are witnessing that municipalities were truly won,
[00:39:17] and that the will of the citizens there was not recognized
[00:39:20] with an understanding that a government
[00:39:23] was taken over. This is now an indicator of this.
[00:39:26] In Istanbul, Ataşehir, we experienced
[00:39:30] an example of this. The real certificate holders, the truly
[00:39:34] elected ones, those who reflect the will of the people,
[00:39:37] those who hold the power of representation, said, 'Then
[00:39:40] why did you give us these certificates?' And the citizens in the streets are asking
[00:39:43] the same thing. Now, it has come to a point, if you will,
[00:39:46] when you explained today's flow a little while ago,
[00:39:50] I thought about that. A deputy chairman of a political
[00:39:53] party makes a statement...
[00:40:05] we are forced to witness things being done, it's like in football, you know,
[00:40:09] there's a transfer season, it opens, that period is followed,
[00:40:13] what will happen, they have now moved
[00:40:16] politics away from the fact that it should be done by the elected,
[00:40:20] however, unfortunately, these actions
[00:40:23] do not benefit the country, and they also harm
[00:40:26] the administration there. And most importantly,
[00:40:29] they harm the tradition of democracy in this country, the principle of the rule of law,
[00:40:33] legal certainty, and the trust placed in election law.
[00:40:37] We, as the New Party, are fighting with all our might
[00:40:41] to preserve this. For example, in recent days,
[00:40:44] a process was experienced in İzmir, we all witnessed it.
[00:40:48] When you look today, has İzmir's will changed? That is,
[00:40:51] when a badge on a lapel changes, does the will of the people of İzmir,
[00:40:55] of the voters in İzmir, change?
[00:40:59] It has evolved to such a point that a mayor changing parties
[00:41:02] somehow creates the perception that it changes the vote
[00:41:06] given by the voters, but the anger in İzmir
[00:41:09] actually clearly shows this. Furthermore,
[00:41:13] they have evolved into an understanding that accepts
[00:41:16] a management approach that they severely criticized, that is, with words
[00:41:20] that I would refrain from uttering here,
[00:41:23] and even heavily criticized, and even, in quotation marks,
[00:41:26] called "incompetent," as legitimate
[00:41:29] and reputable by later putting a badge on it.
[00:41:33] Actually, at this point, it is clear that this
[00:41:50] cannot be governed by such
[00:41:53] structures and methods where the will of the ballot box
[00:41:55] is not recognized. As I said a little while ago,
[00:41:58] just as the people gave a clearer answer
[00:42:02] in the second election when they put the ballot box in Istanbul,
[00:42:05] they will give a much clearer answer when the ballot box comes again.
[00:42:09] IYI Party Deputy Chairman Erhan Usta
[00:42:12] is also with us via connection,
[00:42:16] via remote connection. Welcome, Erhan Bey. Welcome.
[00:42:19] Good broadcast, Mr. Gökmen, thank you. The Justice and
[00:42:23] Development Party continues to somehow
[00:42:25] incorporate countless districts,
[00:42:29] even metropolitan municipalities,
[00:42:32] that it could not win in the 2024 local elections.
[00:42:35] One of the examples was experienced today.
[00:42:39] a significant figure
[00:42:46] finally said, "Wait," he said, "another metropolitan municipality is coming."
[00:42:49] So, as Ms. Gizem
[00:42:51] said a little while ago, you know, during the transfer
[00:42:54] season, news like this comes out about clubs,
[00:42:58] "Oh, we're getting a really good player," and so on, has it come to this?
[00:43:01] Does the Justice and Development
[00:43:04] Party no longer feel any discomfort about this?
[00:43:08] How did it come to this? What will this
[00:43:10] bring?
[00:43:15] Erhan Bey, I asked you.
[00:43:17] Yes. I mean, this is something that cannot be accepted, to be honest,
[00:43:21] this is a great disrespect to the will of the voters.
[00:43:24] By using the law a little, from its edges and corners,
[00:43:28] Turkey has actually become a regime of forcibly
[00:43:31] taking what people did not give, what they did not choose.
[00:43:34] For example, in the past, when such things were discussed,
[00:43:37] a little.
[00:43:49] it's treated as if it's very normal, just as you said, as if they are transferring football players.
[00:43:53] We don't know what kind of treatment they are applying to mayors anymore,
[00:43:57] whether they are being threatened or what, whether people are being intimidated.
[00:44:00] Such transfers are being made, and everywhere they take over,
[00:44:04] they shout victory cries.
[00:44:07] "These are truly unacceptable,
[00:44:10] Turkish democracy does not deserve this,
[00:44:14] and I think the nation will eventually punish
[00:44:17] this, or rather, it should. I mean, it really shouldn't happen,
[00:44:21] my nation must protect its own will,
[00:44:25] and I hope it will do so in the next election,
[00:44:28] it will protect this will, because
[00:44:32] it has really started to become very, very disturbing. Well, we have been disturbed from the beginning,
[00:44:36] but I see that even ordinary citizens are saying, 'This is too much,'
[00:44:39] so let's see what happens,
[00:44:42] but now, the balance is lost everywhere
[00:44:46] in Turkey, Mr. Gökmen, the balance is lost.
[00:44:49] Everything that is abnormal
[00:44:52] has started to become normal in Turkey, because, of course,
[00:44:55] all institutions have been taken over, and by institutions,
[00:44:59] I don't mean public institutions, I mean from the media
[00:45:02] to NGOs, parliament has become ineffective,
[00:45:05] there is no judiciary, no security. "That is, security units have become ineffective,
[00:45:09] and right now, the one-man regime is
[00:45:13] not just as a one-man or
[00:45:17] with the people around him, but we are facing a situation
[00:45:20] that normalizes everything. For example, we will talk about
[00:45:23] the fund issue in a bit, we see the same thing here.
[00:45:27] I mean, do you see them having any reservations or anything?
[00:45:30] We don't. I mean, people should be a little ashamed, embarrassed. I mean,
[00:45:34] because on the political side, there are AK Party members,
[00:45:38] on the bureaucracy side, there are AK Party members." "In the private sector, there are AK Party members,
[00:45:42] so many of them, and robbing the nation, what they are doing
[00:45:45] is forming an organized crime group and robbing the nation, but no one is even
[00:45:49] hesitant about it, they act very brazenly, as if nothing is happening, so
[00:45:52] Turkey does not deserve
[00:45:56] these things. I hope the nation will see this and
[00:45:59] teach them a lesson in the first election,
[00:46:02] I think, I want to think so. Okay, friends, let's bring up visual number 7.
[00:46:06] So, this time, Ataşehir
[00:46:10] went to the party. Well, there was a local election in 2024,
[00:46:13] ballot boxes were set up, people voted, Ataşehir residents
[00:46:17] also voted, what was the result there? Onursal
[00:46:20] Adıgüzel, the CHP candidate, received over 56%
[00:46:23] of the votes, 56.38% of the votes
[00:46:26] in the mayoral election. The Justice and Development
[00:46:30] Party candidate received around 35% of the votes, so there is a 20-point difference,
[00:46:33] over 20% difference.
[00:46:37] What happened to the votes of hundreds of thousands of Ataşehir residents?
[00:46:41] Now, in Ataşehir,
[00:46:44] in the council election results, the situation was like this: CHP again
[00:46:47] got 53.92%, meaning Onursal Adıgüzel himself
[00:46:50] got 56.38%. CHP itself also got
[00:46:53] 53.92%, meaning 54%. The Justice and Development
[00:46:57] Party got over 34%
[00:46:59] of the votes. What happened? Now Ataşehir
[00:47:03] went to the Justice and Development Party. Eyüpsultan, look, Eyüpsultan
[00:47:07] was won by CHP there after a long time.
[00:47:10] Bülent Özmen received over 48%
[00:47:13] of the votes. The Justice and Development Party candidate
[00:47:16] received over 41% of the votes. In the council
[00:47:19] election, CHP got 47.4%. The Justice and
[00:47:22] Development Party got 33% of the votes. So, Eyüpsultan
[00:47:26] remained with CHP, but we don't know, we don't know.
[00:47:30] Before, Üsküdar too, right, İsmail Emritelci?
[00:47:34] In Üsküdar, there was such a situation, then they went,
[00:47:37] they objected, was a stay of execution given? Actually, a new election decision
[00:47:41] was not given there either, I guess. It was like this: first a stay of execution
[00:47:44] was given, uh-huh. And then,
[00:47:48] immediately, an election decision was made.
[00:47:51] That is, they didn't allow it to be managed any longer, that's what I'm trying to say.
[00:47:55] For example, in Bayrampaşa, there was an annulment before, you remember,
[00:47:59] a stay of execution decision was not given there, but now,
[00:48:02] because they have no tolerance for even losing a minute,
[00:48:05] here too, they gave a stay of execution
[00:48:08] decision, and immediately after that, they also set
[00:48:12] the election and immediately held the election, yes.
[00:48:15] Özgür Çelik, Istanbul Provincial Chairman Özgür Çelik, announced names today.
[00:48:18] That is, Fatih Evliya.
[00:48:39] the two independent members also participated in the election today so that the election could be held,
[00:48:42] because if there was no simple majority, the election could not be held.
[00:48:46] They participated in the election
[00:49:02] And it was also very correct,
[00:49:06] because this illegitimate structure, these illegitimate
[00:49:10] acts should not have been recognized,
[00:49:13] and we did not recognize them. But the elected acting mayor
[00:49:17] also came to the podium and made such an absurd speech,
[00:49:21] "We took authority from the will of the nation, we took authority from them," something like that.
[00:49:24] Good luck to him, we wish him success,
[00:49:27] but what is done with these illegitimate election methods, illegitimate
[00:49:31] methods, illegal methods,
[00:49:34] everything is recorded, noted,
[00:49:37] because why? I mean, one must say this: first of all,
[00:49:41] none of these actions are legal. Now I understand that
[00:49:44] they want to set up a ballot box, they are in search of legitimacy,
[00:49:46] because they know it doesn't exist,
[00:49:49] they know it doesn't exist. They say, "We somehow
[00:49:52] persuade municipal council members and somehow
[00:49:56] get them to join our ranks and vote for us." They are so ashamed of
[00:50:00] what they do, so shameful is it
[00:50:03] that in all these districts, in the voting that took place,
[00:50:07] these people don't even show their colors in the first two rounds,
[00:50:11] look, they don't even show their colors. This is what we experienced in Eyüpsultan today.
[00:50:15] Remember the previous district elections, the same thing happened
[00:50:18] in Üsküdar in the first election, they didn't show their colors at all in the first two rounds,
[00:50:22] they voted in the third round. They showed their colors and voted. May I interject and remind
[00:50:25] you in which round how many in Sultan?
[00:50:28] In the first round, 37 members vote, yes.
[00:50:32] The candidate of the CHP New
[00:50:36] Party gets 21 votes.
[00:50:39] The candidate of the AKP MHP gets 15 votes,
[00:50:41] Çakır. Then in the second round, Çakır gets 16 votes.
[00:50:45] Cafer Parlak gets 21.
[00:50:49] In the third round, yes, they both get 18-18 votes.
[00:50:52] So, Cafer Parlak and Muhammet Çakır suddenly get equal votes. How does that happen?
[00:50:56] I mean, it means someone inside was
[00:50:59] agreed with. I'll get to that at the very end. And they were
[00:51:03] told, "Don't ever show your colors in the first two rounds." Actually, if you ask me, this is a bit of a
[00:51:07] psychopathic attitude. I mean, if you
[00:51:10] have the power in the election, you can show it in the first round.
[00:51:14] There's no need to be shy about it. I don't understand if they enjoy this, anyway,
[00:51:18] in the third round, but suddenly you see 18-18.
[00:51:21] Now, of course, this is an interesting case, but I want to get to the point
[00:51:24] I mentioned at the beginning, look, these are illegal acts, do you know why?
[00:51:28] Because in such elections, what is essential, especially in these
[00:51:31] municipal council elections, like for deputy mayor,
[00:51:35] secret ballot, I mean, your vote, that is, individual, not indicative,
[00:51:38] where your vote is supposed to be secret, in those votes,
[00:51:41] free will and not being under pressure
[00:51:44] are absolute. Now, you say
[00:51:48] very clearly, for example, suddenly,
[00:51:51] 3 members, 4 from somewhere, change sides. I mean, for example, is there something
[00:51:55] these friends are afraid of? Why don't
[00:51:58] they openly state their votes? Look, for example, in the incidents
[00:52:02] in Ataşehir, at least
[00:52:50] "They will ruin me, I have a disabled daughter,
[00:52:54] how will my wife take care of her?" He made a statement openly.
[00:52:57] Özgür Çelik also openly said this,
[00:53:01] so we even have 50 witnesses that this
[00:53:04] person said these things. I know this because I personally gave a statement.
[00:53:08] I personally gave a statement, and we told the prosecutor that we have 50 witnesses. For example,
[00:53:11] it is clear that there was pressure here, that pressure was applied.
[00:53:15] Now, how will we talk about this being a legal process?
[00:53:18] None of these are legal processes. In particular,
[00:53:21] today, the same situation happened in Eyüpsultan. People who hid themselves in the first two rounds
[00:53:25] suddenly say in the third round, "We decided to vote for the AKP."
[00:53:29] This is clearly not normal,
[00:53:33] not legal.
[00:53:35] It is clear that these people are somehow under pressure,
[00:53:39] that they did not vote with their free will.
[00:53:42] Now, after this work has reached this stage,
[00:53:46] we cannot legitimize these,
[00:53:48] we cannot normalize them. And in Ataşehir, by going
[00:53:52] to the district election board and pasting the election certificates on that wall,
[00:53:56] I think the real meaning of this is, "Nothing will come of the certificates you have given."
[00:53:59] It is said that fair elections in this country
[00:54:03] no longer have any meaning. "Yes, yes, fair elections here have no
[00:54:07] meaning. The ballot box has become
[00:54:10] meaningless. What will happen if you vote 90%
[00:54:14] at the ballot box? The elected person, the elected
[00:54:17] person, in a way, and I am using "in a way" specifically,
[00:54:21] after being convinced in a way, what is the point of going
[00:54:24] to the election, what is the point of giving these certificates,
[00:54:27] therefore, citizens should know
[00:54:30] that the era of fair and free elections in Turkey
[00:54:33] is over. "If it continues like this,
[00:54:37] it is over. It is over, the ballot box has no
[00:54:40] meaning. The aim of the government is for citizens to participate
[00:54:44] in those ballot boxes
[00:54:46] that are placed formally, to participate in a way
[00:54:50] and vote. What the citizen
[00:54:53] chooses has no importance, because in previous
[00:54:56] events we experienced,
[00:54:59] these came out very clearly. Yes, for example, Hasan Muttu came out and said
[00:55:03] that it was announced. The general chairman announced, the provincial chairman
[00:55:06] announced, and said, "If I don't pass, they will arrest me."
[00:55:10] He didn't pass, he was arrested. The same thing happened to Sinem Dedetaş in Üsküdar.
[00:55:13] In Ataşehir, the same thing happened to Murat Güneş.
[00:55:17] Didn't they tell Murat Güneş that a message wasn't sent?
[00:55:20] "If you don't choose your side, an operation will come against you."
[00:55:24] The child, I apologize for saying child, but it's just a
[00:55:27] figure of speech. The Deputy Chairman made an open statement.
[00:55:31] What did he say? "Sovereignty unconditionally belongs to the nation."
[00:55:35] And so on, these statements were not made in vain, and
[00:55:38] indeed, the expected end came, the operation was carried out,
[00:55:41] it was carried out for very funny reasons, Murat Biniş was arrested with a secret
[00:55:45] witness statement, and a new election was held. Now, in Turkey,
[00:55:48] every kind of action is being taken to prevent us from believing in
[00:55:52] fair and free elections, to prevent us from participating
[00:55:55] in fair and free elections. We need to stand against this. Yes, let's not forget
[00:55:59] Fatma Kaplan Hürriyet. Of course, it's the same thing, we have
[00:56:03] so many examples.
[00:56:08] This woman bravely accepted to go to prison
[00:56:11] in politics. I'm very sorry, professor, professor, I'm very sorry.
[00:56:15] Examples are always given, these rotten apples are given as examples,
[00:56:19] those who change sides, etc. We have dozens of our comrades
[00:56:22] who are honorably in prison. We need to highlight them. I need to say that,
[00:56:26] Professor Ahat, well, now
[00:56:29] it's gone to Ataşehir, I don't know if they will object to Eyüpsultan tomorrow or not.
[00:56:33] There are some additional transfers or some
[00:56:37] arrests, but it's like, you know,
[00:56:40] derler ya gözün parmağına sokar gibi artık yani çok
[00:56:43] açık değil mi çok açık yapılmıyor mu bundan hiç mi imtina
[00:56:47] edilmiyor hasan basrıyalçın diyor ki bekleyin diyor ya müjde veriyorum
[00:56:51] diyor der gibi adeta bir bir büyükşehir daha gelecek
[00:56:54] diyor sevgili Gökmen Karadağ bu
[00:56:57] Ataşehir olayı ve Eüp olayı bugün
[00:57:01] geçen günlerde Üsküdar daha önce Adalar vesaire İstanbul.
[00:57:05] özelinde söylüyorum ama İzmir vesaire gibi bir
[00:57:08] büyük şehir de dahil olmak üzere Adalet ve Kalkınma
[00:57:11] Partisi saflarına transfer edilmesi meselesi. Bu
[00:57:15] mesele aslında bir eee. Adalet ve kalkınma partisi
[00:57:18] yani iktidar tarafından uygulanan
[00:57:22] büyük bir stratejinin parçaları, bunlar taktik
[00:57:25] hamleler, taktik hamleler
[00:57:28] ama asıl bir strateji var, nedir
[00:57:31] o? 2019 seçimlerinde işte
[00:57:35] İstanbul'u vesaire, Ankara'yı vesaireyi kaybetmiş
[00:57:38] olmayı bir yol kazası olarak tanımlamıştı o
[00:57:41] dönemde Sayın Cumhurbaşkanı, yani
[00:57:44] normalde olmayacak bir şey yol kazası. Bunu önümüzdeki
[00:57:48] seçimlerde nasusa alacağız şeklinde bir
[00:57:51] eee deklarasyonda bulundu. Daha sonra
[00:57:54] yapılan seçimlerde, yani 2023 eee
[00:57:57] seçimlerinde milli irade milli irade diye biliyorsunuz
[00:58:01] çok üzerinde dururlar. Milli irade
[00:58:04] sonuçta Cumhur İttifakı'na yani
[00:58:08] Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'ne iktidarı verdi.
[00:58:11] Cumhurbaşkanına da o partinin genel başkanı, cumhurbaşkanı
[00:58:15] seçildi. Ama yerel. yönetimlerde
[00:58:18] ise halkın teveccü ve
[00:58:21] yaklaşımı o yol kazası diye
[00:58:24] tanımlanarak küçümsenmeye çalışılan hadisenin
[00:58:27] aslında öyle olmadığı, yol kazası
[00:58:30] olmadığı, aksine ona doğru inşa
[00:58:33] edilen halk tarafından, millet tarafından geniş
[00:58:36] bir yol olduğu ortaya çıktı ve eee yerel
[00:58:40] yönetimlerde iktidar bir anlamda eee
[00:58:44] cumhuriyet halk partisi'ne, muhalefete daha doğrusu verildi.
[00:58:47] "muhalefete verildi, şimdi yine her zaman
[00:58:51] söylüyoruz, hatırlatıyoruz, daha doğrusu Sayın cumhurbaşkanının
[00:58:54] bu belediyeleri silkeleyin
[00:58:57] ifadesiyle beraber başlayan bir strateji var, bu
[00:59:00] stratejinin demin söylediğim gibi parçalarıyla şahit
[00:59:04] oluyoruz, ben şimdi şu görüşe katılmıyorum,
[00:59:07] yani bundan bir eee
[00:59:11] böyle meşruiyet arayışındalar,
[00:59:13] bundan utanıyorlar gizli gizli filan, böyle bir şey yok."
[00:59:18] "Bu tamamen makiyalist bir yaklaşım, amaca
[00:59:22] giden her yol mübahtır, yeter
[00:59:24] ki amaç gerçekleştirilebilsin
[00:59:28] ve amaca ulaşılabilsin, daha doğrusu, şu anda uygulanan
[00:59:32] strateji bu ve her bölgeye göre
[00:59:35] o bölgenin özelinde belediye
[00:59:38] meclis üyeleri üzerinden, belediye eee başkanı üzerinden,
[00:59:42] belediye başkan vekilleri üzerinden eğer başkan bir şekilde
[00:59:45] uzaklaştırılmışsa vesaire."
[00:59:48] ciddi bir şey politikası uygulanıyor ve bu
[00:59:51] belediye meclis tabii belediye meclis üyelerinin
[00:59:55] üzerine uygulanan politikanın baskı
[00:59:57] politikalarının bu kadar başarılı olmasını da bir anlamda
[01:00:01] butlan politikasıyla butlan
[01:00:04] eee yani Türk dünya hukukunda
[01:00:07] Türk hukukunda olmayan eee Butlan uygulamasıyla
[01:00:11] cumhuriyet Halk Partisi'ni geçmiş dönemin Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi'ni yerel
[01:00:15] yönetimlerde başarılı olmuş. i
[01:00:18] ikiye bölmek suretiyle bir anlamda ve
[01:00:21] bu belediye meclis üyelerinde de benzer bir
[01:00:25] süreci yaşatmak sonucu şimdi
[01:00:28] rahatlıkla transfer etme sürecini
[01:00:31] yaşatabiliyorlar
[01:00:33] uygulayabiliyorlar ve bunlarda bundan bir rahatsızlık falan
[01:00:37] duymadıklarından kesinlikle eminim çünkü bir
[01:00:40] meşruiyet arayışı olsa bir rahatsızlık olsa eee Üsküdar'daki
[01:00:44] hadiseyi hatırlayın yani neyle açık?
[01:00:47] Ebilirsiniz. Tutukluyorsunuz.
[01:00:50] Oylamadan sonra serbest bırakıyorsunuz. Demek ki bunlar suçlu
[01:00:54] değildi. Bunlar aslında o iddia
[01:00:57] edildiği gibi, yargının eee ifade
[01:01:00] etmeye çalıştığı gibi. Bu tutukladıkları şahıslar,
[01:01:04] bir hanımefendi, bir eee beyefendi arkadaş,
[01:01:07] bunlar şey değildi, suçlu falan değildi. Herhangi bir şeyleri de
[01:01:10] yoktu. Ama sırf seçimlerde oy
[01:01:13] kullanamasınlar diye gözaltına
[01:01:16] aldılar. da serbest bıraktılar, bundan daha büyük
[01:01:19] bir eee nasıl söyleyeyim,
[01:01:23] meşruiyet arayışı olmadığını
[01:01:26] gösteren hı hı bir şey olabilir mi? yani yargı bir
[01:01:29] anlamda artık Türkiye'de yerel yönetimlerde de
[01:01:33] belki önümüzde genel yönetim, genel eee seçimlerde
[01:01:36] de artık siyaset yargının
[01:01:39] çerçevelediği alan içerisinde yürüyor, iktidarın
[01:01:43] gösterdiği, iktidarın işaret ettiği ama
[01:01:46] yargının şekillendirdiği alan
[01:01:49] içerisinde devam ediyor maalesef, maalesef ve
[01:01:52] giderek de artacak. Şimdi bu olaylar bu büyük stratejinin bir
[01:01:56] parçasıdır dedim. O strateji tabii büyük şehirleri almayı
[01:02:00] amaçlıyor, büyük şehirleri almayı
[01:02:02] amaçlıyor. İzmir'de başarılı oldu.
[01:02:06] Burada da daha önce de konuşmuştuk burada, haftalar önce, belki aylar
[01:02:10] önce konuşmuştuk. IBB'nin asıl hedef olduğu söyleniyor. IBB'ni asıl hedef olduğu
[01:02:13] söl hedefin IBB olduğunu ve IBB'yi almak
[01:02:17] için. bu girişimlerin yapıldığını
[01:02:20] söylemiştim, aynı görüşüm, görüşteyim ve
[01:02:23] ona devam ediyor, bunlar tek tek başlarına alındıklarında
[01:02:27] işte Ataşehir diye tartışılabilir. diye
[01:02:30] tartışılabilir ama asıl amaç eee
[01:02:33] IBB'yi almak şimdi bir an için düşünün
[01:02:36] IBB'yi almış İzmir İstanbul'a almış yani İzmir'i almış
[01:02:40] belki gelecekte Adana'yı almış bilmem Mersin'e almış
[01:02:43] falan yani böyle bir iktidar
[01:02:47] diyorsunuz ki veya elden tabii elden başka bir şey
[01:02:51] de gelmiyor bunu ifade etmekten başka yani
[01:02:54] orada yönetimlerin daha doğrusu belediyelerin Adalet ve
[01:02:57] kalkınma partisi'ne geçmesiyle. ilk
[01:03:00] seçimde
[01:03:05] çok daha farklı bir şey verebilecek ama
[01:03:08] o ara dönemde ara dönemde birkaç şey
[01:03:12] gerçekleştirilebilecek: bir bu büyükşehirlerin ciddi
[01:03:15] manada potansiyeli, ciddi
[01:03:18] manada birikimi, ciddi manada işte vergisinden
[01:03:22] tutun bilmem neyine kadar, her şey, her şey bir anlamda
[01:03:25] iktidara hizmet edecek yöne çevrilecek, bu
[01:03:28] bir ikinci. isi bu uygulamalar bu uygulamalar
[01:03:32] biraz önce İsmail eee kardeşimin söylediği gibi
[01:03:36] vatandaşta yahu biz
[01:03:39] yani ona oy versek de istediğimizi seçsek
[01:03:42] de bunlar hiç önemli
[01:03:45] değil yani sandığa giden
[01:03:48] sandıktan bir şekilde bir şeyler bekleyen değişimi sandıkta
[01:03:52] bekleyen ve buna potansiyalize olan buna
[01:03:55] kendini hazırlayan vatandaşların da büyük bölümünü
[01:03:58] sandıktan uzaklaştır. ama imkanını ve şansını
[01:04:02] yakalıyor iktidar böylece. bir başka boyutu da şu,
[01:04:06] daha önce de burada ifade etmiştim, bu şekilde
[01:04:09] belediyeleri hiçbir, yani
[01:04:12] çoğu yerde herhangi bir suçlama Bahapsarde olduğu
[01:04:16] gibi, yani ortada somut bir suçlama dahi
[01:04:19] yok, suçlama dahi yok, ama
[01:04:22] rahatlıkla onu gözaltına alıp tutuklayabiliyorsunuz,
[01:04:26] bu diğer muhalefet belediyeleri için de
[01:04:29] sadece... eee cumhuriyet halk yeni parti veya cumhuriyet halk partisi belediyeleri için
[01:04:33] değil diğer eee partilerin de belediyeleri için şöyle
[01:04:37] bir korku oluşturuyor, yarın bir gün bana da sıra
[01:04:40] gelir mi? sonuçta ufak
[01:04:43] bir sorunu olan yani yönetiminde bir
[01:04:47] eee yani
[01:04:50] belki usul hatası olan belediye başkanları
[01:04:53] bile imkan bulursa AKP'ye
[01:04:56] geçmek için yollar aramaya başlıyorlar ki nitekim şahit.
[01:05:08] çalışma var, yani parlamento aritmetiğini kendi
[01:05:11] istedikleri, biraz önce söylediğim makeevelist
[01:05:14] yöntemlerle kendi istedikleri amaca ulaşmak açısından
[01:05:17] işte anayasa değişikliğinden tutun da
[01:05:20] yeniden seçimde cumhurbaşkanının aday olabilmesine
[01:05:24] varıncaya kadar bunlara da imkan sağlama
[01:05:27] arayışı var yani bu süreçte. yani genel seçime de bu
[01:05:31] süreç devam edecek, genel seçime bu belediyeleri ele geçirmiş bir
[01:05:35] şekilde eee gidecek, o imkanları
[01:05:39] belediyeleri ele geçirmiş durumda olacak, ama
[01:05:42] ele geçirmediği belediyelerde de bir anlamda paralize
[01:05:45] ettiği yani dondurduğu, çalışmalarını
[01:05:48] büyük ölçüde eee durdurduğu belediyelerde
[01:05:52] de böyle bir eee olumsuz halka karşı daha
[01:05:56] doğrusu halkta böyle ya beklentilerimizi de eee
[01:05:59] karşılayamıyor. falan diye böyle bir soğuma, böyle bir
[01:06:03] olumsuz algı, istenilen ve araştırılan şeyler
[01:06:06] bunlar gibi görünüyor, bu strateji maalesef seçimlere
[01:06:10] kadar da devam edecek gibi görünüyor, evet eee
[01:06:13] bir eee son dakika gelişmesi olarak verdiğimiz bir haber
[01:06:17] var, sayın seyirciler, İstanbul'da Koşuyolu yüksek ihtisas
[01:06:21] Eğitim ve araştırma Hastanesi'nde yangın çıktı, hastalar
[01:06:24] tahliye ediliyor eee
[01:06:27] ve eee ihbar üzerine olay yerine itfaiye. ekipleri sevk
[01:06:30] edildi eee yangına müdahalesi sürüyor
[01:06:34] ekiplerin eee çok bilinen bir hastane burası
[01:06:38] İstanbul'da eee hastalar tahliye ediliyor e bununla
[01:06:41] ilgili bir yandan son dakika bilgisi olarak
[01:06:44] arkadaşlarımız o bilgiyi verdi ekranın altından şu anda da
[01:06:48] görüntüleri görüyorsunuz yangına müdahale eee
[01:06:51] görüntülerini görüyorsunuz İstanbul'da Koşuyolu yüksek ihtisas
[01:06:55] Eğitim ve araştırma Hastanesinde yangın
[01:06:57] çıktı eee önemli de eee bir yer büyükte bir yer hastalar
[01:07:01] tahliye ediliyor bir son dakika gelişmesi olarak
[01:07:04] duyuruyoruz yan tarafı da hasta hani Lütfi Kırdır hastanesi
[01:07:08] bayağı büyük bir kompleks orası büyük bir alan yani
[01:07:12] görebildiğimiz bu bunun ötesinde herhangi
[01:07:14] bir sahip olmadığımız ayrıntı bilgi
[01:07:17] aktarmak da istemiyoruz şu an aktarabileceklerimiz sadece
[01:07:20] these are the only things we can convey. The fire intervention continues,
[01:07:24] patients are being evacuated. We will convey new developments
[01:07:27] and information to you, dear viewers.
[01:07:30] Will you say something? Can I make an addition so there's no
[01:07:33] misunderstanding? Now, the professor said they are not legitimate. I said
[01:07:37] that for this reason, professor: now, the person
[01:07:41] elected as the deputy mayor of Ataşehir made a statement and said,
[01:07:44] "We were elected by those who have authority from Ataşehir."
[01:07:48] But there is a need for a justification somewhere. We know that they didn't
[01:07:51] elect you there, Erdoğan elected you there. If you're going to thank
[01:07:54] someone, go thank Erdoğan. They have no say. I was trying
[01:07:58] there is a group
[01:08:02] trying to play at being pro-ballot-box and pro-democracy.
[01:08:05] I wanted to point out that this is not the case. Now, Fikret
[01:08:09] brother. First, I have a question about Mansur Yavaş,
[01:08:12] but I will ask for your comment on Kılıçdaroğlu's targeting of Hak TV.
[01:08:16] The reason I'm keeping the Mansur Yavaş part short is this, dear viewers:
[01:08:19] Mansur Yavaş is tired of denying things, he's tired.
[01:08:23] I mean, this time too, Hasan Basri Yalçın,
[01:08:26] when he participated in a television program, said,
[01:08:30] "Another metropolitan municipality is coming." He said, "Another metropolitan
[01:08:33] municipality is coming." "What exactly did the AKP deputy chairman
[01:08:36] say? He said, "Let's not name names, but there is
[01:08:39] a metropolitan municipality in line. We hope to see it very soon.
[01:08:43] Our President also said the door is open.
[01:08:46] He said, "We are waiting." Now,
[01:08:49] some people probably wondered if this was about Mansur Yavaş,
[01:08:52] so Mansur Yavaş had to make another denial.
[01:08:56] Yes, yes, Gökben, now when the news was made that
[01:08:59] another metropolitan mayor would join the AK Party,
[01:09:03] these comments that the Mayor of Ankara Metropolitan
[01:09:07] Municipality, Mansur Yavaş, was being referred to,
[01:09:10] became widespread.
[01:09:12] Since Mansur Yavaş resigned from the CHP a short while ago,
[01:09:16] there was a perception that the person
[01:09:19] who would join the AK Party was Mansur Yavaş.
[01:09:23] So, Mr. Mansur Yavaş, as he had done before,
[01:09:26] thinking that he was being targeted and indicated,
[01:09:30] made another statement and denied it.
[01:09:34] I mean, he again said that
[01:09:37] he would not join the AK Party, and that he had previously considered
[01:09:41] joining another party.
[01:09:54] First, Mr. Mansur Yavaş being a politician with MHP roots,
[01:09:58] coming from MHP to CHP, he is a name
[01:10:00] who came to CHP from the right wing. Second,
[01:10:03] why did he resign from CHP?
[01:10:06] Did he resign to join the AK Party?
[01:10:09] Such comments are being made, because Mr. Mansur Yavaş
[01:10:13] did not join the new party either. Usually, those who leave
[01:10:17] CHP joined the new party,
[01:10:20] the mayors, but since Mr. Mansur Yavaş
[01:10:24] did not join the new party, comments increased about whether
[01:10:28] he would go to the AK Party. When these comments became widespread,
[01:10:32] Mr. Mansur Yavaş had to make another statement,
[01:10:36] and he again said, "I will not join the AK Party,"
[01:10:39] even though he had previously considered joining another party.
[01:10:45] Which metropolitan area did he mean? Is such a thing being discussed
[01:10:49] in Ankara's political circles? Yes, I haven't heard of another
[01:10:53] metropolitan mayor in Ankara being mentioned. This news was always attributed
[01:10:56] to Mansur Yavaş. I haven't read or heard the name
[01:10:59] of another metropolitan CHP mayor. We can say this very easily.
[01:11:03] Well, dear viewers, soon
[01:11:06] we will move on to the issue of the fund fraud.
[01:11:09] He prepared and sent a report about it.
[01:11:17] What is in the report? Turkey Newspaper writer himself
[01:11:20] wrote, "The prosecutor has a lot more
[01:11:23] on Fatma Betül Sayankaya," he said. "HTS records,
[01:11:26] this and that." What are those?
[01:11:30] We will talk about them. Akıngürlek made a statement,
[01:11:33] "How many people in total, how many billion Turkish Lira in total
[01:11:36] gained from this?" He is waiting for it to be announced
[01:11:40] in the new party. What will happen? Will it be announced?
[01:11:43] Who are those people? How much money have they earned?
[01:11:47] We will talk about all these, but
[01:11:49] all these facts about Turkey's agenda,
[01:11:53] Halk TV, which you watch with great appreciation,
[01:11:57] this screen, this screen,
[01:11:59] Kılıçdaroğlu targeted
[01:12:02] this screen. Kılıçdaroğlu targeted
[01:12:05] Halk TV, and with what words?
[01:12:08] Look, I'll give you those words, and then, friends, I'll ask for
[01:12:12] visual number two from you. Cafer Mahiroğlu's
[01:12:16] share. Now he says this:
[01:12:19] Kılıçdaroğlu says, "Why doesn't the owner of Halk
[01:12:23] TV come to Turkey? In which country
[01:12:25] in the world is there a television channel whose owner is in a foreign country
[01:12:29] and broadcasts in his own country? It broadcasts fake news 24 hours
[01:12:32] a day. You will give correct
[01:12:35] news." First, Cafer Mahiroğlu
[01:12:38] has repeatedly explained this to the public.
[01:12:42] Due to an accusation that ended up in the file,
[01:12:46] his name was implicated, and he is abroad.
[01:12:49] Moreover, it's not just for this reason, he spent a significant
[01:12:53] and long period of his business life in England.
[01:12:56] Now he says, "You broadcast fake news 24 hours a day,
[01:13:00] you will give correct news." Dear viewers,
[01:13:03] for God's sake, among news channels, most of the time,
[01:13:07] both throughout the day and in the most watched time slot, Halk TV
[01:13:11] often, sometimes for a whole month, comes first,
[01:13:14] it comes first in viewership ratings.
[01:13:17] For God's sake, write, I mean, do you watch us because
[01:13:21] we broadcast fake news 24 hours a day? Why do you watch us? Look, Kılıçdaroğlu
[01:13:25] says this. Butlan management, our friends
[01:13:28] reported this as a lie to RTÜK. Look, this is even more critical,
[01:13:31] because here, who exactly went, who went?
[01:13:35] Who are your friends? What did they go and
[01:13:38] say? Did they request something about Halk TV?
[01:13:42] RTÜK also wrote a letter saying it's not
[01:13:45] within our area of responsibility. This is clearly
[01:13:49] targeting, this is clearly targeting, and it is an open call
[01:13:52] to the public for some institutions to take advantage of the situation.
[01:13:56] Excuse me, what do you want them to do, Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu?
[01:14:00] What should they do?
[01:14:03] Should they shut it down? Should they revoke its license?
[01:14:07] Should they darken this screen?
[01:14:09] So, what about the millions of viewers who watch us every
[01:14:13] day, every evening, and who often, and sometimes for a whole month,
[01:14:16] put us in first place among news channels? What will they think
[01:14:20] about your call? "If something happens to this channel,
[01:14:24] if something happens to this screen, how will you account
[01:14:27] to those millions of viewers? What will you tell
[01:14:30] them?" The Chairman of the Board,
[01:14:33] Cafer Mahiroğlu, shared a tweet about this. "Mr. Butlan
[01:14:37] Kılıçdaroğlu has again targeted Halk TV and me personally.
[01:14:40] The situation of a person who sat in Atatürk's chair for 13 years,
[01:14:43] lost an election in a democratic congress, is nearly 80 years
[01:14:47] old, and served as the Chairman of a deeply rooted Republican institution
[01:14:50] like the CHP is a lesson. In a way unprecedented
[01:15:10] and trolls in his office, where it's unknown who pays his rent
[01:15:13] and from where, has the audacity to target
[01:15:16] me and Halk TV. Today, I will only say one thing:
[01:15:19] you are the most unfortunate event
[01:15:22] to ever happen to Turkish politics." Cafer
[01:15:26] Mahiroğlu made this post.
[01:15:28] Fikret brother, you know,
[01:15:32] yesterday or the day before yesterday, the MHP deputy chairman
[01:15:36] said, "The licenses of Sözcü
[01:15:38] and HKTV should be reviewed." Now,
[01:15:41] now Kılıçdaroğlu also says this.
[01:15:44] Isn't this a request for censorship?
[01:15:46] Isn't this a request
[01:15:49] to silence a channel? This social
[01:15:52] democrat? These are very unfair criticisms. I have been
[01:16:02] making programs on Halk TV for many years
[01:16:06] and writing articles, and I am a frequent contributor.
[01:16:10] It needs to be reminded to Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu
[01:16:14] that when he was the chairman of the CHP, in the old CHP,
[01:16:16] Halk TV was one of the channels that reported the most accurate
[01:16:20] and most news about the CHP. Halk TV
[01:16:23] itself, because it does real journalism
[01:16:27] and does not publish under the guidance of the government
[01:16:30] or the opposition. target, meaning
[01:16:34] heavy fines are imposed on Halk TV at every opportunity. You know
[01:16:37] Halk TV is really
[01:16:40] providing the best example of objective
[01:16:43] journalism and objective news reporting. It's providing the best example,
[01:16:47] which is why it's the most watched news channel almost
[01:16:51] every day, every hour. This is the reality in Turkey
[01:16:54] anyway. There are only one or two televisions, one or two newspapers
[01:16:57] left that are not under the control of the government, and
[01:17:01] Halk TV is at the top of these televisions. It's the most watched channel, Halk TV,
[01:17:04] and Halk TV also produces the most
[01:17:08] special news. It's worth remembering again.
[01:17:11] That is, while other media, televisions, and
[01:17:14] newspapers made no news or
[01:17:18] constantly negative news about CHP, the main opposition
[01:17:21] party leader Kılıçdaroğlu, Halk
[01:17:25] TV, in a period when it made news, with a real journalistic
[01:17:28] approach, often interviewed Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu,
[01:17:31] and I also did many of them. We announced them to the public
[01:17:35] both on screens and as articles on halktv.com.
[01:17:38] So, Halk TV has been the one that
[01:17:41] has made the voice of CHP and Kılıçdaroğlu heard the most.
[01:17:44] As I said, it did this with real journalistic
[01:17:48] value. So, when there was a development
[01:17:52] about the government that was newsworthy, we also heard and watched
[01:17:55] it as news on Halk TV, and we made comments about it.
[01:17:58] In this regard, I believe Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu is being unfair,
[01:18:01] because if you look back at his broadcasts, articles,
[01:18:05] and news, it will be very clear
[01:18:08] that Halk TV genuinely practices objective journalism and
[01:18:11] that Halk TV is again the channel that gives the most space to opposition
[01:18:15] parties. This reality
[01:18:18] will emerge. This reality
[01:18:22] cannot be changed because it has already gone down in history with its broadcasts.
[01:18:26] Halk TV will continue to maintain this broadcasting approach, Ms. Gizem.
[01:18:29] What do you say? Kılıçdaroğlu targeted
[01:18:32] AKTV. Yes, first of all, I would like to
[01:18:35] start my words by thanking you once again for implementing
[01:18:39] the principles of independent and impartial broadcasting and
[01:18:43] for defending the public's right to information. Because as long as there are
[01:18:46] independent organizations that defend the public's right to information
[01:18:50] in this sense, media organs, they are the breathing tube of
[01:18:54] democracy, and if there is democracy in a country, there must be
[01:18:58] impartial and independent media organizations. In fact,
[01:19:01] there is something like this at the core of the statement, he says, 'In which country does this exist?'
[01:19:05] This is exactly the question that needs to be asked... In fact,
[01:19:08] why in this country does the manager of a media
[01:19:12] organization established in accordance with the principles of independent
[01:19:15] and impartial broadcasting have to reside
[01:19:18] abroad? Isn't that actually the main question and issue?
[01:19:22] This means that what happened to tele1 in Turkey today
[01:19:25] is evident, what happened to journalists today
[01:19:28] is evident. Many people have been detained and arrested
[01:19:32] so far for defending the public's right to information. It's not over, there are
[01:19:35] still journalists in prison. You will defend these on the one hand,
[01:19:39] and on the other hand, you will make such a statement. These two
[01:19:43] contain a great contradiction within themselves. Also,
[01:19:46] it is necessary to draw this line:
[01:19:50] you said that one or two
[01:19:53] politicians made statements in this regard. A deputy from the Nationalist
[01:19:56] Movement Party also made a statement to this effect.
[01:19:59] In Turkey, will politicians decide
[01:20:02] what kind of broadcasting a broadcasting organization
[01:20:06] will do within which principles and ethical rules? Isn't
[01:20:10] this exactly what we are objecting
[01:20:51] So, it's an explanation
[01:20:54] that we really can't make sense of, and we are also against
[01:20:57] Halk TV, the spokesperson, and media organizations
[01:21:00] being targeted in this way. Yes, look, Mustafa
[01:21:03] Balcı, they were arrested. They were arrested.
[01:21:07] Murat Ağral, İsmail Saymaz, first judicial control, signature, etc.
[01:21:11] was given, travel ban abroad. The prosecutor's office objected
[01:21:15] this time, and in the fourth court,
[01:21:18] come on, house arrest, friend, what's happening? Soon.
[01:22:03] halktv.com.tr has been renewed.
[01:22:07] The Halk news you know and trust is now faster,
[01:22:11] more live. Download our app from the Apple
[01:22:14] Store or Play Store and turn on notifications.
[01:22:18] Halk TV is stronger, freer with you.
[01:22:35] Clearly continues. Dear viewers.
[01:22:45] He will have a reminder for us, let's take that, then let's move on to the fund issue.
[01:22:49] Now, in that file, the
[01:22:52] allegation directed at Cafer Mayıroğlu is about
[01:22:56] a structure he bought in the Bosphorus Development Directorate
[01:22:59] area, where was being carried out in Beykoz
[01:23:02] This is a matter brought up by the effective
[01:23:05] repentant Yakup Öner. Yes, by Yakup Öner, this was
[01:23:09] cross-examined in court about a week ago.
[01:23:11] This issue came to light there.
[01:23:15] The accusation directed at Cafer
[01:23:17] Mayıroğlu here is that he made
[01:23:21] illegal constructions and tried to prevent
[01:23:24] their demolition. There is such a thing.
[01:23:28] Now, during his cross-examination, we always
[01:23:32] say this, the presiding judge first
[01:23:35] asks all effective repenters, "Do you stand by your statements
[01:23:39] to the prosecutor?" They say, "Yes, I do."
[01:23:42] Right? So, it's accepted as if they reiterated their
[01:23:45] claims in court. That's not how it works. There's what happens
[01:23:49] 5 minutes later, and it's the same situation in all of them,
[01:23:52] without exception. Yakup Öner asked Murat Onu. He said,
[01:23:56] "Did I make a statement to you that would prevent
[01:23:59] these from being demolished?" He said, "No." "Were they demolished?"
[01:24:03] He said, "Yes." "So, what's the problem?" Then it turned to, "I didn't
[01:24:06] explain it that way." It turned to, "I didn't explain it that way."
[01:24:10] Yes. So, that's how that issue is. But it's clear
[01:24:13] that it's brought up politically. Uh,
[01:24:17] a target. Targeting. Also, I will address
[01:24:20] this issue: Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu is not doing
[01:24:23] this for the first time. I immediately remembered, looked at my phone,
[01:24:27] immediately took note. On February 7, 2025, he again
[01:24:30] went on KRT and this time made
[01:24:34] his famous congress and betrayal speech. He made this
[01:24:37] last targeting in an interview on KRT yesterday, yes. He also
[01:24:41] did this on KRT. So, he has a speech on February 7, 2025.
[01:24:45] Look, immediately a month after, operations
[01:24:49] were carried out against the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and other mayors.
[01:24:52] I remember very well the dates when he made this speech, because
[01:24:56] I went to the Beykoz operation. As a lawyer, an operation
[01:24:59] against Alaattin Köselire and others, and he came out and
[01:25:03] did this exactly at that time, and the reason
[01:25:05] for doing it was essentially to divide the masses and
[01:25:09] open a path. Indeed, a month later, on March
[01:25:12] 19, this operation was carried out in Istanbul Metropolitan.
[01:25:16] As far as I can see, he has again taken on a mission here.
[01:25:20] Therefore, it is necessary to be careful
[01:25:23] in this regard. I just explained the legal situation.
[01:25:38] A great responsibility falls on the viewers. Of course,
[01:25:41] let's give the new party an opportunity to make a statement
[01:25:45] on this matter, because Deputy Chairman Erhan Usta
[01:25:48] is with us in our broadcast. Mr. Erhan, if you would like to say something
[01:25:51] about Halk TV being targeted,
[01:25:53] we can take it.
[01:25:56] Of course, in such a time, in a place
[01:25:59] where there is so much pressure, if you are not on the side
[01:26:03] of the government, if you criticize them, it is extremely
[01:26:06] difficult to do journalism and television broadcasting.
[01:26:10] Of course, I don't have much opportunity
[01:26:14] to watch television. I don't know on what basis Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu
[01:26:17] said this, but whatever the basis, he should
[01:26:20] clearly state it. But no matter what,
[01:26:23] he may not have liked a broadcast of a television
[01:26:27] channel, but even if he didn't like it,
[01:26:30] he should refrain from words that could imply censorship
[01:26:34] or a request for censorship, or a request for blackout.
[01:26:37] But of course, Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu continues to surprise
[01:26:40] us. I'll just say that. Yes, dear
[01:26:44] viewers, this situation is like this, this job
[01:26:47] is already difficult. Let me just finish
[01:26:50] this chapter by repeating my words.
[01:26:54] If this were a channel that broadcast fake news 24 hours a day,
[01:26:57] as Kılıçdaroğlu claims, millions of people would never
[01:27:01] watch it. This channel would not be the most
[01:27:04] watched channel among news channels. Therefore, there is a contradiction
[01:27:08] in this part of the matter. He says, "I sent my friends
[01:27:11] to RTÜK." Whom did you send? What did you request from RTÜK?
[01:27:15] We will continue to follow these. Now let's come
[01:27:18] to the fund issue, the fund scam. Look, today is Saturday,
[01:27:22] Monday, if the new party is going to protect
[01:27:25] the deadline it announced before, its decision and
[01:27:29] promise on that matter, and if that list
[01:27:32] is not announced until and including Monday,
[01:27:36] the list that the new
[01:28:04] these names, they have the right to be unblemished." We will see
[01:28:08] if this right to be unblemished applies in Turkey, when it applies
[01:28:11] to whom, and when it doesn't. Look, what did Özgür Özel say
[01:28:15] in his last statement on this matter? Friends, 4a and
[01:28:18] 4b, this visual.
[01:28:24] I will ask you. This issue was on Özgür Özel's agenda, and let's see what he said. Will Özgür Özel's
[01:28:27] new party finally announce this list on Monday? If it does,
[01:28:31] Özgür Özel's statement is very noteworthy and requires attention
[01:28:34] before that. He says, "The government's chemistry
[01:28:38] has been disrupted regarding the fund crisis. You must have
[01:28:41] watched Ömer Çelik. You saw his panic, his body language, his tension,
[01:28:44] the haste of the guilty. They said, 'From now on,
[01:28:48] we are in the highest position of legal and political
[01:28:52] struggle and alarm.' After he said that,
[01:28:55] four journalists were deprived of their freedom. Our
[01:28:58] friend Mustafa from Sözcü newspaper shared a
[01:29:01] concert photo from Ömer Çelik's vacation with Nacar
[01:29:05] in Bodrum. The event is real,
[01:29:08] the news is real, the photo is real,
[01:29:11] but it's not those who defraud the nation, but those who
[01:29:14] expose it who are put in prison. They opened
[01:29:17] an account, and Mrs. Fatma deposited the principal
[01:29:20] with interest, and the remaining part she graciously
[01:29:24] gave. Is there such a thing
[01:29:27] as a door of repentance in democracy, in a state
[01:29:30] of law?
[01:29:33] They say, "We opened an account called the repentance
[01:29:37] account, those who follow their desires should put the money
[01:29:40] here, we will not go after them."
[01:29:43] Let's continue with his statements.
[01:29:46] He says the fund crisis is a state crisis.
[01:29:50] If Erdoğan did this, he should resign immediately
[01:29:53] and be held accountable. If his ministers, deputy chairmen,
[01:29:57] bureaucrats, and those he
[01:30:01] appointed did it,
[01:30:04] he has lost his ability to govern. Elections
[01:30:08] should be held immediately. The list of names
[01:30:11] should be published as soon as possible. If the
[01:30:14] new party members had done 1% of this work,
[01:30:18] at 6 in the morning, the entire list of 270 people
[01:30:22] and all their close relatives would have
[01:30:25] been taken into custody and would now be on trial
[01:30:28] in custody. They would be on trial
[01:30:31] in custody. But now, regarding whether those
[01:30:35] names will be announced or not, things like the right to be unblemished
[01:30:39] and the presumption of innocence are being mentioned. Now,
[01:30:42] let's first ask Gizem Özcan, Deputy Chairperson of the new party.
[01:30:46] Ms. Gizem, if this list
[01:30:48] is not announced on Monday,
[01:30:52] or if, I don't know, I won't say anything, I won't
[01:30:55] make a distinction by saying important names, but if this list
[01:30:59] is not shared with the public generally, the new party will announce it.
[01:31:04] "Yes, we shouldn't separate them as important names. There is a very
[01:31:07] big, really, scam here.
[01:31:11] We should see this clearly. There are similar cases in the world,
[01:31:15] yes, there have been various corruptions in this sense,
[01:31:18] but there is no other example in the world where so many
[01:31:22] political figures and bureaucrats are mentioned. Frankly,
[01:31:25] the process that society particularly seeks answers for, that is,
[01:31:28] waits for answers to questions, that it wants to be carried out
[01:31:31] with transparency, is actually exactly this. Our stance
[01:31:35] as the new party is clear. As our esteemed chairman Özgür
[01:31:38] Özel also stated, we say the list should be announced
[01:31:42] as soon as possible. Who says there is a list? In his statement,
[01:31:46] Minister Akın Gürlek says that
[01:31:48] in the fund scam, 214 people and companies
[01:31:52] earned 187 billion liras, and
[01:31:56] these need to be clearly revealed. Why do they
[01:31:59] need to be revealed? Actually,
[01:32:03] as long as you don't announce this and reveal it
[01:32:05] and don't conduct the process transparently, you are fueling
[01:32:09] speculation every day, and in this sense,
[01:32:12] society's suspicions that it is not being conducted transparently
[01:32:16] are growing. Also, as the list
[01:32:18] is hidden, information, whether true
[01:32:22] or false, about other names is revealed,
[01:32:26] and people are unfairly accused. If the presumption of innocence
[01:32:30] is really going to be established, then here
[01:32:34] these should be shared transparently with the public. Our
[01:32:36] hope here or what we want
[01:32:39] to do is not to create a political discussion,
[01:32:43] but to know and feel that there is a process
[01:32:46] that is effective in its application of law and institutions,
[01:32:50] and is transparently shared with the public,
[01:32:53] which is society's biggest desire right now.
[01:32:56] And you will also look at it from this perspective: Ms. Minister
[01:33:00] Mayur can control this,
[01:33:04] but the public, those who are truly
[01:33:07] victims of this in the country, because it's a very large
[01:33:10] number, we're talking about 450,000,
[01:33:13] 55,000 unique individuals. They will be able
[01:33:16] to see these, regarding their control, but the citizen,
[01:33:20] the Turkish Grand National Assembly will not be able to see this.
[01:33:24] Look, during the week, all research proposals in parliament,
[01:33:27] all of the opposition's political parties'
[01:33:30] research proposals, in this sense, the establishment
[01:33:34] of a research commission, and of course, the legal part
[01:33:38] will proceed separately, to see a process
[01:33:41] here and to create the impact that society expects,
[01:33:45] and for transparency to be realized,
[01:33:48] we requested the establishment of a research commission
[01:33:51] under the roof of the Turkish Grand National Assembly
[01:33:54] to take this responsibility
[01:34:05] has already emerged, so many people have been victimized,
[01:34:09] such a large amount is being discussed. Look,
[01:34:12] 186 billion. Now, it happens like this when you
[01:35:05] liras in your account, and every day, without exception,
[01:35:08] every day, without exception, imagine that
[01:35:11] you wake up and there is 1 million in your account,
[01:35:15] but this money should be deposited into your account for exactly
[01:35:18] 514 years, not one year, not 10 years.
[01:35:21] Let me express it with another example.
[01:35:25] How many of our citizens can do this today? It's impossible
[01:35:29] in Turkey, but let's assume they save 100,000 liras
[01:35:32] every month. They don't eat, they don't drink, they put 100,000 liras aside.
[01:35:36] Very few people can do this, but if they deposit
[01:35:39] 100,000 liras every month without touching a single
[01:35:42] penny, for this, more than 150,056
[01:35:46] thousand years, 100,000 liras must be deposited every month.
[01:35:49] That is, we are talking about such a large amount of money,
[01:35:53] such a big scam. So, when this is the case,
[01:35:56] when such a large amount of money is at stake,
[01:36:00] which presumption of innocence, which right to be unblemished?
[01:36:03] Is that right to be unblemished only valid for politicians,
[01:36:07] or bureaucrats, or for privileges that need to be protected?
[01:36:11] Didn't our mayors, their families, spouses, children,
[01:36:16] fathers, mothers have the same right to be unblemished?
[01:36:20] I'm not saying that some people should be executed without trial,
[01:36:23] punished in advance. I would never say such a thing.
[01:36:26] But truly, the rules of law
[01:36:30] and law must be applied equally and fairly to all
[01:36:33] citizens, and you, as the government's duty,
[01:36:37] after this process has emerged, must make
[01:36:40] the inhabitants of this country,
[01:36:43] every citizen of the Republic of Turkey,
[01:36:46] feel that the process is transparently conducted
[01:36:50] and applied equally and fairly to everyone.
[01:36:53] Otherwise, you cannot sit in those seats.
[01:36:56] Today, you must not create the feeling
[01:36:59] that privileges are given to some. There is a magic
[01:37:03] sentence: whenever something happens, whenever there is a problem,
[01:37:06] they immediately come out, and the first thing done is this:
[01:37:10] arrest, prison, morning operation.
[01:37:13] These don't happen here, they don't work, or we,
[01:37:16] as citizens, as inhabitants of this country,
[01:37:19] cannot encounter the reality that
[01:37:22] a sense of responsibility is taken, such as the resignation
[01:37:26] of those responsible. But there is a magic sentence
[01:37:29] that appears whenever such a problem occurs: "It will be pursued
[01:37:33] to the end." Believe me, when I hear this, I truly
[01:37:36] become more anxious, that is, will it really be like this?
[01:37:40] Because whenever a problem arises, whenever we encounter
[01:37:43] a problematic situation, this magic sentence is uttered,
[01:37:47] whereas what we want to hear is not this sentence, but to see
[01:37:50] these things done concretely. Look, a bill will come to
[01:37:53] the Planning and Budget Commission on October 14. What is
[01:37:56] intended by this? That is, the aim here is not
[01:38:00] to truly identify those responsible and remedy the grievances.
[01:38:03] We see this as an operation to whitewash certain individuals
[01:38:06] by establishing a parallel legal system
[01:38:10] and deviating from existing legal rules and practices.
[01:38:14] That is, look, Article 107/3 of the Capital
[01:38:17] Markets Board (CMB) is very clear: it says that if effective
[01:38:20] remorse is to be mentioned, here, twice the amount must
[01:38:24] be paid to the treasury. But here, even
[01:38:28] though there is such an article, we see that a bill is brought
[01:38:30] before us in the opposite way, leaving it to the will
[01:38:34] of the party on a voluntary basis. On the other
[01:38:37] hand, when citizens are truly
[01:38:41] so victimized, it's easy to tell people
[01:38:44] to be careful, but there are people
[01:38:47] who trusted the state's institutions and rules,
[01:38:49] and in this sense, went and invested their savings,
[01:38:53] money they saved from their teeth and nails.
[01:38:56] "There are many of our citizens, many
[01:38:59] people who are victims, and small investors are
[01:39:02] actually a reflection of the economic conditions
[01:39:06] in Turkey. Today, when you look, people cannot buy a house,
[01:39:10] cannot buy a car, cannot save, and to protect
[01:39:13] their small savings from being crushed under inflation,
[01:39:16] they engage in certain actions and transactions.
[01:39:20] Moreover, all these are not only not working
[01:39:23] because the control mechanisms are not working, but also
[01:39:27] with certain advertisements and reliable people acting
[01:39:30] as intermediaries here, and perhaps this also
[01:39:33] needs to be explained, it is put forward
[01:39:37] as an allegation, of course, but did the presence
[01:39:40] of certain bureaucratic names there create
[01:39:43] this sense of trust in society and cause the grievance
[01:39:46] to grow so much? Of course, these
[01:39:50] need to be investigated and revealed in all
[01:39:53] their aspects. There is no escaping this, let's
[01:39:56] say it clearly. As the new party,
[01:40:00] we also say this: as the list
[01:40:03] is kept secret, these processes will become
[01:40:06] more open to speculation, and the feeling that this
[01:40:10] is being tried to be covered up will be created more
[01:40:13] in society. This should be announced as soon as possible,
[01:40:17] it should be shown that this process is transparently
[01:40:19] conducted, a research commission should be established in parliament,
[01:40:23] and it should be done by truly giving content to that
[01:40:26] word, no matter where it goes, but it should
[01:40:30] be done in a way that the law applies equally
[01:40:32] to everyone. What do you do with the allegations? The names
[01:40:36] at the center of the allegations are called. If it were us,
[01:40:39] okay, the application should be like this, it is correct
[01:40:42] I wish our mayors applied this to all
[01:40:46] politicians in Turkey who have no suspicion
[01:40:48] of fleeing, who are here and have a permanent
[01:40:52] residence. Or today, you see
[01:40:55] the owner of the claim cannot answer, but
[01:40:59] the journalist who made the claim
[01:41:02] olabilir mi? madem siz bir iddia ortaya atıldıysa
[01:41:06] çıkarsınız, yalanlarsınız, bununla ilgili işlemleri yaparsınız,
[01:41:09] delil ve belgeleriyle ortaya koyarsınız,
[01:41:12] ama hoşumuza giden haberleri yapan gazeteciler
[01:41:16] dışarıda olabilir ama hoşuma gitmeyen haberi yapan
[01:41:19] kişiden yolu cezaevidir diyen bir anlayışla bir
[01:41:23] ülke yönetilemez maalesef. peki şimdi arkadaşlar 8 numaralı
[01:41:26] görseli... görsel,
[01:41:32] sonra da 11, 12, 13 numaralı görsel, ondan sonra da
[01:41:35] yine bu işlerle çok ilgili bir isim, yeni parti genel başkan
[01:41:38] yardımcısı Erhan Usta'nın yorumunu alacağım bu konuda,
[01:41:42] is arrested. Can there be such a structure?
[01:41:45] If a claim is made, you come out,
[01:41:49] deny it, take action
[01:41:52] with evidence and documents.
[01:41:55] But journalists who report news
[01:41:59] that we like can be out,
[01:42:02] but the path for those who report news
[01:42:04] we don't like is prison.
[01:42:08] Unfortunately, a country cannot be governed with such an understanding.
[01:42:12] Well, now, friends, image number
[01:42:15] 8... then images
[01:42:18] 11, 12, 13, and then
[01:42:22] I will get the comment of Erhan Usta,
[01:42:25] a name very much involved in these matters,
[01:42:29] vice-chairman, on this issue.
[01:42:32] Look, IYI Party, I apologize,
[01:42:35] I am very sorry, IYI Party general vice-chairman.
[01:42:38] Now, is Kemal Bey right
[01:42:41] or not? Well,
[01:42:45] now, look, under the title
[01:42:48] "Pump and Dump Explanation," the following information
[01:42:52] is available: 214 individuals
[01:42:55] and companies earned 187.6
[01:42:59] yapanların fonlardan önceden
[01:43:02] and companies
[01:43:06] eee bilgiler doğrultusunda çıkış yaptıkları saptandı
[01:43:09] diyor, saptandı,
[01:43:11] dolayısıyla çok böyle somut birtakım
[01:43:15] olguları anlatıyor adalet bakanı. Şimdi bir numaralı
[01:43:18] 141 real persons who made profits
[01:43:22] over 100 million liras.
[01:43:25] 73 legal entities were identified.
[01:43:29] The names of those who made
[01:43:32] profits were reported to TMSF.
[01:43:35] Why are they reported?
[01:43:39] TMSF started making official notifications
[01:43:42] to the persons on the list
[01:43:46] regarding the refund of the money.
[01:43:49] What will happen to the money?
[01:43:52] The money will be collected in accounts
[01:43:56] created for the victims.
[01:43:59] Those who exited the funds
[01:44:02] between September 13-16
[01:44:06] are under scrutiny. It says that these
[01:44:10] individuals exited the funds
[01:44:13] with prior knowledge and
[01:44:16] based on the information
[01:44:20] given to them. Therefore,
[01:44:22] the Minister of Justice is explaining
[01:44:26] very concrete facts. Now let's
[01:44:29] look at visual number one.
[01:44:32] From which fund, how many people
[01:44:36] earned how much money? For example, from
[01:44:40] the funds of Tera Group,
[01:44:43] 102 real persons
[01:44:46] earned 28 billion
[01:44:49] liras. 38 legal
[01:44:53] entities earned 62 billion
[01:44:56] 7 million. In total,
[01:44:59] 90 billion 77 million
[01:45:02] liras were earned.
[01:45:06] From Pusula's funds, 19
[01:45:10] real persons earned
[01:45:13] 69 billion 700 million.
[01:45:17] 20 legal entities
[01:45:20] earned 10 billion liras.
[01:45:24] In total, 79 billion 700 million
[01:45:28] were earned. In Hedef's
[01:45:31] funds, 20 people earned
[01:45:35] 2.976 million liras.
[01:45:38] 15 companies earned 14
[01:45:42] billion 900 million liras.
[01:45:45] Total 17 billion 876 million
[01:45:49] liras. In total,
[01:45:52] esteemed viewers, according to the
[01:45:56] statement, 141 real
[01:45:59] persons earned 100 billion
[01:46:03] 676 million TL. 73 companies
[01:46:06] earned 86 billion 977 million
[01:46:10] TL. The total
[01:46:13] profit earned is 187 billion
[01:46:16] 653 million liras.
[01:46:19] Now, they say, "Oh, they
[01:46:22] have the right to be free from defamation,
[01:46:26] the presumption of innocence." So it's not right to
[01:46:30] announce these names. Well, think
[01:46:33] about this: when the Capital
[01:46:37] Markets Law sees an irregular transaction,
[01:46:40] does it not announce it when it
[01:46:44] gives administrative fines or bans
[01:46:47] someone from trading?
[01:46:51] No, it does. There are many
[01:46:53] examples of this, friends.
[01:46:57] It's in visuals 11, 12, and 13.
[01:47:01] The names are announced in all
[01:47:04] of them. We found these names on
[01:47:08] various dates. For example,
[01:47:12] it says Peker Gayrimenkul at
[01:47:15] one time. As a result of the
[01:47:19] examination regarding the transactions carried out,
[01:47:22] it was decided to apply the administrative
[01:47:26] fines listed in the table below.
[01:47:29] There are individual names there.
[01:47:33] The CMB announces this. It shares
[01:47:37] it with the public, with the market.
[01:47:41] There are names here. Only
[01:47:44] the first two and last digits
[01:47:47] of their TR ID numbers are shown.
[01:47:51] After that, the action that
[01:47:55] led to the administrative fine,
[01:47:58] then what does it say?
[01:48:02] It says actions carried out in
[01:48:06] the PKG share market.
[01:48:09] It writes the regulation,
[01:48:12] the article that the action violates,
[01:48:16] and the amounts of the administrative
[01:48:20] fines imposed. Here, for
[01:48:24] Ray Sigorta A.Ş.,
[01:48:27] regarding the persons listed in the table
[01:48:30] below who are responsible for
[01:48:34] the transactions in the share market,
[01:48:37] it says that a criminal complaint
[01:48:41] has been filed against them in
[01:48:45] accordance with Article 107,
[01:48:48] paragraph 1, of the Capital Markets
[01:48:51] Law no. (unclear number),
[01:48:55] etc. etc. Here are the names.
[01:48:59] It says "persons against whom a
[01:49:02] criminal complaint has been filed."
[01:49:06] These names are here. Their
[01:49:12] TR ID numbers are naturally
[01:49:16] obscured. There is a central
[01:49:19] registration agency registration number,
[01:49:23] an action that caused the criminal complaint,
[01:49:26] and the article of the law
[01:49:30] that the action violates.
[01:49:34] There are many such decisions
[01:49:37] and it shares them with the public.
[01:49:40] It doesn't wait for the right to
[01:49:43] be free from defamation because the CMB
[01:49:46] is the court for this matter.
[01:49:50] It detects something and transfers
[01:49:53] it. Just like in the
[01:49:57] Turkish Football Federation, when a footballer
[01:50:01] is given a disciplinary penalty, do they
[01:50:04] say, "Oh, he has the right to
[01:50:08] be free from defamation, let's
[01:50:10] do that after the judicial
[01:50:14] process is over"? Let's move
[01:50:18] on to the next visual. There
[01:50:22] are countless, we've only taken
[01:50:25] a very small part here.
[01:50:29] Here too, such a decision
[01:50:33] was made regarding Ergaz.
[01:50:36] It said "action that caused administrative
[01:50:39] fine." And so, the action that
[01:50:43] constituted a violation was
[01:50:47] the administrative fine imposed.
[01:50:50] Here, a similar decision was
[01:50:53] given for A1 Kapital Yatırım Menkul.
[01:50:57] Let's give the other visual.
[01:51:00] This will be the last one.
[01:51:04] The one we will give now is
[01:51:07] the most recent. It's been about
[01:51:11] 3 months, isn'="t it? So,
[01:51:15] a 6-month trading ban
[01:51:18] for Hidropar management from the CMB.
[01:51:23] Here is the person's name, etc.
[01:51:26] So, these are being shared
[01:51:30] so far. But now they are
[01:51:33] being shared on their official websites,
[01:51:37] meaning they are not hidden
[01:51:40] on the state's website. Let's
[01:51:44] ask Erhan Usta. Erhan Hoca,
[01:51:46] did we look at this matter
[01:51:49] incorrectly, or are we looking
[01:52:00] at it correctly? "Why should these
[01:52:04] names not be announced? Actually, there
[01:52:08] is no reason why these names
[01:52:11] should not be announced. I think
[01:52:15] it was the day after the
[01:52:18] liquidation decision was made.
[01:52:22] I asked these exact questions
[01:52:26] with a parliamentary question. I said
[01:52:29] these names should be announced. Of
[01:52:33] course, they immediately brush it off,
[01:52:36] saying, 'Are we going to announce
[01:52:40] the names of 455 people?' Nobody is asking
[01:52:44] you to do that. What is
[01:52:48] asked is clear: the amounts above
[01:52:51] a certain large amount. And
[01:52:54] you can already do this
[01:52:58] immediately with artificial intelligence,
[01:53:00] with a small algorithm.
[01:53:04] So what is requested is that.
[01:53:08] I also said immediately, so
[01:53:11] that they don't object to it,
[01:53:15] that you cannot avoid announcing
[01:53:18] them by saying 'investor privacy'
[01:53:22] and so on. This is a
[01:53:26] matter that concerns the entire nation.
[01:53:30] Therefore, you have to announce
[01:53:33] these names. We said this
[01:53:37] on the second day. Of course,
[01:53:40] they delayed it, delayed it. Now that a crime
[01:53:44] has emerged, they are hiding
[01:53:48] behind things like 'right
[01:53:51] to be free from
[01:53:55] defamation' or 'presumption of innocence.'
[01:53:58] This time, these words, these
[01:54:01] phrases do not suit
[01:54:04] the AK Party members. These are people
[01:54:08] who don't care about people's
[01:54:11] innocence or respect the
[01:54:15] presumption of innocence. All their actions
[01:54:18] so far show this.
[01:54:21] For example, we went through
[01:54:25] July 15, didn't we?
[01:54:28] From that night on,
[01:54:32] we condemn
[01:54:35] the coup, but we saw
[01:54:38] each and every one of those
[01:54:42] who attempted the July 15
[01:54:45] coup on television. This is also
[01:54:49] a coup, a financial coup.
[01:54:53] Because why are we talking
[01:54:57] about this so much today? Because
[01:55:00] a very large segment of citizens
[01:55:03] is being affected. And what
[01:55:06] I always say here is that
[01:55:09] this is truly an organized
[01:55:13] robbery, there is qualified
[01:55:16] fraud involved. It has three
[01:55:19] legs. One is the bureaucracy
[01:55:23] leg, and there, the bureaucrats
[01:55:26] have already stopped being civil
[01:55:30] servants and have become civil servants
[01:55:33] of the AK Party. There, they
[01:55:37] always see AK Party members. If
[01:55:40] the AK Party wants it,
[01:55:44] if the government wants it,
[01:55:48] it will do it. We see unquestioning
[01:55:52] bureaucrats. Otherwise,
[01:55:55] I also came from the bureaucracy.
[01:55:59] But unfortunately, there is no
[01:56:02] such bureaucracy now. There's
[01:56:07] the bureaucracy leg of the
[01:56:09] matter, there's the political
[01:56:13] leg. In the political leg,
[01:56:17] there are only AK Party members.
[01:56:20] There's the private sector leg,
[01:56:23] and there are AK Party members
[01:56:27] there too. You see people
[01:56:30] who have served as municipal
[01:56:33] council members for the AK
[01:56:37] Party, who have been candidates
[01:56:40] or candidate candidates. Actually, there
[01:56:43] is something that has been
[01:56:47] put forward within it. A few
[01:56:50] names have come out.
[01:56:54] Right now, for example, all
[01:56:57] AK Party members... want it.
[01:57:01] This would be very wrong.
[01:57:05] We shouldn't get stuck
[01:57:09] here. It's a is following
[01:57:13] this. So, all these
[01:57:15] things that were done were known,
[01:57:19] right? I mean,
[01:57:23] 10 months ago, it's
[01:57:27] 11 months now, 10 months
[01:57:31] before the intervention, Mehmet Şimşek
[01:57:34] already announced that there was manipulation. But
[01:57:38] if there hadn't been a Morgan
[01:57:42] Stanley report, this would still
[01:57:45] not have been intervened in,
[01:57:48] even though it was known.
[01:57:52] Look, for example, I'm saying
[01:57:56] this as an example:
[01:57:59] Tera Investment Bank was given
[01:58:02] permission to issue private
[01:58:06] an interim injunction was
[01:58:10] issued against Mr. Hayati
[01:58:13] Yazıcı's son and their team.
[01:58:16] The interim injunction was
[01:58:20] The sector is completely known.
[01:58:24] Even at a time when everything
[01:58:28] is being discussed, today, permission
[01:58:31] mistake he made. But
[01:58:34] there's another name,
[01:58:37] also a candidate from the AK
[01:58:41] Party, whom we know
[01:58:44] has very close ties with
[01:58:47] Ömer Çelik. He is taking
[01:58:51] 10 times that amount,
[01:58:54] or financial coup
[01:58:58] against the nation, and whoever is
[01:59:02] responsible for this coup must
[01:59:05] be brought to light.
[01:59:09] You are already saying
[01:59:12] they are suspects, so announce
[01:59:16] them! lifted within
[01:59:18] an hour. So, this
[01:59:22] is not understandable. This means that,
[01:59:25] well, not "means that" but
[01:59:28] these things are done very easily
[01:59:31] in this country. There is interference
[01:59:37] Now, can you imagine a government
[01:59:40] that acts this way announcing
[01:59:44] these names? Even if they
[01:59:48] do, they will announce a wrong
[01:59:52] or incomplete list,
[01:59:55] because they don't want to
[01:59:59] harm their own people politically
[02:00:02] here. Or there is a
[02:00:06] possibility that very close
[02:00:09] names will come out.
[02:00:13] There is also a possibility that
[02:00:16] names very close to
[02:00:20] very powerful on Tefas
[02:00:23] (for those who don't know,
[02:00:27] Tefas is an electronic system
[02:00:31] where these records are
[02:00:35] kept and operated) without its
[02:00:38] permission on the same day
[02:00:40] is a matter of one hour,
[02:00:44] or even less than
[02:00:47] an hour. This is a
[02:00:50] situation that should raise
[02:00:53] an alarm immediately. However, it
[02:00:57] took the CMB a full 11
[02:01:01] months to make this detection.
[02:01:04] Now do you see the
[02:01:07] institutions? Takasbank, a state
[02:01:11] institution, is example,
[02:01:14] the Central Bank comes.
[02:01:18] It was said that the
[02:01:22] Central Bank comes at
[02:01:25] most twice a year.
[02:01:29] It comes twice. That was also
[02:01:32] due to our insistence.
[02:01:36] It used to come
[02:01:39] once, we made
[02:01:43] that provision in the law
[02:01:46] three times. But the
[02:01:49] others, look,
[02:01:52] they haven't come at all.
[02:01:55] If they had been able
[02:01:58] to come, if they
[02:02:01] had come, they would
[02:02:05] have seen that these
[02:02:08] questions would be asked
[02:02:11] to them, and they would
[02:02:15] not have dared
[02:02:18] to act so recklessly.
[02:02:21] Now everyone has seen the
[02:02:25] example of Taşkesenlioğlu.
[02:02:28] You know Taşkesenlioğlu,
[02:02:31] right? His sister
[02:02:35] was also an AK Party
[02:02:38] MP. I'm talking
[02:02:41] about Taşkesenlioğlu, who was the
[02:02:45] chairman of the CMB.
[02:02:49] I can't remember his
[02:02:52] name right now.
[02:02:55] So, he also
[02:02:58] worked at Bank Asya,
[02:03:02] which was the bank of
[02:03:05] these FETÖ members.
[02:03:09] He has 15 years
[02:03:12] of experience
[02:03:14] there. I mean,
[02:03:26] even those who just
[02:03:29] walked past the bank were
[02:03:32] thrown in jail.
[02:03:35] and the someone who
[02:03:39] worked as a appointed, these relationships have always been
[02:03:43] established. Look, with the laws that came in the last 2 years, all of these
[02:03:47] were completely abolished. There is no experience requirement, no
[02:03:50] school requirement, no, uh,
[02:03:54] requirement to have worked in that profession for so many years. They abolished all of these. Many people
[02:03:57] who often don't know the job,
[02:04:00] and are a bit greedy for money, and so on, were brought here. I'm not saying this for
[02:04:03] all of them, of course, people were brought here and these
[02:04:07] institutions became dysfunctional. Erhan, Mr. Erhan, yes,
[02:04:10] in these boards you mentioned, there are no resignations
[02:04:13] right now. I mean, whether it's the SDIF
[02:04:16] or BIST. Whether it's BIST 100 or the CMB, I don't
[02:04:20] know. Turkey is in turmoil. What will happen?
[02:04:23] Will everyone stay in their seats? There is nothing left
[02:04:26] to resign from in Turkey. Look, in bureaucracy and so on, there's nothing left. But
[02:04:30] all of them should be removed from office. I've been saying
[02:04:33] this since day one. If this is done correctly, my sentences
[02:04:37] might have been cut short when I mentioned the board earlier. I mean, nothing
[02:04:40] will come out of a board where these people are. Even if there is something,
[02:04:44] they will try to cover it up because their own periods, their own actions,
[02:04:47] would they want their actions to be questioned?
[02:04:50] Of course not. So, for the sake of the
[02:04:54] business, there are very honest people in this country who can manage these
[02:04:57] institutions. So, these 5-6
[02:05:01] institutions that we can say are currently responsible, all of their
[02:05:04] high-level managers should actually be removed
[02:05:08] from office. You will set them aside, and then regarding
[02:05:11] their situation, look, they either had malicious intent, which is a punishable
[02:05:15] offense, or if they had negligence or fault, it's also a punishable
[02:05:18] offense. If they didn't see it, then they don't deserve that position. Can there be something they didn't
[02:05:21] see? I mean, they should have seen it. I even explained it in the parliament last time,
[02:05:25] if you'll allow me, I'll explain it very briefly here. Uh, let me explain.
[02:05:28] Uh, in one of the series called "Police", there's
[02:05:32] this thing: A murder
[02:05:35] investigation is solved because the detective realizes
[02:05:38] the watch dog didn't bark, and he says, "Ah,
[02:05:41] the killer is someone familiar," because the watch dog didn't bark. Now,
[02:05:45] these institutions, these regulatory authorities, I'm not saying this to belittle
[02:05:48] them in English terms, these are very distinguished institutions of ours. They call
[02:05:52] them "watch dogs," meaning guard dogs, these institutions.
[02:05:56] Now, look, while these events were happening, even if nothing
[02:05:59] else happened, after Mehmet Şimşek's statements 10 or 11 months ago,
[02:06:03] did we see anyone object, saying that
[02:06:06] these things are happening and something is wrong?
[02:06:09] Did we see any regulatory authority?
[02:06:12] No, we didn't. So, that means the thief is familiar, the thief
[02:06:16] is inside. Therefore, you cannot do this with these
[02:06:19] people. They should be removed from office. But right now,
[02:06:23] on the contrary, the board tasked with solving this problem,
[02:06:26] uh, the person in charge of these institutions, look, I'm not saying this
[02:06:30] to blame all of them, but this is what should happen in a normal
[02:06:33] country. But unfortunately, this is not being done. Therefore, it's not about
[02:06:36] solving the problem, but managing it. They will give
[02:06:40] a few people so as not to harm the AK Party.
[02:06:43] They will probably give them forcibly, and now they themselves
[02:06:47] have started to criticize them. Now, I'm surprised, for example, the AK
[02:06:50] Party members are actually the ones criticizing Fatma Betül Sayankaya
[02:06:54] the most, and they are making us get stuck on that. We shouldn't get
[02:06:57] stuck there. There are much bigger names involved in this.
[02:07:01] So, now, you know how this calculation was made,
[02:07:05] it was said, "How many more Fatma Betül Sayankaya
[02:07:08] are there?" If we do a very rough average calculation, I mean, she took
[02:07:12] over 2 billion, with her husband, with her
[02:07:15] husband. The minister announces
[02:07:18] that 214 people took 187 billion.
[02:07:22] It's a rough calculation, meaning there should be more than
[02:07:26] 90 Fatma Betül Sayankaya. But it's also
[02:07:28] possible that some of them might have taken
[02:07:32] not 2 billion, but 10 billion, 20 billion, 30 billion.
[02:07:35] These are huge amounts of money. How can these not
[02:07:38] be explained? Uh, now I will ask both
[02:07:41] Ahat Hodja and Fikret Abi, and you too, İsmail Bey,
[02:07:44] in the same way, I will say goodbye to my guests in this segment. I will get
[02:07:48] your comments on this at the beginning of the next segment. Ahat Hodja, because
[02:07:52] let's also turn to Gizem Özcan, she definitely has things to say. Let's
[02:07:55] hear her words and then say goodbye. Please, Ms. Gizem. Yes, I mentioned
[02:07:59] it a little while ago. Mr. Gökmen, you know how big
[02:08:03] a scam this is. In this sense, we tried to imagine
[02:08:07] 187 billion. But you asked how many Fatma Betül
[02:08:10] Sayankaya there are. At that point, there is a scam
[02:08:14] of 2 billion being talked about, and in relation
[02:08:17] to this, when we talk about these
[02:08:20] numbers on the street, our citizens understand, but
[02:08:24] I really want this to be emphasized. I want
[02:08:27] to give another example. I mean, look... Today,
[02:08:30] on average, I am a deputy from Muğla. A house in Muğla costs
[02:08:33] around 5 million or 6 million liras, and a
[02:08:37] civil servant, an employee, cannot even save up and buy
[02:08:40] this under these conditions. But this is an amount equivalent
[02:08:44] to approximately 400 to 500 houses
[02:08:47] in this sense. Now, we have a very clear
[02:08:50] demand here. It needs to be investigated in all its aspects, and the main
[02:08:54] issue here is the movement of money. I also stated this in my parliamentary
[02:08:58] speech. Without tracing the money,
[02:09:01] you cannot fully shed light on this
[02:09:04] incident or investigate it. If such an event has occurred and
[02:09:07] the measures mentioned by Mr. Usta earlier were not taken
[02:09:11] before it happened, then from this point on, you have
[02:09:15] to trace the money to shed light on this incident. And
[02:09:18] it's not just about the movement of money, but also the relationship
[02:09:22] between the public power and the financial gain
[02:09:25] here needs to be clearly established. Because,
[02:09:29] as I said, there have been many examples in the world. There have been
[02:09:32] examples of such manipulations, but there has
[02:09:35] never been another situation
[02:09:38] where so many political names, so many bureaucrats' names,
[02:09:41] were claimed to be involved. That's why
[02:09:44] this needs to be clarified urgently. And this can only
[02:09:48] be done not by covering up this matter, by pretending
[02:09:51] to do something, or by creating the impression that something is being done,
[02:09:54] but by truly, fairly, transparently, and openly
[02:09:58] applying the rules of law.
[02:10:00] At the same time, I want to emphasize once again that the Grand National
[02:10:04] Assembly of Turkey also has a political responsibility.
[02:10:07] Absolutely. An investigation committee should be established under the
[02:10:10] roof of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and "these
[02:10:14] processes should be followed up, and the public should be
[02:10:17] transparently informed. Of course, everyone's presumption
[02:10:21] of innocence should apply to everyone. Of course,
[02:10:24] everyone has the right not to be stained, but the truth must
[02:10:27] be revealed here, and the public's grievances
[02:10:30] must be addressed, because there is no roadmap
[02:10:34] on how to address the grievances. Ms. Gizem, I don't understand
[02:10:37] this. The CMB, it's clear that this information somehow
[02:10:40] reached the prosecutor's office." It is said that so many people,
[02:10:44] 187 billion, and these people's, uh, that is,
[02:10:47] it has been determined that they earned this profit. Is there a situation
[02:10:50] where the public should not know the names of those who earned
[02:10:53] billions in such high amounts, with the right to not be stained?
[02:10:56] Will the public not know this? Absolutely not.
[02:11:00] Absolutely not. While so many people have been victimized,
[02:11:04] this should be shared. After it is shared, individuals can
[02:11:08] then present their statements regarding it. I mean,
[02:11:11] there's a situation like this. "A journalist is arrested
[02:11:14] and thrown in jail for asking why they made the claim.
[02:11:18] They say, 'If you share this, you'll be in jail.' It's unbelievable,
[02:11:21] but the claimants, that is,
[02:11:24] the direct addressees, do not make a statement about this.
[02:11:28] You come out and say, 'This is how it is.' If you have
[02:11:31] information, documents, data regarding this, if
[02:11:35] a truly contrary statement has been made, you come out and explain
[02:11:38] it. But in an incident that has caused the victimization
[02:11:42] of so many people, 455 individual people, there cannot be such
[02:11:45] a thing as 'I won't be stained,' or a certain group
[02:11:48] will be protected. Moreover, the politicians themselves
[02:11:52] have stated that there is such a scam.
[02:11:55] The esteemed Minister has confirmed it. From this point on,
[02:11:59] this is a public matter, and it must
[02:12:01] be shared with the public transparently in all its
[02:12:05] aspects, and presented to the appreciation of the
[02:12:08] nation. Otherwise, all allegations and those
[02:12:12] under suspicion."
[02:12:20] Gizem Özcan, Vice President of the New Party, thank you very much
[02:12:24] for your contribution, Ms. Gizem. Thank you very much, good broadcast, good
[02:12:27] evening. Erhan Usta, Vice President of the party. Mr. Erhan, thank
[02:12:31] you very much for your contribution.
[02:12:34] I will discuss this issue with my other commentators and guests
[02:12:38] shortly. Also, we will cover what HTS records
[02:12:41] the investigators have regarding Fatma Betül Sayankaya,
[02:12:45] and whose testimonies given previously are claimed
[02:12:49] to create a situation against these people.
[02:13:11] halktv.com.tr has been renewed. The Halk news
[02:13:14] you know and trust is now faster, more live.
[02:13:18] Download your app from the Apple Store or Play Store and turn on notifications.
[02:13:21] Halk TV is stronger and freer with you.
[02:13:47] "continues openly, dear viewers. In this
[02:13:51] segment of our broadcast, we have another guest in the studio, lawyer Tuğçe Çalık.
[02:13:54] Welcome, Ms. Tuğçe, thank you very much, I wish you a good broadcast. Nesrin
[02:13:58] Nas, politician and economist, will join us via
[02:14:02] remote connection shortly. But in the previous segment,
[02:14:05] we were discussing a topic in light of the information
[02:14:08] provided by Akın Gürlek, which
[02:14:11] uh, totaled" 114 people,
[02:14:14] 187 people and companies, I apologize, not just 214
[02:14:18] real people, 214 real people and
[02:14:21] legal entities, meaning companies.
[02:14:24] 187.6 billion. We say 187 billion,
[02:14:27] but we also throw away 600 million, we shouldn't throw that away either. Even 600 million
[02:14:31] is a huge amount on its own. Uh, this
[02:14:34] much was earned. So, we talked about Fatma Betül Sayankaya,
[02:14:38] over 2 billion, and we will continue to talk about it because it's very
[02:14:42] interesting. "A writer from Türkiye Gazetesi wrote directly about it. He said
[02:14:46] there are HTS records, he said there are these, there are those. Of course,
[02:14:50] we will always present this to you as an allegation,
[02:14:53] uh, but we also want to know who these 214
[02:14:56] people are. Who are these people? These people
[02:15:00] who earned so much money. I mean, not in the sense
[02:15:03] of declaring them guilty or innocent, but who are they? Hundreds of thousands
[02:15:06] of victims, uh, millions of people affected
[02:15:10] by this situation. In this country, there are millions of people
[02:15:13] living on the lowest pension, millions of people earning minimum wage.
[02:15:17] I mean, there are millions of people who work hard
[02:15:21] in very difficult conditions to earn 20,000, 25,000, 30,000 liras
[02:15:25] a month. They are wondering, who are these
[02:15:28] 214 people? They talk about the right to not be stained, etc. Let's see
[02:15:32] if the New Party will announce this on Monday or not. But
[02:15:35] let's start with Professor Ahat. Professor Ahat, isn't
[02:15:39] it our right to know these people? Uh, how do
[02:15:42] you evaluate the fact that these names are not announced
[02:15:45] with the right to not be stained? Yes, uh, this is,
[02:15:48] of course,
[02:15:51] part of the program or strategy being implemented. That's why
[02:15:55] I think we need to see the general atmosphere. But
[02:15:58] this fund incident, uh,
[02:16:01] is actually a financial,
[02:16:05] legal, bureaucratic, and political
[02:16:08] dimension of a
[02:16:10] fraud and
[02:16:13] corruption ecosystem.
[02:16:16] It's not just an incident where so much money was taken
[02:16:20] abroad, or so much money
[02:16:22] was embezzled by so many people,
[02:16:25] or attempted to be embezzled. This incident is the biggest
[02:16:29] fraud and corruption ecosystem
[02:16:33] in the history of the Republic of Turkey.
[02:16:35] This ecosystem was created with the parts I mentioned
[02:16:38] earlier, and if you pay
[02:16:41] attention, now I will come to that interesting question
[02:16:44] at the end. When we look at the incident chronologically
[02:16:48] from the beginning, is it not such a big
[02:16:51] incident? It covers 450 thousand
[02:16:56] people with their families and so on, 2 million, of course, more.
[02:16:59] Additionally, there are 6.5 to 7
[02:17:03] million people who trade on the stock market. The incident
[02:17:07] is not limited to
[02:17:10] people who lost money in those funds,
[02:17:14] because after that incident came to light, there was
[02:17:17] also a huge loss in the stock market and a drop in normal
[02:17:21] stocks. Therefore, 6-7 million people were also harmed individually.
[02:17:25] "Individual, of course, if you include funds, etc., and
[02:17:28] those participation home things, etc.,
[02:17:32] then perhaps, as I said, it will probably
[02:17:36] turn out to be the biggest corruption and biggest
[02:17:40] fraud in the history of the Republic of Turkey.
[02:17:42] Now, the government needs to look at
[02:17:45] how it views this incident and
[02:17:48] whether this matter should be limited to the names
[02:17:52] on this list. That is, we need to seek
[02:17:55] answers to the question. I personally look at it that way. Now,
[02:17:59] when the incident first started, remember,
[02:18:03] the manager of Tera, who was at the center
[02:18:07] of this, was not taken
[02:18:09] into custody. Many things
[02:18:13] happened. Later, after what was written
[02:18:16] on social media, etc., we saw
[02:18:19] the arrests. Second, with this incident,
[02:18:23] Fatma Betül Sayankaya, who came to the public's
[02:18:27] attention and has now become
[02:18:29] a symbolic figure.
[02:18:31] Regarding this, I mean, now
[02:18:35] even people who have nothing to do with the Stock Market
[02:18:38] can easily say that this is
[02:18:42] what is called insider trading,
[02:18:45] which is a crime according to our laws, and in fact,
[02:18:48] in the whole world, it is a crime in Turkey too.
[02:18:51] While it was obvious that such a large
[02:18:55] amount could not be earned and an advantage could not be gained
[02:18:59] without this,
[02:19:01] the CMB did not take any action
[02:19:05] regarding Fatma Betül Sayankaya until
[02:19:08] she filed a criminal complaint. Now let's recall these
[02:19:12] things in order. Subsequently,
[02:19:15] Hayati Yazıcı's son's
[02:19:18] company, the one he owned,
[02:19:22] was a partner in, etc. All
[02:19:26] the managers of those companies, including himself, right?
[02:19:29] To be taken into custody,
[02:19:32] or rather, to have a precautionary
[02:19:35] measure placed on their assets, right?
[02:19:38] What happened an hour later? An
[02:19:42] hour later, exactly as I remember
[02:19:45] it, as a sentence, uh, as a result of the
[02:19:49] examinations and evaluations,
[02:19:52] the documents obtained... "the precautionary
[02:19:56] measure was lifted within an hour or 1.5
[02:19:59] hours. Now we need to line
[02:20:03] up these events side by side. If we don't line
[02:20:06] up these events side by side, we cannot
[02:20:09] understand what kind of outcomes might emerge and what
[02:20:13] our expectations should be. Then we continue with Mehmet
[02:20:16] Şimşek coming out and saying that this incident is
[02:20:19] only 4% of the 2000-plus
[02:20:22] funds in Turkey, etc." Remember
[02:20:25] his speech where he tried to downplay
[02:20:29] the incident, making it seem like its impact on the economy would be almost
[02:20:32] zero, perhaps even stimulating the economy,
[02:20:36] I mean, I'm joking, turning
[02:20:39] it into a single event. Hm hm.
[02:20:42] Remember his speech.
[02:20:45] The President's first speech on this
[02:20:48] matter was probably around that time,
[02:20:52] his statement. Look, when the opposition
[02:20:56] party's
[02:20:59] Istanbul provincial building, CHP
[02:21:02] Istanbul, was acquired, those famous 30-40
[02:21:06] million, whatever, cash towers. This
[02:21:09] is how the pro-government
[02:21:12] media popularized
[02:21:15] it. The statement of the President, I am saying
[02:21:18] what I remember, he says, by
[02:21:22] challenging the opposition, he says, "You
[02:21:26] first account for those cash towers." So
[02:21:29] these events, this magnitude
[02:21:32] of incident is being tried to be dragged
[02:21:35] down and trivialized by being associated
[02:21:38] with cash towers. This is expressed by
[02:21:41] the most authorized mouth. You continue,
[02:21:45] initially, initially,
[02:21:48] both in the
[02:21:52] media and in the political
[02:21:55] arenas, when the ruling party
[02:21:57] representatives were asked for their opinions, they said,
[02:22:01] "Yes, this issue should be investigated by the parliament," etc.
[02:22:05] But after "the parliament
[02:22:08] opened, the ruling party and
[02:22:12] its presidential partner, that is, the People's
[02:22:15] Alliance, tried everything
[02:22:19] to prevent an investigation committee from being established.
[02:22:23] They called for a quorum, but by not forming
[02:22:26] a numerical majority, they somehow blocked this
[02:22:30] matter. And then quite openly, they
[02:22:33] reached the point where they said there was
[02:22:36] no need for an investigation committee.
[02:22:40] Now, this chain continues
[02:22:43] in this way. Finally, as shown in the slide
[02:22:46] or, uh, in the visual, Mr.
[02:22:50] Minister of Justice says
[02:22:54] that within
[02:22:56] 3 days,
[02:22:58] between September 13-16, September 13-16,
[02:23:02] so many people withdrew so many
[02:23:05] billions from the system.
[02:23:08] "Well, this issue
[02:23:11] from 2021-2022 onwards, because
[02:23:14] this is the result, the incident that happened
[02:23:18] on September 12, or September 17, whatever,
[02:23:22] is a result. Where is the groundwork that prepared
[02:23:25] this result? The beginning of the groundwork
[02:23:27] is from 2020-2021 onwards, with licenses
[02:23:31] given and supported,
[02:23:34] and their actions ignored by the bureaucracy.
[02:23:37] etc. and in those closed funds,
[02:23:40] value increases, etc. These events,
[02:23:43] ignored, these
[02:23:45] events,
[02:23:47] during these periods, these
[02:23:49] fund managers buying each other's shares,
[02:23:53] selling each other's shares, doing this, doing that,
[02:23:56] setting up something in Nigeria, establishing centers in Europe,
[02:24:00] they have names, they have signs, but what
[02:24:03] they do is unclear, perhaps they don't do any work at all.
[02:24:08] establishing companies and large money
[02:24:10] transfers. What will happen
[02:24:13] to these?
[02:24:16] Here, in the statement of the Minister of Justice,
[02:24:19] that is, in the text he wrote,
[02:24:23] we don't see these
[02:24:25] things. We don't see
[02:24:27] these things. So, what is understood
[02:24:30] from this? It is understood
[02:24:33] that what can be presented to the public,
[02:24:37] "is that so many people, and what are these people
[02:24:41] called? Bring these people,
[02:24:44] what you took, that is, judge yourselves
[02:24:47] in a way and bring it, saying you made
[02:24:51] an exorbitant profit, and uh, hand it over.
[02:24:54] If you hand it over, we will deal with
[02:24:57] this matter later, we will solve it. So, an atmosphere is being
[02:25:01] created that you will not be harmed by this.
[02:25:05] Now, when you put all these things together," what is
[02:25:08] the picture that emerges? The picture is this:
[02:25:11] the government is trying to minimize
[02:25:14] an incident of this magnitude,
[02:25:18] that is, a clear fraud incident, a clear,
[02:25:22] let's say, corruption,
[02:25:25] by pushing
[02:25:27] it aside,
[02:25:29] hmm hmm, not the main issue, that is, who
[02:25:32] did the insider trading there, these
[02:25:35] things... What kind of relationships
[02:25:39] were established with which bureaucrats in the bureaucracy,
[02:25:42] and thus ignored? Which
[02:25:45] politicians did this and that
[02:25:49] in this regard? Let me give an example. Let me give
[02:25:51] an example. In the midst of all the information,
[02:25:55] we forget and don't pay attention. The prosecutor
[02:25:58] asks the Tera manager, the Tera
[02:26:02] manager,
[02:26:04] "Why did you want to buy Pusula Holding,
[02:26:08] Pusula, almost on the last day,
[02:26:11] on the last day?" That's the question.
[02:26:15] "Why did you want to buy it?" The answer of the Tera
[02:26:18] manager, "A senior state
[02:26:22] official suggested
[02:26:25] it, recommended it,
[02:26:28] requested it, or said so." Now, what does
[02:26:31] this mean? Even this alone, look,
[02:26:35] even this alone shows how big
[02:26:38] the political leg of this matter is.
[02:26:41] We always forget, this alone should drag
[02:26:45] this investigation to completely different places, that's what I'm trying to explain. I mean,
[02:26:49] even just this. "I mean, there are many
[02:26:52] similar examples, which can be recalled, mentioned.
[02:26:56] Uh, the two bureaucrats mentioned by Abdülkadir Selvi
[02:26:59] who said that Tera's resources, Tera's system,
[02:27:03] or rather its structure, was not sufficient, and therefore a license
[02:27:07] should not be given, and put a reservation,
[02:27:10] signed it, and then those two bureaucrats were removed
[02:27:14] from office within two months, and then
[02:27:17] Tera was given permission. Well, "
[02:27:21] "what is it that caused those bureaucrats to be removed
[02:27:24] from office and new people to be appointed
[02:27:28] in their place? Now, I mean,
[02:27:31] there is definitely a political leg,
[02:27:34] and a bureaucratic leg. It's impossible for it to happen
[02:27:38] without a bureaucratic leg. A little while ago,
[02:27:41] dear Erhan Usta
[02:27:44] reminded us, and we all repeated it
[02:27:46] many times, what is it? A fund manager?"
[02:27:50] You are making a fund manager a member
[02:27:54] of the board of directors of the central decision-making
[02:27:57] and registration board, which can be considered the core
[02:28:01] of the system. Can such a thing be?
[02:28:04] Now, I mean, this is the work done.
[02:28:07] This is the work done.
[02:28:11] through whom was the appointment
[02:28:14] made? Who made the appointment?
[02:28:17] Look, if you don't question
[02:28:20] these things, we won't have the chance to
[02:28:24] reveal the ecosystem I mentioned at the beginning
[02:28:28] of this issue. You'll collect
[02:28:31] money, of course. Now,
[02:28:35] the Minister of Justice has written to these people, and these people
[02:28:38] will probably come there
[02:28:41] for a sum of money. If it's 187
[02:28:44] billion, maybe 130-140 billion will be done.
[02:28:47] They will present this as a great success
[02:28:50] to the public. By distributing
[02:28:54] these funds to small investors,
[02:28:57] they will, in a sense, partially
[02:29:00] correct the negative situation
[02:29:03] that could arise politically.
[02:29:06] A perception will be created that as a party, "we went all the way with this."
[02:29:10] But nothing will be done
[02:29:13] regarding the founding pillars
[02:29:17] of the ecosystem. What Erhan Usun said is very true.
[02:29:21] During the Taşkesenlioğlu era,
[02:29:23] the CMB really came to light.
[02:29:27] Their right, let's say,
[02:29:30] companies with a value of 100 million,
[02:29:33] 10 million, 20 million were listed on the stock exchange for billions
[02:29:37] of dollars,
[02:29:40] and thus money was collected
[02:29:42] from the public, from investors.
[02:29:45] And then it was revealed
[02:29:48] that Taşkesenlioğlu's sister's
[02:29:52] husband, Zehra's husband,
[02:29:54] Ünsalban... So many things came out,
[02:29:58] right? Even her investments in Africa, that Zehra
[02:30:01] Taşkesenlioğlu. When nothing is done about these,
[02:30:05] where does the courage come from? I mean, when you don't
[02:30:08] do anything to a minister who sells
[02:30:11] goods from his company, who sells goods to his ministry,
[02:30:14] then people
[02:30:18] in politics and bureaucracy
[02:30:21] think, "No one is doing anything anyway,
[02:30:25] so let's make the most of it while we can."
[02:30:28] That's what they do. Now, Yahşihan,
[02:30:32] what was it, a municipality, 1000-plus
[02:30:36] people... 1600
[02:30:39] or something, a large district, passed over to 5 people's names.
[02:30:42] Real estate thing, yes. Look at the extent
[02:30:46] of the corruption. That's the extent of the corruption.
[02:30:50] Therefore, the issue is not just
[02:30:53] paying the money, but rather
[02:30:56] three scapegoats being convicted,
[02:30:59] let's say, three scapegoats and so on.
[02:31:03] "When this is deemed sufficient,
[02:31:07] Turkey, unfortunately, in the coming years,
[02:31:10] these financial markets are developing
[02:31:12] so rapidly. New methods are emerging
[02:31:15] that people like me, who are not economists,
[02:31:19] cannot understand, and even economists cannot understand
[02:31:23] their dimensions. And there is no chance
[02:31:26] to fight these methods.
[02:31:30] When you put incompetent and unskilled people..."
[02:31:38] in charge, what more can we say? There's not much left to say. Well, there are still things to say, we'll get to them in later segments. Professor Ahat, friends,
[02:31:42] by the way, Fatma,
[02:31:45] uh, politician, economist Nesin Nasta is with us
[02:31:48] via remote connection. Ms. Nesin, welcome.
[02:31:51] Hello, good evening.
[02:31:55] Good evening to all participants. Thank you.
[02:31:58] Uh, the article written by
[02:32:01] the Turkey Newspaper
[02:32:02] writer.
[02:32:06] I couldn't find it here now, dear friends, the visual number.
[02:32:10] If you found it, did it come? Okay, let's see, because
[02:32:13] Fatma Betül Sayankaya went and gave a statement. By the way,
[02:32:17] 12 days after the incident.
[02:32:21] Her image while going to give a statement was not
[02:32:25] reflected in the press. She went with her husband.
[02:32:28] It is said that the total of two statements lasted 55 minutes.
[02:32:33] "When we go to the prosecutor for something, we stay there longer,
[02:32:36] that is, when we go with a single accusation,
[02:32:40] now, regarding this, Kubilay Gülbek, the writer
[02:32:43] for Türkiye Newspaper, claimed the following:
[02:32:46] "The prosecutor's office has very important
[02:32:49] information and documents, because she and her husband said,
[02:32:53] 'We did not receive any insider information,
[02:32:57] that is, we did not receive any information from within, there was no guidance,
[02:33:01] we carried out all transactions
[02:33:03] entirely on our own decision.'
[02:33:06] he said. The Prosecutor's Office has very important information and documents. HTS
[02:33:10] records, statements given by those arrested
[02:33:13] for fraud, and most importantly, the system
[02:33:16] applied by Kaya and her husband when exiting the fund,
[02:33:19] which caused many grievances.
[02:33:22] According to this information and documents, it is quite clear
[02:33:26] and evident that Kaya and her husband committed
[02:33:29] insider trading on the stock market."
[02:33:40] It is openly seen in the statements
[02:33:44] that the Kaya couple, who are accused
[02:33:47] of manipulating the stock market
[02:33:50] by using undisclosed internal information of a company
[02:33:53] that could affect its share price, established a relationship with the fund fraudsters.
[02:33:56] Clearly visible.
[02:33:59] When looking at
[02:34:01] HTS records, face-to-face meetings with these individuals,
[02:34:05] and meetings in public areas have been
[02:34:09] entered into the file as evidence. Now, this is
[02:34:12] Kubilay Gülbek's statement.
[02:34:15] Uh, Fatma Betül Sayan
[02:34:18] Kaya, who decided to leave the fund in September
[02:34:21] 2026, was in for a surprise.
[02:34:24] Because her
[02:34:27] shares had to be put up for sale
[02:34:31] through TEFAS, the Turkish Electronic Fund System.
[02:34:34] And who would buy them
[02:34:37] and when could prolong
[02:34:41] the sales process. In other words, as you understand,
[02:34:45] selling fund papers
[02:34:47] was harder than buying them, says Kubilay
[02:34:51] Gülmen. But according
[02:34:54] to the information in the prosecutor's statements,
[02:34:58] the fund fraudsters also came
[02:35:01] to Kaya's aid here. "According to the claim,
[02:35:03] the value of the securities held by Kaya's
[02:35:07] family was deliberately understated
[02:35:10] and offered for sale.
[02:35:13] Buyers were made to believe that the fund papers would rise
[02:35:17] in value in a short time and were being sold
[02:35:20] below the official price, thereby
[02:35:24] creating the perception
[02:35:27] that thousands of lots of shares belonging to the shipping company
[02:35:31] were instantly transferred to the accounts of new
[02:35:33] victims. In fact, with this scheme,
[02:35:37] small investors were defrauded for the second time."
[02:35:40] Now, of course, we don't know, we
[02:35:44] are not aware of these details, dear viewers, we don't have such information.
[02:35:48] The Turkey Newspaper writer wrote it.
[02:35:51] He says these are in the file. This is very striking. We will see.
[02:35:55] So, will the statements given by Fatma Betül
[02:35:58] Sayankaya herself be sufficient? Or will the investigation
[02:36:02] be deepened by evaluating these additional
[02:36:06] pieces of evidence and findings,
[02:36:09] which are claimed to be in the file? We'll see. But let's ask
[02:36:12] Ms. Nesrin. Ms. Nesrin, now a certain Akın
[02:36:16] Gürlek, 100 214 individuals
[02:36:19] and legal entities, 184
[02:36:23] 187.6
[02:36:26] billion made profit. We identified this,
[02:36:30] but regarding the disclosure
[02:36:32] of the names, important AKP figures say, "Oh, the right to not be stigmatized,"
[02:36:36] etc. But the CMB used to announce
[02:36:40] the names of those it fined very openly.
[02:36:44] We showed it here. So, should these names be disclosed
[02:36:47] or not? Will they be disclosed? What do you say about this? Secondly,
[02:36:51] what do these file information,
[02:36:54] written by the Turkey Newspaper writer regarding
[02:36:58] Fatma Betül Sayankaya, mean to you?
[02:37:01] Yes, now, uh, Mr. Gökmen,
[02:37:05] the 214
[02:37:09] people announced by the Minister
[02:37:12] of Justice, I guess
[02:37:15] it covers the period between September 13 and September 16,
[02:37:19] that is, it is based on sales made during that period.
[02:37:22] However, the main
[02:37:24] sales and rapid exits began on the stock exchange
[02:37:28] after August 28. Uh,
[02:37:31] on August 28, a very rapid exit began
[02:37:35] with the Capital Markets Board's
[02:37:38] regulation, which Mehmet Şimşek
[02:37:41] had previously mentioned. Uh, I mean,
[02:37:45] "by taking September 13-16, they have already significantly
[02:37:48] narrowed the scope of the matter.
[02:37:51] The real period to look at
[02:37:54] is after August 28. There's a mistake here.
[02:37:58] Secondly, now,
[02:38:01] this 187 billion liras...
[02:38:05] We are talking roughly about this without knowing
[02:38:08] who invested how much, how much they sold it for,
[02:38:12] what individuals did, what institutional investors did,
[02:38:15] all of this. This is not right.
[02:38:18] It needs to be explained very transparently.
[02:38:22] Uh, so, these names
[02:38:25] will eventually come out.
[02:38:28] Some of these names will be punished
[02:38:32] by the Capital Markets Board, some
[02:38:34] will be directly accused of fraud
[02:38:38] and punished.
[02:38:41] These names will eventually come out.
[02:38:44] But here,
[02:38:46] they want to hide it as much as possible,
[02:38:50] to cover it up, and prevent people
[02:38:54] from talking about this issue
[02:38:57] and asking questions due to weariness.
[02:39:00] Another aspect, as you know, is the arrest
[02:39:04] of journalists, the closure of social media
[02:39:07] accounts, the closure
[02:39:10] of an 17-year-old platform
[02:39:14] like T24, an internet newspaper.
[02:39:17] The other aspect is this. Here now,
[02:39:20] the fundamental point is this:
[02:39:23] you
[02:39:25] published the article
[02:39:29] in Türkiye Newspaper. Now, Fatma Betül
[02:39:31] Sayan invested in a stock,
[02:39:35] she is not a fund investor. See, these two get mixed up.
[02:39:38] She invested in a single stock, Özata Shipping, yes.
[02:39:42] Now, with a single stock,
[02:39:45] it is very easy to detect whether there was manipulation
[02:39:49] or not, and they probably detected it,
[02:39:52] given that she gave a statement to the prosecutor.
[02:39:55] Now, manipulation is a crime.
[02:39:58] So, even if nothing else is done,
[02:40:02] she should be punished for manipulation.
[02:40:05] Another thing is this: if you sell
[02:40:09] 2 billion
[02:40:12] of a company's shares in one go
[02:40:15] or at short intervals, you will bankrupt
[02:40:19] that company. So, such a transaction
[02:40:23] cannot be done without an agreement. That is,
[02:40:26] probably,
[02:40:30] Fatma Betül, Fatma Betül Hanım, her name is very long, forgive me, Fatma
[02:40:33] Betül Hanım's intention to sell these shares
[02:40:37] was also known by Özata,
[02:40:40] and it was pre-arranged that Tera would buy
[02:40:43] these shares. And here, such a game
[02:40:46] was played. That is, Fatma Betül Hanım
[02:40:49] sells at a lower price. Tera buys
[02:40:52] it at a higher price. The shares suddenly
[02:40:56] become attractive again. And therefore,
[02:40:59] new investors come to the shares.
[02:41:02] So, here, as you just said, an investor
[02:41:05] was unfortunately defrauded twice
[02:41:08] here. Now, there's something else here.
[02:41:12] Uh, another fraud is that if you look at the period
[02:41:15] between September 9 and September 16,
[02:41:19] the same thing happens after Pusula.
[02:41:22] With the news that the owner of Pusula, or
[02:41:25] whatever, its founder,
[02:41:28] "fled abroad, a panic suddenly
[02:41:31] starts regarding Pusula, regarding the fund
[02:41:35] in Pusula. Hera comes out and says,
[02:41:37] 'I'm buying it,' and after he says
[02:41:41] 'I'm buying it,' 'Oh, Tera is already the biggest,'
[02:41:44] uh,
[02:41:48] people start re-entering the system because Tera
[02:41:51] is buying. In the meantime, more than 50,000
[02:41:55] people again," give, that is, they
[02:41:59] lure them in, and then
[02:42:02] Tera gives up buying. That is,
[02:42:05] after September 9, until September 16,
[02:42:09] more than 50,000 new
[02:42:12] investors enter. Now,
[02:42:14] can they also be called new victims, inspired by this situation?
[02:42:18] Of course, they are all victims, because those who did this,
[02:42:21] those who put it up for sale, those who bought it,
[02:42:24] each of them is
[02:42:38] Two things are very influential here. On one side, there's such a negative
[02:42:42] real interest rate for deposits, so people
[02:42:45] are looking for a new place to invest their savings,
[02:42:48] however small, due to that loss. On the other side,
[02:42:52] the TEFAS platform and licensed portfolio
[02:42:55] management companies are given this permission by institutions,
[02:42:59] the stock exchange, the Capital Markets
[02:43:02] Board, and here investors are invited
[02:43:05] by building trust.
[02:43:09] Now, a very fundamental
[02:43:11] problem
[02:43:14] for us is the serious erosion
[02:43:17] of institutions after the presidential government
[02:43:21] system that came into effect
[02:43:25] in 2018.
[02:43:28] Now, let's start with the Central Bank. MASAK,
[02:43:31] the Central Bank, the Capital Markets Board, the Stock Exchange,
[02:43:35] that is, the Stock Exchange, uh, institutions
[02:43:38] like the Banking Regulation and Supervision Board
[02:43:42] these
[02:43:45] institutions, when acting as supervisory
[02:43:48] and regulatory bodies, must do so
[02:43:52] by considering the public interest.
[02:43:55] Their reason for existence is to protect the public interest.
[02:43:59] Therefore, the foundation of modern financial
[02:44:03] regulation is for the regulatory
[02:44:06] and supervisory authority to maintain
[02:44:09] a very distant institutional distance from the political
[02:44:12] system, the political structure, and also from the sector it supervises.
[02:44:16] This is a fundamental criterion. This criterion has been completely
[02:44:20] removed, eroded. As Professor Ahat
[02:44:24] also said earlier, someone on the management
[02:44:27] of the stock exchange is the head of the State
[02:44:31] Supervisory Board, and
[02:44:34] the CEO of Terra is also
[02:44:37] a board member of the Central Registry
[02:44:40] Agency. They are very intertwined. That is, the distance
[02:44:43] between politics and
[02:44:47] these regulatory and supervisory institutions
[02:44:50] has been completely closed,
[02:44:54] no distance has been left, and these
[02:44:58] institutions, instead of protecting
[02:45:01] public interests, have started to act
[02:45:05] in line with political goals.
[02:45:08] We see this in the establishment of these funds.
[02:45:11] That is, what I focus on more than the names
[02:45:15] is this. Closed funds are being established, right?
[02:45:18] These funds are initially established as closed.
[02:45:21] How much money are they established with? Where does that money
[02:45:25] come from? What is its source? I mean, MASAK
[02:45:28] should be involved there, but we don't know if MASAK
[02:45:31] has done anything like that. Then, these funds
[02:45:35] grow for a while, take on new names,
[02:45:39] and when they reach 150, 160 people, they go
[02:45:43] and these funds make public offerings.
[02:45:46] How does the Capital Markets Board
[02:45:50] give permission for these offerings?
[02:45:53] That is, by looking into these...
[02:46:03] It gives permission, and that's not enough. They are taken into TEFAS.
[02:46:06] Taking them into TEFAS means putting them in a showcase.
[02:46:11] that's not enough. Some of them Now,
[02:46:16] are taken into BIST 30. Now,
[02:46:21] BIST 30 means putting the product you're going to sell in a showcase. Now, completely, the small investor,
[02:46:24] trusting the connections,
[02:46:28] thinks, "Nothing will happen, my money is safe here."
[02:46:31] And also, hundreds of thousands
[02:46:33] of people who want to protect
[02:46:36] their money from inflation have invested
[02:46:40] all their savings here. So,
[02:46:43] this is what the state should be protecting.
[02:46:47] This is not happening. We look
[02:46:49] at what Professor Ahat
[02:46:53] did, but this regulatory and supervisory bureaucracy
[02:46:56] has shortened its distance from politics, but
[02:47:00] on the other hand, there is no meritocracy.
[02:47:03] There is really no meritocracy.
[02:47:06] On the other hand, at the second step, you look at these...
[02:47:10] "companies, funds, fund founders,
[02:47:12] there is a very serious nepotistic
[02:47:15] network of relationships and family ties.
[02:47:18] That is, within
[02:47:21] the government, close to it,
[02:47:24] at its very center, there are serious
[02:47:27] nepotistic networks where
[02:47:30] families are involved. So, if there are such
[02:47:33] networks, it is not possible
[02:47:37] to talk about public benefit.
[02:47:40] Thirdly, a revolving door
[02:47:43] has been created between the regulator
[02:47:46] and the supervisor, as I mentioned earlier.
[02:47:49] The regulator, you see, moves to a company,
[02:47:53] from the company becomes a supervisor, and the supervisor
[02:47:56] again enters a company's
[02:47:59] position. Former bureaucrats become
[02:48:02] founders of new funds, or partners with one
[02:48:07] That is, these companies also have organic political
[02:48:11] connections. These also need to be investigated.
[02:48:14] Now, such investigations
[02:48:17] are conducted transparently.
[02:48:20] It needs to be extremely transparent. That is,
[02:48:24] who, when, and on what date you entered
[02:48:27] is very important. And on what date
[02:48:29] you exited is also important.
[02:48:33] Now, this damage
[02:48:36] is not limited to these funds,
[02:48:39] to those who lost in this fund. "The distrust created
[02:48:42] here has engulfed the entire stock market, as you know. Turkey's
[02:48:46] very valuable companies are plummeting
[02:48:50] on the stock exchange.
[02:48:52] Now, it's not easy for this to recover.
[02:48:56] That is, we are still at the beginning of this crisis.
[02:48:59] We are still discussing the investigation, discussing the matter,
[02:49:02] 'How will this happen?
[02:49:06] Will we learn about it or not? Where will this money
[02:49:10] be found?' We are discussing these,
[02:49:13] but this will spread in waves,
[02:49:16] because financial crises are contagious,
[02:49:20] Mr. Gökmen. I especially want to emphasize this.
[02:49:23] They are contagious. To prevent this contagion,
[02:49:27] you need to act very quickly. Now,
[02:49:31] you are acting so slowly regarding this Ms. Fatma Betül
[02:49:34] that right now, what we know is
[02:49:38] only these 214 people. Will this be disclosed
[02:49:42] or not? It doesn't matter
[02:49:45] whether these are disclosed or not. These things should have been
[02:49:48] done by now. The management of the stock exchange,
[02:49:52] the Capital Markets Board and its chairman,
[02:49:55] the members of the BDDK board and its chairman,
[02:49:58] the members of MASAK, uh,
[02:50:01] that is, they should have been dismissed
[02:50:05] immediately. Those people are still
[02:50:08] sitting there. And don't forget, when we came here,
[02:50:11] this didn't suddenly explode in 2026.
[02:50:15] Yes, before this,
[02:50:18] in previous years, there was a huge
[02:50:21] IPO frenzy, remember? That is, companies were going
[02:50:25] public one after another,
[02:50:28] uh, they were opening
[02:50:30] up.
[02:50:33] Uh, and among them,
[02:50:37] I look, I look because I'm interested.
[02:50:45] A company that is losing money is allowed to go public. I was watching this
[02:50:48] in horror. I really want to elaborate
[02:50:52] on that part next time, Ms. Hanım, let's elaborate on that part next time.
[02:50:56] So, these are my words, Mr. Gökmen. No, we'll come back again,
[02:50:59] Ms. Nesrin. There are still
[02:51:03] many important issues we need to discuss about this.
[02:51:07] The CMB has just prepared a report about Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya.
[02:51:10] "We are curious to know what
[02:51:14] is in the report. Let's give the floor to Ms. Turça.
[02:51:18] Ms. Turça, lists are like this,
[02:51:21] undisclosed situations. On the one hand, what the writer of Türkiye Gazetesi said about Fatma Betül Sayankaya,
[02:51:25] we don't know if they are really in the file or not. We announce them as claims, because in the relevant publication,
[02:51:29] in the IMM investigations, those claims were always presented
[02:51:32] as if they were true, exactly as if they had happened. We will not act like them;
[02:51:36] we will still view them as claims and follow up on them."
[02:51:40] Uh, what do you say? Mr. Gökmen,
[02:51:43] I would like to make small additions, actually.
[02:51:47] Our professors discussed it in great detail, but
[02:51:50] we see this very clearly. I want to state very clearly
[02:51:54] that the AK Party's dark regime has now been exposed
[02:51:57] to the entire global public with this fund crisis.
[02:52:00] Uh, of course, we have actually been trying
[02:52:04] to explain and shout this for years.
[02:52:06] We are also talking about this dark regime with documents
[02:52:10] in hand, but the AK Party's regime
[02:52:13] has been like this from the very beginning. That is, the system
[02:52:16] was built on the wealth produced by citizens, the wealth produced by the public,
[02:52:20] being divided and distributed by a group of companies
[02:52:23] closer to the AKP, or by cronies.
[02:52:26] Unfortunately, there was such a system, and this caused
[02:52:30] the citizens to become so poor during these 20-plus years.
[02:52:33] That's why we have so many victims now.
[02:52:37] If we also look at this aspect,
[02:52:40] it's because our citizens are now aware
[02:52:44] that they cannot own a house or a car
[02:52:47] by working day and night, and that the small amount
[02:52:51] of money they earn is melting away against inflation. They have financial
[02:52:55] problems. What has the victimized citizen done? He thinks, "Let my one be two."
[02:52:58] You divided everything among yourselves. Now that there's nothing left to divide and distribute,
[02:53:02] we see that they have started to defraud
[02:53:05] each other in inverted commas, actually, with this
[02:53:09] fund crisis. Now, I, yes,
[02:53:12] the Minister of Justice gave a number, and
[02:53:16] the General Chairman also made a statement today, but as a citizen of the Republic of Turkey,
[02:53:19] I would like all records numbers, not certain dates,
[02:53:23] but to the extent that it is quite possible. I demand
[02:53:27] to be disclosed, not just certain the disclosure of all records,
[02:53:31] and this has nothing to do with the presumption of innocence, Gökmen Bey.
[02:53:35] Moreover, the presumption of innocence
[02:53:39] is unfortunately a very important principle that cannot
[02:53:42] be played with by AKP bureaucrats.
[02:53:45] I would like to emphasize this as a lawyer. Now, what have we been dealing with for almost
[02:53:48] two years? We have repeatedly
[02:53:51] tried to express it in your programs, and my colleague, master,
[02:53:54] Telci, often came
[02:53:58] to the point of shouting here about the presumption
[02:54:00] of innocence, but no one cared about
[02:54:04] the presumption of innocence while our municipal
[02:54:07] operations were continuing. Now, there is such a big crisis of trust,
[02:54:11] Gökmen Bey. As a citizen of the Republic of Turkey,
[02:54:14] I would like to say very clearly that the announced names
[02:54:18] have not been changed. "Some of the announced names
[02:54:20] have not been protected,
[02:54:24] because three weeks have passed, and Mr. Ramazan Başak said,
[02:54:28] "Everything is so digital and so easy to access that
[02:54:30] if desired, all of these lists
[02:54:34] can be shared with the public within 10 minutes by pressing
[02:54:38] two buttons." If they are not shared
[02:54:41] and three weeks have passed,
[02:54:44] and this issue is reduced to only certain dates
[02:54:48] and certain names, then frankly, I
[02:54:51] would be seriously those closer in line,
[02:54:54] or perhaps the high-level executives of AKP bureaucrats
[02:54:58] are being protected. concerned about whether
[02:55:02] their own supporters, Now,
[02:55:05] there is no error in the simile; it's like "the gods demand sacrifices,"
[02:55:08] throwing out a name and constantly revolving
[02:55:12] this issue around Ms. Fatma Betül.
[02:55:15] I think this is beneficial for the government.
[02:55:18] I think Türkiye Gazetesi is also not
[02:55:22] writing this article by chance or just
[02:55:25] to have written it; it is drawing attention to something. Of course,
[02:55:29] we are in a digital age, and there are dozens
[02:55:32] of ways to protect the presumption of innocence when disclosing
[02:55:34] these documents and names, to protect the presumption
[02:55:38] of innocence. You may not disclose the TR ID
[02:55:40] numbers, but as we see,
[02:55:43] when an allegation was made about
[02:55:47] Ms. Mahinur, I apologize, like Professor Nur, I got stuck
[02:55:51] on a difficult name, Ms. Mahinur's father, we see that
[02:55:55] TR ID numbers are actually in a state where they can be learned
[02:55:58] very quickly, almost immediately. This means that all
[02:56:02] these records are in the hands of the bureaucracy, in the hands of the
[02:56:06] state administration. Disclose all of them, not just a certain
[02:56:09] number of people. Let the people who have been involved
[02:56:13] in these funds from the very beginning be seen. Let it be
[02:56:15] seen how much they have enriched themselves. The money they invested
[02:56:19] before September, and where they found
[02:56:23] this money, should be disclosed. Now, is it like this: you brought the money,
[02:56:26] unfortunately, you succumbed to your desires,
[02:56:30] then you came to the SPK and paid that money,
[02:56:34] and you used its interest, but it's not even clear under what conditions
[02:56:37] you paid it. You came and paid it. What did you become? You became a penitent.
[02:56:40] Therefore, we will find a way to save
[02:56:44] you from this crime. Then, Gökmen Bey, I ask, why are our comrades
[02:56:47] who were elected with millions of votes
[02:56:51] rotting in Silivri dungeons
[02:56:54] for months, without any evidence?
[02:56:57] Now, I would like to briefly say this and conclude.
[02:57:00] In these cases of defrauding
[02:57:03] their own base, we also see
[02:57:06] cases of money being smuggled abroad.
[02:57:10] So, can we say this: there is no error in the simile;
[02:57:13] they say "rats first leave a sinking ship."
[02:57:17] You know, so I interpret this as the palace circles
[02:57:21] have seen that this government is approaching its end,
[02:57:24] that it has no future, and that even the possibility
[02:57:28] of this coming out, all political risks
[02:57:31] have been taken by these people,
[02:57:35] to build a new life for themselves. This is also
[02:57:38] very important: look, nobody comes
[02:57:41] out and says, "You will apologize to this citizen;
[02:57:45] you caused this citizen to lose
[02:57:48] what they had in their hands through manipulations."
[02:57:52] Nobody says you will apologize to this citizen. They generally
[02:57:55] say, "Oh no, how can this
[02:57:59] be done to the Chief? How can this be done to our President?"
[02:58:02] or similar statements, or statements trying to keep
[02:58:06] this out of it, as if he has no knowledge.
[02:58:09] This is such a dangerous situation. If
[02:58:13] he is aware
[02:58:16] of it, we are talking about a system
[02:58:19] in which high-level staff of the party he is the general
[02:58:23] chairman of, and ministers of the current government, are involved.
[02:58:26] We are talking about a system where the victim
[02:58:29] is also a citizen. If Mr. Erdoğan is aware of this,
[02:58:33] it is very bitter. If he is not aware of this, it is even more bitter.
[02:58:37] I read something yesterday. I am not one to believe in
[02:58:41] scenarios, fictional conspiracies, and so on,
[02:58:44] but there is a situation where the pro-government media says,
[02:58:47] "Oh, this is being done by Mossad, this situation is being manipulated
[02:58:51] by external powers." Good heavens,
[02:58:55] a system has been established that involves your closest colleagues,
[02:58:58] right in front of your eyes, right in your home,
[02:59:02] and you don't see it. Who governs
[02:59:07] this state, or has our
[02:59:11] state now let go and is rolling
[02:59:14] down a cliff? Is it that whatever
[02:59:17] happens to the citizen is not important, even if they starve to death?
[02:59:21] They voted, so I will take their vote; that's not important.
[02:59:24] A honorable civil servant, a retired police officer, says,
[02:59:28] "for my honor," and takes his own life; that's not important.
[02:59:32] But we see that the protection of those who succumb to their desires
[02:59:35] is more important than everything. It's a shame. Thank you very much.
[02:59:38] I will come back in the next round. Okay.
[02:59:42] Abdullah Güler also made such a statement, saying, "If anyone thinks
[02:59:45] they have made a high profit, let them do their own accounting."
[02:59:49] What do you say about what we have discussed so far, because I couldn't give Mr. İsmail
[02:59:53] the floor in the previous segment?
[02:59:55] Excuse me,
[02:59:58] of course, there is a very big scandal at hand,
[03:00:01] and a "look at the juggler" game is being tried to be played.
[03:00:05] The juggler is being tried to be portrayed as Ms. Fatma Betül,
[03:00:09] but all these political
[03:00:12] and legal processes that caused this event
[03:00:16] are being tried to be swept under the rug. First of all,
[03:00:19] if you allow me, let me say a few things about what needs
[03:00:23] to be done. Many observations have
[03:00:26] already been made. So,
[03:00:30] legally,
[03:00:33] we need to resist this. Will this process end
[03:00:37] for Fatma Betül Hanım just because she returned it to the United
[03:00:39] Fund Bank account? No, it cannot. So what
[03:00:43] is intended here? I mean,
[03:00:47] in some cases, you know, like
[03:00:50] if you withdraw your complaint, the public lawsuit doesn't
[03:00:54] drop, but it leads to a reduction in sentence. Is this
[03:00:58] what is intended? Now, against this,
[03:01:01] we need to expose these issues.
[03:01:05] This is what is important in the first place. Secondly,
[03:01:09] there is the existence of a criminal organization
[03:01:12] here, and this criminal organization
[03:01:15] has been revealed from the very beginning. How is it revealed? Now,
[03:01:18] there is a well-known speech by Mehmet Şimşek on November 4, 2025,
[03:01:22] saying, "We know that manipulation was done in the funds."
[03:01:26] From this date, until
[03:01:29] May 2026, the SPK president is still in office,
[03:01:33] and no action is taken.
[03:01:35] In May 2026, the SPK president
[03:01:37] changes. It is Vecdi Gönül's
[03:01:40] son. He changes. The person
[03:01:43] who replaces him is the second president of the SPK
[03:01:46] in the previous period. The second president
[03:01:50] continues his activities, and still no measures
[03:01:53] are taken. In fact, we come to August,
[03:01:57] and the SPK publishes a guide. After that,
[03:02:00] some movements begin, but no new measures
[03:02:03] are taken until the evening of September 16th.
[03:02:06] On September 17th, we see that everything
[03:02:10] has exploded. The SPK announces a detailed list
[03:02:13] of transaction bans, to institutions, that is,
[03:02:17] all individuals and institutions. And we understand
[03:02:20] that the Capital Markets Board is aware of all these
[03:02:24] dealings, but has not taken action.
[03:02:26] Therefore, there is a situation here.
[03:02:29] It is not just a punishment system under SPK Article 107.
[03:02:33] There is clearly Turkish Penal Code Article 220,
[03:02:36] the formation of a criminal organization, qualified fraud, Article 158,
[03:02:40] and there are political and administrative responsibilities
[03:02:44] of the people who caused all these things,
[03:02:46] such as dereliction of duty. Now, that's already there
[03:02:49] with dereliction of duty, but how were these things allowed?
[03:02:53] Dereliction of duty doesn't end it. Those who allowed
[03:02:56] it are primarily responsible. And the person who allowed
[03:03:00] it at the very beginning is the person who governs the state.
[03:03:03] So, it comes down to this. Therefore, what we
[03:03:06] need to do here is to expose all this political
[03:03:10] and legal process and take the necessary
[03:03:13] steps to ensure that this issue is not limited
[03:03:16] to Fatma Betül Sayankaya. For example, if this lady
[03:03:20] invested 60 million and earned 90 million,
[03:03:23] meaning she made a profit of 30 million, and these things still came
[03:03:27] out, would we have kept silent? Would it have been said, "You made
[03:03:31] denecekti ya da bunun gibi bütün bu işleri yapan kimseler doğal
[03:03:34] olarak aklanacak mıydı? hayır, burada
[03:03:37] sistematik bir durum var, sistematik bir dolandırma vakası
[03:03:41] var ve kimler dolandırılıyor? bir
[03:03:43] kısım birbirinden haberdar olan içeride bir örgütten."
[03:03:47] var ve bunlar aslında insanları dolandırıyor, kimler
[03:03:50] dolandırılıyor, bazen yol arkadaşları da dolandırılıyor, şimdi
[03:03:54] biliyoruz bazı bakanlar, onlar da paralarını koymuşlar, belki bu
[03:03:58] niyetle koydular ama çıkma alarmını
[03:04:00] duyamamışlar, eyvah yani hayır duyamamışlar,
[03:04:04] mağdur olmuşlar, mağdur olmuşlar kendileri ve sonra
[03:04:07] çıkıp spk'nın görevlerini hatırlatan görseller
[03:04:10] hazırlamışlar ve onları yayınlatmışlar, işte bunlar da var, bunlar da
[03:04:14] var, demek ki her zaman söylediğimiz şey burada bir bir kere daha
[03:04:17] gerçekleşmiş, burada partiyi
[03:04:21] ve seçmeni idare eden bir siyasal parti
[03:04:24] var ama bir de içeride bürokrasi
[03:04:27] içerisinde kümelenmiş olan ve bu bürokrasiyi ve bu
[03:04:31] bürokrasiyi eee nasıl diyeyim bir eee bu tarz
[03:04:34] işler için yol yapan bir yapılanma var bunu ifşa etmek lazım
[03:04:38] bitmedi sözleriniz araya gidelim aradan sonra devam
[03:04:41] edeceğiz fikret abi kusura bakma siz ev sahibi sayılırsınız bu dilimde
[03:04:45] de söz veremedim bir sonraki dilimde.
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[03:06:00] Openly continues, dear viewers.
[03:06:03] İsmail Emretelci, before the break,
[03:06:06] if you have a few sentences left unsaid, Mr. İsmail,
[03:06:10] let's hear them, and then I will summarize with your permission. Now,
[03:06:13] the main reason for these things in Turkey is the existence of a dual legal system.
[03:06:17] Ms. Nesin also said it, and my teacher also said it. Everyone agrees on this.
[03:06:20] Now, examples of this are also emerging.
[03:06:24] For example, yesterday, while journalists
[03:06:27] were being referred to judicial control,
[03:06:31] which, as you know, turned into house arrest at night,
[03:06:35] İsmail Saymaz and two journalist friends, Mustafa Balcı
[03:06:39] and Şaban Sevinç, were referred for arrest and were arrested.
[03:06:41] That is, while everything is in plain sight
[03:06:45] and the whole process is being exposed,
[03:06:48] we see that even the fact that these people went
[03:06:51] to give their statements is learned later. So, such a controlled
[03:06:55] investigation is being carried out that it is not very possible
[03:06:58] to get a result from it. That is, from that controlled
[03:07:01] investigation, results will be produced
[03:07:04] in line with the intentions of those who conduct it.
[03:07:07] I don't think the legal truth can be reached very much,
[03:07:11] and it stopped at 120 billion. No, it's not
[03:07:14] 120 billion. When this operation, this scandal, first emerged,
[03:07:18] you remember, Bloomberg reported a loss of 20
[03:07:21] billion dollars. In the following days, it was reported
[03:07:25] that there was a loss of nearly 50 billion dollars
[03:07:28] in the economy due to stock market transactions and total loss.
[03:07:32] Therefore, at every stage, at every step,
[03:07:35] we see that there is an approach that aims to reduce
[03:07:38] the damage, narrow down the responsible parties,
[03:07:40] and say, "Oh, it wasn't that bad." And this is slowly
[03:07:44] being ingrained in Turkish public opinion.
[03:07:46] In this process, as citizens,
[03:07:50] we must not give up.
[03:07:53] There is a systematic corruption,
[03:07:56] a systematic robbery here. "Those who commit
[03:08:00] this robbery are people close to the government,
[03:08:03] in the government's hinterland, and these people
[03:08:07] have not shown mercy to anyone. The time
[03:08:10] came, they entered with a certain guarantee,
[03:08:13] they got information, they left. It's very simple,
[03:08:17] it's systematic, and those who allowed
[03:08:21] these are at the top of the state. If they hadn't allowed
[03:08:24] it, Mehmet Şimşek would have come out after November 9th
[03:08:27] and said, 'Measures are not being taken against
[03:08:31] these manipulations; our way is blocked,
[03:08:33] our hands are tied.' They didn't say that. The members
[03:08:37] of the Capital Markets Board, its chairman and members, would
[03:08:40] have been dismissed. They didn't do that. The chairman and board members
[03:08:44] of the BRSA would have been dismissed. They didn't do that. This is something that is not done
[03:08:47] knowingly, something that is knowingly prevented, and an incident
[03:08:51] that is sought to be extinguished in a controlled manner. We must not
[03:08:54] accept this systematization. We must expose
[03:08:57] this at every stage. There is one more point I wanted
[03:09:00] to make. In this
[03:09:02] matter of money,
[03:09:04] although the differences in the IBB investigation
[03:09:07] are always mentioned, we need to say this once
[03:09:11] again: the evidence here is clear.
[03:09:14] The money is there. For example,
[03:09:17] in the IBB investigation or investigations
[03:09:20] targeting opponents, there is no evidence.
[03:09:24] Look, there is no evidence. Here, the evidence
[03:09:27] is before our eyes. Therefore, starting
[03:09:30] from the evidence, which is normally how it should be,
[03:09:34] the suspect is reached, the accused is reached; it cannot
[03:09:38] be otherwise. We need to expose the difference between the system
[03:09:41] applied to opponents and this system,
[03:09:44] because the state has now come to a dual legal
[03:09:47] system. For example, Pamukova, Çorlu, Hendek, Soma.
[03:09:51] The state is now at a stage where, because the checks and balances
[03:09:55] have disappeared, they cannot
[03:09:58] even predict where the next scandal will break out. That's why
[03:10:02] we say the state system is over; the state cannot intervene
[03:10:06] in these matters because it has lost control,
[03:10:08] and an urgent series of reforms needs to be implemented, measures need to be taken,
[03:10:12] but I absolutely do not think this government
[03:10:15] can do it; the government needs to change. So, Fikret abi, on Monday,
[03:10:19] Ümit Özdağ of the New Party
[03:10:22] said to Erdoğan, "If you disclose it, fine;
[03:10:26] if you don't, I will disclose the information I have."
[03:10:31] "He said that the relevant list is on President Erdoğan's desk.
[03:10:34] Now, what is being discussed most recently in Ankara?
[03:10:38] Yes, this issue is being discussed, Gökben. That is, regarding the disclosure
[03:10:42] of this name, the New Party, as the main
[03:10:45] opposition party, gave the government a deadline, saying, "Disclose
[03:10:48] it by Monday." However, we do not see such a tendency
[03:10:52] from the government side. It seems that no statement
[03:10:56] will be made by the government. Therefore, the disclosure
[03:11:00] of these names may again fall to the New Party on Monday.
[03:11:04] We understand that from Mr. Özgür Özel's
[03:11:07] statements, the New Party has obtained these names.
[03:11:11] They have a list. In fact,
[03:11:14] CHP experts, that is,
[03:11:17] CHP lawyers, finance experts,
[03:11:20] economy experts, also did a study
[03:11:23] and listed them by verifying
[03:11:26] them. I also received such information,
[03:11:30] that is, they also did a study to check if these were true
[03:11:33] or not, and we know that they confirmed
[03:11:37] them. Now, of course, after these names
[03:11:40] are disclosed, a situation of negligence
[03:11:43] will also emerge. Why didn't you oversee
[03:11:46] the artificial increase
[03:11:49] in stock prices in Borsa
[03:11:51] Istanbul? The oversight
[03:11:55] duty primarily belongs to the management of Borsa Istanbul.
[03:11:59] The management of Borsa Istanbul
[03:12:02] should have taken into account such a rapid
[03:12:06] increase in stock prices and conducted an investigation.
[03:12:09] Why didn't it do that? The management of Borsa
[03:12:13] Istanbul didn't do this. Then the Capital
[03:12:17] Markets Board should have intervened.
[03:12:20] The duty to oversee abnormal increases
[03:12:23] and decreases in stock prices in the stock
[03:12:26] market belongs to the Capital Markets Board.
[03:12:30] Why didn't the Capital Markets Board
[03:12:32] conduct this oversight? We need to look into this.
[03:12:36] Also, there is MASAK, the Financial
[03:12:40] Crimes Investigation Board, which has oversight authority.
[03:12:42] There is also the BRSA, the Banking
[03:12:46] Regulation and Supervision Agency. Among these,
[03:12:49] we know that only the former Deputy Chairman of MASAK
[03:12:52] last year, Ramazan Başak, conducted an investigation,
[03:12:56] identified these situations, reported them, and sent
[03:13:00] these reports to the relevant
[03:13:04] state institutions. Mr. Başak even said he sent them
[03:13:07] to opposition parties. Despite this,
[03:13:11] more than a year has passed, and we
[03:13:14] see that no action has been taken. Not
[03:13:18] only has no action been taken, but we also know
[03:13:21] that Ramazan Başak was detained
[03:13:23] and removed from duty. Here, there is a significant
[03:13:27] obstruction. So, in addition to the question of whether
[03:13:30] there is negligence, we also need to ask
[03:13:33] whether there is obstruction. That is,
[03:13:37] was an instruction given to the experts
[03:13:40] of the authorized institutions who wanted to use their authority
[03:13:44] not to conduct this audit, or was there an obstruction?
[03:13:47] The answer to this question needs
[03:13:50] to be sought. Now, Justice Minister
[03:13:53] Akın Gürlek announced the numbers.
[03:13:56] He said 214 real and legal
[03:14:00] persons and mentioned 187 billion
[03:14:04] liras. Of these 214 real
[03:14:07] and legal persons, 141 are real
[03:14:10] persons and 73 are companies.
[03:14:13] "If these 214 real and legal persons
[03:14:16] divided 187 billion equally among themselves,
[03:14:20] each person and legal entity would receive
[03:14:23] 873 million liras. This amount
[03:14:26] is already very large, and we understand
[03:14:30] that much more than a billion, close to a billion,
[03:14:33] has been earned. This needs to be revealed
[03:14:36] today. Secondly, there are
[03:14:39] activities here that constitute a crime."
[03:14:43] The first is these fund companies
[03:14:47] artificially inflating their own shares.
[03:14:51] This is a crime according to our legislation.
[03:14:54] The second is giving inside
[03:14:58] information to some individuals and institutions
[03:15:02] to sell their shares after the price increase
[03:15:05] has been achieved. This is what is called insider trading,
[03:15:08] and this is also a crime according to our legislation. Therefore, these
[03:15:12] 214 real and legal persons
[03:15:15] also need to be investigated and audited in this regard,
[03:15:19] and if their participation in this crime
[03:15:22] is proven, they need to be brought
[03:15:26] to justice, because this is necessary to protect
[03:15:29] the rights of citizens who have suffered
[03:15:31] from this, whose money has been taken.
[03:15:35] Additionally, if a crime has been committed,
[03:15:37] the perpetrator must be tried
[03:15:41] according to our criminal law. We should look at
[03:15:44] these 214 real and legal persons
[03:15:48] from this perspective. Is there negligence
[03:15:52] in oversight, is there obstruction
[03:15:55] of oversight, and is it about
[03:15:58] the money of other shareholders being targeted
[03:16:02] by a fraud through inside information?
[03:16:06] These are not things that cannot be found
[03:16:09] or information that cannot be found. That is, if the audit
[03:16:12] authorities truly conduct audits,
[03:16:16] and if they are not prevented from using their authority,
[03:16:20] these will come out very quickly. There is also a concern,
[03:16:23] of course, that needs to be expressed. Now, here,
[03:16:26] there is also a statement from the Treasury and Finance Minister
[03:16:29] Mehmet Şimşek that some
[03:16:32] shares in the stock market were artificially inflated,
[03:16:36] around November 2025, if I'm not mistaken.
[03:16:39] At that time, Mehmet Şimşek
[03:16:42] said that an artificial inflation manipulation was being carried out.
[03:16:46] we have information, we will do what is necessary
[03:16:50] he said, but even though a year has passed
[03:16:53] since then, nothing has been done, so why wasn't it done?
[03:16:56] This question also needs to be answered
[03:16:59] by Mr. Şimşek and clarified
[03:17:03] Gökmen. Turkey really has a very
[03:17:06] serious audit experience, accumulation
[03:17:10] since the Ottoman period. There are audit institutions, but
[03:17:13] during this government's term, the effectiveness of audit
[03:17:17] institutions has been weakened, which is also a fact,
[03:17:21] because there is a government that does not like auditing. Many audit
[03:17:24] institutions were either abolished or transferred to other
[03:17:27] audit institutions, or their powers
[03:17:30] were restricted and made ineffective, this
[03:17:34] was done with the idea that auditing should not hinder governance.
[03:17:37] The fact that this was a wrong decision, and that auditing
[03:17:40] should be re-implemented effectively and with authority,
[03:17:44] became clear with these events, Gökmen. Now, Fikret
[03:17:47] Abi, in Ümit Özdale's
[03:17:49] statement,
[03:17:51] he had given an MKK number. and
[03:17:55] asked, is this Minister Mahinur
[03:17:58] Özdemir Göktaş's father, Hasan
[03:18:01] Özdemir? He said there was such a claim. In response to this,
[03:18:05] Ms. Mahinur made a statement to the public very quickly,
[03:18:09] finding the registration
[03:18:12] number and the TR identity number. She said,
[03:18:15] "My father's TR identity number's last
[03:18:19] two digits are this, the last two digits in the record
[03:18:23] at the relevant institution are this. Therefore, it's not my
[03:18:27] father." And she accused the new party and Mr. Ümit of slander,
[03:18:31] filed a criminal complaint, called for resignation, etc., etc. But we are curious
[03:18:34] about one thing. The new party and
[03:18:38] Ümit Özdale also admitted to this name similarity
[03:18:42] incident. But we are curious about who that Hasan Özdemir
[03:18:45] was. Why isn't this being explained, Fikret abi? Now, I mean,
[03:18:48] that Hasan Özdemir who came out with 400 something and
[03:18:52] 830 million is also a very
[03:18:56] curious person. This Hasan Özdemir, I mean.
[03:18:59] Now, Gökmen, of course, it's not easy to access
[03:19:02] personal information, and sharing it is not right either. Personal
[03:19:06] information is protected by law. However,
[03:19:10] we also need to say that in Ankara,
[03:19:13] some names are making some claims
[03:19:16] about who this person is. For example,
[03:19:19] it is said that he is a businessman from Bartın
[03:19:23] who earned this money, and
[03:19:27] he bears the same name as the minister's father. It is understood that Mr.
[03:19:30] Özlale obtained incorrect information here. He already
[03:19:34] admitted this, and Mr. Özgür Özel also apologized
[03:19:37] to the minister's father
[03:19:40] and said, "I kiss his hands." Therefore, if this matter
[03:19:43] is not related to the minister,
[03:19:46] then we should set this aside. It seems that Professor Özlale
[03:19:50] made a mistake here, or was misinformed.
[03:19:53] Because the minister's
[03:19:57] statement said, "This is not my father,"
[03:20:00] by giving the TC numbers. Mr. Özgür Özel also accepted this.
[03:20:04] It seems that the new party made a statement
[03:20:07] without confirming, without being sure of its accuracy,
[03:20:10] and without documenting it, through Professor Ümit Özlale.
[03:20:14] It turned out that this was wrong.
[03:20:17] If there is no kinship, and the Minister says there isn't,
[03:20:20] then it must be a name similarity and misinformation.
[03:20:24] It seems that information was used by the new party,
[03:20:27] by Professor Ümit Özlale, without confirmation,
[03:20:31] and that this was a mistake. The new party
[03:20:34] on Thursday, when we were making the statement,
[03:20:38] in the last segment, if you remember, tweeted
[03:20:41] and said many things, but also said this:
[03:20:44] "My advice to you," he said, addressing
[03:20:48] the minister and AKP in general, "My advice to you
[03:20:51] is why did such information come to me about you?"
[03:20:56] He linked it to this, he linked it to this, Gökmen, that there is a conflict
[03:21:00] within the AK Party. The information about the minister
[03:21:04] also came to us from within the AK Party. This means that within the AK Party,
[03:21:07] another group is working against
[03:21:11] the minister or her group.
[03:21:14] This implies a conflict, a rivalry within the ruling party.
[03:21:17] He did not interpret it that way. Even
[03:21:20] if it came from the AK Party, Professor Özlale
[03:21:25] should have verified this information. It was wrong to immediately
[03:21:28] accept it as true just because it came
[03:21:31] from there. Mr. Özgür Ozar admitted this mistake and apologized
[03:21:35] to the minister's father and sent a message saying, "I kiss his hands."
[03:21:38] This matter has thus been clarified.
[03:21:42] Can I add a small point? Just a very short sentence, I'm sorry.
[03:21:45] What I wanted to say is exactly this.
[03:21:49] So, because Ms. Maiunur's father didn't turn out to be this person,
[03:21:53] is this matter now cleared up? I mean, is the issue being
[03:21:56] reduced to this? We shouldn't fall for this.
[03:22:00] As citizens, we need to demand accountability
[03:22:04] for this in a different way. I mean, I accept that AKP ministers
[03:22:08] and those close to the government, almost all of them,
[03:22:11] many people in the bureaucracy are involved in very complex relationships
[03:22:14] and most of them are involved in this. It's obvious.
[03:22:18] Even Cevdet Yılmaz's private secretary was found to be involved in this.
[03:22:21] Cevdet Yılmaz even reacted by saying, "Why didn't you tell me first?"
[03:22:25] He reacted like that. Now, whether they are involved
[03:22:29] or not, will the government be cleared of this
[03:22:32] just because these people didn't turn out to be involved? This is exactly what we should be against.
[03:22:36] It's not about individuals, what's important is the existence of this system.
[03:22:40] The system is entirely designed within the government,
[03:22:44] and like an organizational structure within the government,
[03:22:47] it has given insider information to people and committed crimes. It's a system.
[03:22:51] We need to put up resistance here. Yes.
[03:22:55] "Now, of course, there is also such a situation, that is,
[03:22:58] due to the name similarity regarding that Hasan Özdemir,
[03:23:02] the government uses this situation
[03:23:06] to discredit the new party's entire
[03:23:18] argument. That's why we are curious whether this "road accident" as we call it,
[03:23:21] or whatever we call it, will cause a change in the
[03:23:24] deadline given or not. Will the new party
[03:23:28] announce this on Monday ? Well, Gökmen,
[03:23:31] our
[03:23:33] group deputy chairman, who participated in our previous program,
[03:23:37] made a statement on this matter. He said, "We receive information,
[03:23:41] but we investigate and verify it with the suspicion
[03:23:44] that it might be misleading information.
[03:23:48] After that, we will announce it." he said.
[03:23:51] Well, now, friends, Mr. Özlale should
[03:23:54] have done this too. Professor Özlale should have done this too.
[03:23:58] Now, this 5a and 5b, well,
[03:24:02] I don't need to stand up and remind you of the visual again.
[03:24:05] I'll say it briefly, dear viewers,
[03:24:07] Kubilay Gülbek, a writer for Türkiye Gazetesi,
[03:24:11] is essentially trying to say this in his article: Don't mind what Ms. Fatma Betül
[03:24:15] and her husband said to the prosecutor's office, that "we are innocent,
[03:24:18] we did not engage in insider trading in any way, we did not receive
[03:24:22] insider information in any way, there was no manipulation while we
[03:24:25] were doing these transactions." He says there are HTS
[03:24:28] records in the file, there are statements given by some
[03:24:32] names who were previously arrested, etc., etc.
[03:24:34] Now, if that's the case. If that's the case,
[03:24:38] Mr. Ahat, in this case,
[03:24:42] in this file, Ms. Fatma and her husband
[03:24:45] have a swindle of over 2 billion here. On average,
[03:24:49] the calculation shows that there are I don't know how many
[03:24:51] Fatma Kayas. If the figure announced by the Minister of Justice
[03:24:55] is 187 billion, then
[03:24:59] something needs to be investigated in the file for the others too, right?
[03:25:02] Do they also have Hyts records like here or not?
[03:25:05] Did they meet? He says there's information
[03:25:09] about face-to-face meetings inside, right? I mean, now,
[03:25:13] the writer for Türkiye Gazetesi has actually declared the obvious
[03:25:16] because, if you remember, this Fatma Betül
[03:25:20] Sayan Kaya,
[03:25:24] her photograph came out
[03:25:27] with the manager of her Teraf fund
[03:25:30] during a program. Bravo, at an event.
[03:25:34] Already, the organizers of the swindle
[03:25:37] committed by Fatma Sayankaya and her husband
[03:25:40] are largely next to her, I mean,
[03:25:44] there's no need for HTS records or anything,
[03:25:47] there are photographs. And of course, since these are
[03:25:51] allegations, it might be difficult to articulate them, but
[03:25:54] there has been no denial from the prosecutor's office regarding
[03:25:58] these allegations so far. Well,
[03:26:00] it doesn't have to be a denial, but that Tera fund manager
[03:26:04] for a long time, Ms. Fatma wanted
[03:26:07] to make him her assistant, so she has a history
[03:26:11] of that. Therefore,
[03:26:14] she brought a man she wanted to make her assistant
[03:26:18] to a program that was completely unrelated as if he were her assistant,
[03:26:21] and they watched the program together.
[03:26:24] It was a program about Roma people, I mean, something about Roma people,
[03:26:27] an event organized by the AKP Istanbul
[03:26:31] provincial organization. So, it means
[03:26:34] there is a very close partnership. "Now,
[03:26:38] the HTS records and all that, I mean, that
[03:26:42] Türkiye Gazetesi writer somehow,
[03:26:44] I think, as was discussed a little while ago, and
[03:26:47] I think one should agree with that, by focusing
[03:26:51] the events on Fatma
[03:26:54] Betül Sayankaya,
[03:26:57] by making her the focal point of attention,
[03:27:01] this issue is individualized
[03:27:03] and the Justice and Development Party's involvement
[03:27:07] in this event, which we tried to highlight
[03:27:09] earlier, is somehow
[03:27:13] distanced from this, making it only
[03:27:17] about an individual. This seems like
[03:27:20] an implementation of such a policy.
[03:27:23] The statement and writing
[03:27:27] of that Türkiye Gazetesi writer.
[03:27:31] I mean, I would also like to say
[03:27:35] something about the issue we discussed a little while ago.
[03:27:38] That is, Mr. Ümit
[03:27:41] Özdale there mentioned the names
[03:27:44] of three individuals. One of them
[03:27:48] is the private secretary of Mr. Cevdet,
[03:27:51] but regarding the other two, regarding the other two,
[03:27:54] the information was
[03:27:57] not confirmed, it is clear that
[03:28:00] the other minister, Ömer Bolat,
[03:28:04] said his investment here is related to law
[03:28:07] and so on, and he even
[03:28:11] stated that it remained there. So if
[03:28:15] this is the case, bringing this to the agenda
[03:28:18] as if it were Fatma Betül
[03:28:20] Sayankaya's case is also not quite right
[03:28:23] in a way. This is my personal opinion.
[03:28:27] Secondly, regarding Mahinur Özdemir's
[03:28:31] father, in Turkey,
[03:28:35] for example, the surname Yılmaz is the surname of
[03:28:37] I don't know how many millions of people.
[03:28:40] Name similarity is such a thing that
[03:28:43] in such a matter, one needs
[03:28:46] to go thoroughly into the parents' names,
[03:28:50] the place of birth, the hometown, and so on.
[03:28:54] I remember from Mr. Ümit Özarley's speech,
[03:28:58] from his speech, he said, "information coming from
[03:29:01] within your party." Information coming from
[03:29:05] within the party. So, if one of
[03:29:08] the three pieces of information is correct, and two will cause trouble,
[03:29:12] then, as was discussed a little while ago,
[03:29:16] credibility largely disappears. That's what they are
[03:29:20] trying to do now. That is, the officials
[03:29:23] and spokespersons of the Justice and Development Party
[03:29:26] are continuing a propaganda chain
[03:29:30] that the allegations of the new party's spokespersons are baseless,
[03:29:33] inconsistent, and lies. One should not fall for this.
[03:29:36] Especially if it came from within that party.
[03:29:40] I mean, if it came from impartial sources,
[03:29:43] then it might be a little more reliable, but if it came
[03:29:47] from within the party and a party member
[03:29:50] is doing this, then one needs to think
[03:29:54] about it 40 times. And
[03:29:57] after confirming it in every aspect,
[03:30:01] one needs to present it to the public. Regarding the issue of Monday,
[03:30:04] it is also useful to say something. That is,
[03:30:07] such an ambitious political approach,
[03:30:11] such an ambitious thing, committing oneself,
[03:30:15] I mean,
[03:30:17] there's a saying, "procedure comes
[03:30:21] before substance," from the old legal code.
[03:30:25] So, if you can't present something substantial
[03:30:29] on Monday due to various reasons,
[03:30:32] then what you present later will largely
[03:30:35] lose its impact, it will lighten.
[03:30:39] That is, it will become
[03:30:41] lighter, it will lighten,
[03:30:45] for that reason, its weight will be lost.
[03:30:49] Therefore, when stating such things,
[03:30:52] one should not bind oneself 100%.
[03:30:56] There's no point in binding the other party by conditioning them.
[03:30:59] I mean, it's clear they won't state
[03:31:01] or bring up anything. You say, "Explain it!"
[03:31:05] Will they explain it or not? You would say, at best,
[03:31:09] "Look, we have these things
[03:31:11] in our hands. We will bring
[03:31:15] them up gradually after making the necessary
[03:31:19] confirmations in the coming days." "We will announce it."
[03:31:21] This would be a more moderate, more reasonable,
[03:31:25] and if you have to delay it for any reason,
[03:31:28] it would be an approach with higher
[03:31:31] credibility and weight.
[03:31:34] I'm saying this because the topic came up,
[03:31:37] otherwise. Can I say something very briefly about this?
[03:31:40] If we have time, I'd like to say two sentences. Now,
[03:31:44] while I agree on the procedure,
[03:31:47] it's also clear that there's this situation.
[03:31:51] On the one hand, we're talking about a government
[03:31:54] that hasn't been compliant, moderate, or
[03:31:57] transparent enough in any part,
[03:32:00] and one of the biggest
[03:32:03] fraud and organized crime activities that the
[03:32:06] world, not just Turkey, has almost ever seen.
[03:32:09] And the new party is the main opposition
[03:32:13] party. Therefore, I watched the statement
[03:32:16] of Mr. Özerlen many times.
[03:32:20] It's not actually a statement that directly says this is how it is.
[03:32:23] It says, "such information came, is there such a thing
[03:32:27] in this part, explain it." And that also showed
[03:32:31] us something. This situation also showed us
[03:32:34] that within 5 minutes, as I mentioned earlier in my
[03:32:37] own speech, that all the lists
[03:32:41] that were not disclosed, hiding under the right to be protected
[03:32:44] from stigma or the presumption of innocence, were in their hands,
[03:32:47] and that when it came to clearing
[03:32:51] themselves, they were not afraid to disclose even the citizen's
[03:32:55] TR ID number. They said the last two digits
[03:32:57] of the government, but only the last two digits,
[03:33:00] the name and surname somehow, but almost, as Professor Fikret
[03:33:04] also said earlier, it was mentioned as an allegation
[03:33:07] that he was a businessman from Bartın, meaning
[03:33:11] we are talking about a name that was actually pointed at to distance
[03:33:14] themselves from him. This shows me
[03:33:17] that it means that they knew who this person
[03:33:21] was, including their TR ID number, name, surname, and all their assets.
[03:33:25] Therefore, are you not going to disclose it until
[03:33:28] it touches you? Or as the main opposition party,
[03:33:31] I actually think we are forced to push
[03:33:35] certain things because the other side never acts transparently
[03:33:38] and doesn't provide information. The methods can be debated,
[03:33:42] yes, but it doesn't seem like
[03:33:45] a very wrong procedure
[03:33:47] to me either.
[03:33:49] Dear Tüyçe, I'm not saying why he explained it here.
[03:33:53] I guess you misunderstood. No,
[03:33:57] explaining it is absolutely necessary, but one also needs
[03:34:00] to take certain measures into account.
[03:34:04] Do you understand what I mean? For example,
[03:34:07] Emre Yunus Emre's statement,
[03:34:10] pardon, Zeynel Emre's statement, what was it?
[03:34:12] Even the number
[03:34:15] and then it created an earthquake, didn't it?
[03:34:19] After such a statement, the public expects
[03:34:23] the statements that follow to be within
[03:34:26] a similar framework. Right? Do you understand what I mean?
[03:34:29] When it turns into this,
[03:34:33] its effect diminishes, it loses its effect.
[03:34:36] Okay, friends, let's ask for visual number 8.
[03:34:40] Meanwhile, something
[03:34:41] very interesting happened.
[03:34:45] Guaranteed bridges.
[03:34:48] After guaranteed airlines, are guaranteed bar associations
[03:34:52] being established? What kind of thing is this? And
[03:34:55] a statement like a confession came from a name. It came on a live broadcast.
[03:34:59] We will discuss this a little later. It's
[03:35:03] a very striking development, but in light of the information provided
[03:35:06] by Akın Güllek, we will look at this sentence.
[03:35:09] It says that the names who profited were reported
[03:35:13] to the TMSF. The TMSF has started sending official
[03:35:17] notifications to the people on this list
[03:35:20] regarding the return of the money. I don't know how
[03:35:23] this official notification will be made, because
[03:35:27] well, will the investment
[03:35:30] amount be notified to them?
[03:35:33] It means that they have the numbers of people's
[03:35:36] inputs and outputs. There can be
[03:35:39] no other explanation. SPK can reach them,
[03:35:43] TMSF can reach them, MASAK can reach them,
[03:35:45] all of them can reach them. It's important as long as they give authority to someone,
[03:35:49] that's our complaint. Yes. For example, Fatma
[03:35:51] Betül Sayankaya,
[03:35:55] it is understood that the money she would invest
[03:35:57] was calculated like this: "The money she put in was 160
[03:36:00] million. If she hadn't bought
[03:36:03] Özata shares with that money, if that money had remained
[03:36:06] in interest, the income she would have earned
[03:36:10] would have been this much. Therefore, add this to
[03:36:14] 160 million, sum these two figures,
[03:36:17] and then deduct this from her profit, meaning from her 2
[03:36:21] billion profit. She invested the remaining money.
[03:36:25] Well, if you had invested it in interest or something else
[03:36:29] in the last month, Ms. Fatma, you would have received a lot of money from there too, 2 billion is a month's interest."
[03:36:32] There are claims, right? Or she says she invested it in the Tera fund, for example,
[03:36:36] and sold some of it in between. So, the TMSF
[03:36:40] has started sending official notifications
[03:36:43] to the individuals on the list,
[03:36:45] for example, 214 people, regarding the return of the money.
[03:36:49] How will they do it? The money will be collected
[03:36:52] for the victims. Public resources will not be used.
[03:36:55] It says those who exited between September 13-16
[03:36:58] are also under scrutiny. Let's ask Nesin Nas.
[03:37:02] She is an economist. Ms. Nesin, Abdullah
[03:37:06] Güler, the AKP group chairman, says,
[03:37:09] "Well, those who profited should
[03:37:13] do their accounting." He says, if
[03:37:16] they don't feel conscientiously
[03:37:19] comfortable, they should return it. But what kind of
[03:37:23] measure is this? Whose conscience will be bothered by which money,
[03:37:26] and which won't? How will this be,
[03:37:30] I don't know either, Mr. Gökmen. I mean,
[03:37:33] if someone says, "I conscientiously
[03:37:36] believe I deserve to take this money,"
[03:37:39] what will you say? Is that possible? Now
[03:37:43] they are giving it to the TMSF. The TMSF
[03:37:46] will probably handle assets
[03:37:49] and so on. All of those will somehow
[03:37:52] be transferred to the TMSF. So,
[03:37:54] what will the TMSF do here? I don't understand.
[03:37:57] I mean, this kind of thing
[03:38:00] doesn't happen. The money collected here
[03:38:04] will be used for the victims. The victims,
[03:38:08] public resources will not be used. First of all,
[03:38:11] if 455 of the public resources
[03:38:14] are victims, there are double accounts and so on,
[03:38:17] when you consider those, 350-some thousand
[03:38:21] is impossible. Public resources will definitely
[03:38:24] be resorted to here. Also,
[03:38:27] these monies we are talking about,
[03:38:30] for example, the money Fatma Betül Sayan
[03:38:34] earned, these are all fictitious profits
[03:38:38] in the stock market that have no value against them. These
[03:38:42] can only be converted
[03:38:45] to cash if there is a buyer
[03:38:48] in front of them. The shares they hold
[03:38:51] currently have no value. Those who
[03:38:55] converted this into money, they are the ones
[03:38:58] who said there was
[03:39:01] an exorbitant profit, you know, they called them exorbitant profiteers.
[03:39:05] Its measure is also not clear.
[03:39:07] They say, "if your conscience is clear."
[03:39:11] This is not how a crisis is resolved. This crisis
[03:39:15] way. They have to be transparent.
[03:39:18] If they want to make
[03:39:21] the stock market one of the important
[03:39:24] institutions of the economy again and
[03:39:27] make it functional in the economy,
[03:39:31] they have to be as transparent as possible,
[03:39:35] and as I said at the beginning,
[03:39:38] all those who are
[03:39:40] at the head of these institutions and on the board of directors
[03:39:44] must resign. Look, Mr. Gökbah,
[03:39:47] this, what differentiates this from
[03:39:50] some Ponzi schemes
[03:39:53] and crises we have experienced before
[03:39:56] is very important. That is,
[03:40:00] this was carried out
[03:40:03] through licensed, registered,
[03:40:05] publicly supervised portfolio management
[03:40:09] companies. This is the first
[03:40:11] time this has happened, I mean, registered,
[03:40:15] licensed, subject to audit,
[03:40:18] subject to the audit of various institutions,
[03:40:21] these are portfolio management companies.
[03:40:25] and the most important thing here is that these
[03:40:29] portfolio management companies and hedge funds,
[03:40:32] hedge funds, shallow assets, meaning these
[03:40:36] stocks that Fatma Betül Hanım bought, like Özata, or it seems like
[03:40:40] one day food was born, many similar transactions
[03:40:44] with almost no trading volume have been
[03:40:47] very limited.
[03:40:50] These stocks have been taken into
[03:40:53] the hedge funds by these portfolio management companies,
[03:40:56] and they have manipulated
[03:40:59] this. This is completely a
[03:41:03] fraud, completely
[03:41:05] a fraud. Now, İsmail Emre
[03:41:08] Bey said this while speaking:
[03:41:11] "Here, the punishment
[03:41:15] of one person, the return of money by a few people, these are not important,
[03:41:18] they are really not important. This system, I mean, this is
[03:41:22] a systemic crisis, this is the crisis of the regime,
[03:41:26] meaning it is a crisis presented to us by the architecture of the regime,
[03:41:29] and we have to
[03:41:33] approach and evaluate it in that way.
[03:41:36] That is, here, some
[03:41:38] people, having gained a lot from this
[03:41:42] manipulation or from
[03:41:45] insider trading, and saying
[03:41:48] that they gained a lot, Turkey should not
[03:41:51] be content with just punishing them,
[03:41:55] if it wants to make the stock
[03:41:57] market a functional place again for the economy,
[03:42:01] as I said, which is very
[03:42:04] important for the stock market, because the stock market
[03:42:07] is also a very serious, important and
[03:42:10] cheap source of financing
[03:42:14] "You are destroying a very important thing, you are destroying
[03:42:17] it with your own hands.
[03:42:19] Therefore, here, this must
[03:42:23] be handled as organized fraud and
[03:42:27] punished accordingly. Here, if you
[03:42:30] go by the capital markets law,
[03:42:33] that is, two or three
[03:42:37] years, they won't even give that, I guess.
[03:42:41] They are trying to gloss over it by saying things like, "he came and invested it himself,
[03:42:44] blah blah blah," and giving an amnesty.
[03:42:47] We must constantly emphasize this,
[03:42:51] because they have established this
[03:42:55] TEFAS and algorithmic marketing system accordingly.
[03:42:58] We were formed in the 30s accordingly,
[03:43:01] everything has been designed accordingly,
[03:43:05] and the prevention of these
[03:43:08] audits is in question. Now, look, stock market auditing
[03:43:12] is daily, Gökmen Bey. It is daily auditing.
[03:43:15] Ms. Nesrin, the stock that Fatma
[03:43:19] Betül Sayankaya and her husband bought,
[03:43:23] Özata, the Özata Stock. Yes, let's put the prior
[03:43:26] period aside, from what price to what price it came. But
[03:43:30] this stock starts such a movement from
[03:43:33] 250 liras, and for some reason,
[03:43:37] the level where Fatma Betül Sayankaya and her husband bought
[03:43:40] it is there. It goes up to
[03:43:43] 4800.
[03:43:46] And there, these people can sell a stock
[03:43:49] with such a high amount. Very shortly after they sold
[03:43:52] it, the stock bursts and
[03:43:56] starts to fall like a waterfall. Who knows how much it
[03:43:59] came to, the last price was 900 liras,
[03:44:03] it's going down day by day. Now,
[03:44:07] for God's sake, does it require being an expert
[03:44:10] to see this abnormal rise in this stock and
[03:44:13] to intervene? No,
[03:44:16] it doesn't, Gökmen Bey. Look, you are on the stock market.
[03:44:20] Wouldn't the friend on this chart have to intervene and say,
[03:44:23] "There's something here, there's a fraud here, how can this be?" "There is an early warning system in the
[03:44:28] stock market. Now, look, if a stock is constantly going straight up
[03:44:32] like this, the early warning system
[03:44:35] gives an alarm, and an investigation
[03:44:38] in the stock market is done at the end
[03:44:42] of every day after the transaction is completed. Those stocks
[03:44:45] that receive an early warning are taken,
[03:44:49] the financial statements of those companies are checked,
[03:44:52] and it is sent to the Capital Markets Board,
[03:44:55] and it is said that there is such
[03:44:59] and such in this stock, this stock needs to be investigated, there is manipulation
[03:45:03] or there is something else, there are leveraged transactions,
[03:45:07] because this is extremely complex. I mean, the fund
[03:45:10] takes out a loan, it does something, here futures
[03:45:14] are involved, and leverage constantly
[03:45:18] increases this even further. Therefore,
[03:45:21] in order to prevent the risk from growing,
[03:45:25] from the moment this early warning system
[03:45:28] kicks in, that stock
[03:45:31] is put under surveillance. This has not been done at all
[03:45:35] for these stocks. This has not been done at all. So,
[03:45:38] have they just looked and slept,
[03:45:41] or I mean, now when you look at Tera,
[03:45:44] when you look at support, what is it called,
[03:45:48] factor, when you look at factor,
[03:45:51] I mean, when you consider that
[03:45:54] they included them in BIST 30, you say that these
[03:45:58] are quite intentional, meaning these were planned
[03:46:01] from the beginning, the placement of these shallow
[03:46:04] stocks into the hedge funds, and
[03:46:08] pushing them upwards with a buy-sell, buy-sell relationship
[03:46:12] within the hedge funds, all of these
[03:46:14] have happened, meaning they were
[03:46:18] planned beforehand. Who would turn a blind eye was also planned.
[03:46:22] That is why the former MASAK chairman was detained
[03:46:24] twice due to complaints.
[03:46:28] So, Mr. Ramazan,
[03:46:30] it was almost attempted
[03:46:32] to create a perception that whoever touches these
[03:46:36] funds will get burned. He complained twice and was detained.
[03:46:39] Journalists who wrote about this topic were prosecuted.
[03:46:42] Now, Gökmen Bey, these
[03:46:45] papers are in front of us due to
[03:46:48] Fatma Betül Sayan. There are other
[03:46:50] similar stocks with no depth,
[03:46:54] and there are many things there.
[03:46:58] "Such movements have occurred. Now,
[03:47:00] I mean, is it possible for the stock
[03:47:04] exchange management, the Capital Markets Board management,
[03:47:08] and the board members not to see what
[03:47:11] we see from the outside? I mean, there are various mechanisms
[03:47:14] in the stock exchange, I mean, there is a surveillance
[03:47:18] and early warning system, there is a surveillance center,
[03:47:21] all of these
[03:47:23] are none of them.
[03:47:29] It's really unbelievable, but this is a planned
[03:47:32] movement, and I attribute this to
[03:47:36] a systemic issue, a systemic issue created
[03:47:39] by this regime, because, look, all the board members,
[03:47:43] the chairman of the stock exchange, the Capital Markets Board,
[03:47:47] the State Supervisory Board, including all board
[03:47:50] members, including the members of the board of directors,
[03:47:54] are appointed by one person, and that one person has no
[03:47:58] accountability. So, when this is the case,
[03:48:02] all of them, while they should be acting
[03:48:05] in the public interest, are acting within the framework
[03:48:09] of one person's political interest.
[03:48:12] I mean, by one person, I mean
[03:48:15] of course the fundamental reason for what
[03:48:19] we are experiencing is this, this system. Okay,
[03:48:22] Mr. Ahat, I want to add one more sentence.
[03:48:26] The night Fatma Betül Sayankaya resigned,
[03:48:29] she was on the program here again, yes, and that night,
[03:48:33] for the first time, I mentioned
[03:48:36] that Morgan Stanley had a system
[03:48:39] for this program, Morgan Stanley Capital
[03:48:42] Information, which consisted of its initials,
[03:48:46] and I reminded you that it warned the stock market
[03:48:50] in Turkey in June,
[03:48:53] of course, if in some
[03:48:56] funds, there are movements that are not
[03:48:59] compatible with the natural flow of life, to use that classic expression,
[03:49:03] there are excessive valuations, these are not possible,
[03:49:06] therefore, you need to control these.
[03:49:10] If you don't control the evaluation regarding these,
[03:49:13] there is a risk of lowering you to the border.
[03:49:16] I reminded you that he said that night. I guess
[03:49:20] Mr. Ahat, that warning didn't
[03:49:24] work at all. Then he warned again, you know.
[03:49:27] What I mean is this: he said,
[03:49:31] I'll take you out of the market, frontier market. The issue is
[03:49:34] that these institutions, dear Nesrin, the issue is that
[03:49:37] these institutions don't know the incident.
[03:49:41] It's not that they don't do anything, I mean, these foreign
[03:49:44] external organizations present the incident
[03:49:47] with all its details to them, they already do,
[03:49:51] but nobody lifts a finger afterwards.
[03:49:54] What happens then? On August 28th,
[03:49:57] Mehmet Şimşek and his team
[03:50:00] only then make the regulation
[03:50:04] or whatever legal arrangement about this. So the incident
[03:50:07] is this. "I even specifically said that evening,
[03:50:11] if there hadn't been this warning,
[03:50:15] these people wouldn't have made such a regulation,
[03:50:18] I suppose, and it would have continued like this. Yes, of course,
[03:50:22] because in August, the second warning came, and a very
[03:50:26] harsh warning came. So, on August 28th,
[03:50:29] they made that regulation, and on that day,
[03:50:33] like a waterfall, what did he say,
[03:50:36] exits started. İsmail Bey,
[03:50:42] Mustafa Balcı, yes,
[03:50:44] the journalist
[03:50:47] of the new party, had made an allegation. Özgür Özel had said it. Yes,
[03:50:50] he had asked Ömer Çelik to clarify whether he had
[03:50:54] recently vacationed in Bodrum with Nacar,
[03:50:58] who was rumored to have made a profit
[03:51:00] of around 20 billion. Later, Nacar shared
[03:51:04] a photo related to it. Nacar, I mean,
[03:51:07] Mustafa Balcı.
[03:51:10] "Moreover, he didn't even take the photo himself. The photo was already found
[03:51:14] from the archives by news agencies. Yes, it's already known
[03:51:18] that it was taken by news agencies, I mean, let me not say the wrong name,
[03:51:21] Demirören News Agency or another news agency.
[03:51:25] Ömer Çelik is sitting in the front row at a concert, and Nacar is sitting
[03:51:28] in the back row. This is a recent
[03:51:32] photo. Now, why did they arrest Mustafa Balcı
[03:51:36] for sharing this photo? For publicly spreading
[03:51:39] misleading information. Wasn't that the last arrest?
[03:51:43] Did those who made this arrest state that the photo was a lie?
[03:51:46] Did they say, "We found that this photo is a lie,
[03:51:49] a fabrication, a montage, so we are arresting you for
[03:51:53] publicly spreading misleading information"? I mean, it almost came to that.
[03:51:57] Generally, in the verdict, or in the request for arrest,
[03:52:01] such specific issues are not included. It says
[03:52:04] that as a result of the investigation, there is a possibility of tampering with
[03:52:08] evidence, etc., etc., but there is no finding regarding
[03:52:11] whether the matter exists or not. The criminal judge who makes the arrest
[03:52:15] does not comment on the accuracy or inaccuracy of this finding,
[03:52:19] he just says, "I arrested him," and moves on. The same thing happened. Let's
[03:52:23] remember this thing,
[03:52:26] Mustafa Balcı posted this photo. Do you know what
[03:52:29] Şaban Sevinç did? No, he
[03:52:33] quoted it. That tweet said, "This is a very important photo."
[03:52:36] That's all. That's all, I mean,
[03:52:40] a very important photo. Where was the public
[03:52:42] misled? What misleading information?
[03:52:46] What is false? There is no finding on this issue.
[03:52:50] Therefore, but one should have expected
[03:52:53] this. Yesterday, Ömer Çelik had said during the daytime
[03:52:57] program, "We have reached the first-degree alert level, legally
[03:53:00] and politically, we have gone to a very high level of alert."
[03:53:03] Yes, it's very normal for them to be on alert, because this is such a big scandal,
[03:53:07] the scandal they created, a warning bell
[03:53:10] for themselves, for their power, is ringing,
[03:53:14] and in order to suppress the social
[03:53:18] reaction to this, an action was carried out
[03:53:21] with such flimsy reasons.
[03:53:25] I mean, when I look at Turkey's
[03:53:27] arrest index in the recent period,
[03:53:31] I see this as normal, not to normalize it, but there is
[03:53:35] no need for any reason to arrest.
[03:53:38] For example, at the beginning, it was announced that Mustafa
[03:53:42] Balcı was only called to give a statement. Mustafa Balcı,
[03:53:46] İsmail Saymaz, Murat Ağarel, Şaban Sevinç.
[03:53:49] Now, Murat Ağarel and
[03:53:52] İsmail Saymaz actually went the next day and gave
[03:53:56] their statements as summoned, but Mustafa Balcı was
[03:53:59] detained on one side, and Şaban Sevinç was also detained. Yes,
[03:54:02] he was detained. I mean, also, the judge told Murat Ağarel
[03:54:06] and İsmail Saymaz, "Brother, I am releasing them
[03:54:10] with a travel ban and signing a bail. "Yes,
[03:54:14] why was it changed to house arrest this time?
[03:54:16] The reason for the house arrest was that the prosecutor's office objected,
[03:54:20] whereas the prosecutor's office had already requested judicial control. Therefore, against
[03:54:24] a decision made by the criminal judge,
[03:54:27] you should go to the military criminal court after judicial
[03:54:30] control, and the duty criminal judge should make a decision on this.
[03:54:34] But as far as I know, the sequential
[03:54:38] criminal judge following the criminal judge somehow
[03:54:41] corrected the judicial control. The initial decision was given by number 3,
[03:54:45] this came from number 4, then this decision.
[03:54:48] Therefore, their lawyers would have given an explanation
[03:54:52] of how this process was carried out. But it is already an illegal decision,
[03:54:56] very clear, very obvious. I mean,
[03:54:59] the crime of publicly spreading misleading
[03:55:02] information is a curse for Turkey, but
[03:55:05] let them not think that it is a curse for the opposition.
[03:55:09] This is an accusation that has already tied
[03:55:13] the hands of the government. I mean, as far as I understand,
[03:55:17] there are no other articles in the Turkish Penal Code.
[03:55:20] They are making arrests from the most unlikely places. For example,
[03:55:23] let him say, "insulting state organs."
[03:55:27] Now it's coming to that. When you make such an accusation
[03:55:31] against Ömer Çelik, you are insulting state organs.
[03:55:34] They would be more consistent here, believe me. But what is publicly
[03:55:38] spreading misleading information, really, it has no
[03:55:41] logical side.
[03:55:44] And there's also this situation that in that article,
[03:55:48] for the crime to occur, there are material
[03:55:51] and moral elements. It must be done with this
[03:55:54] intent, with the intent to disrupt public order, with the intent
[03:55:58] to damage public health, with the intent to do such and
[03:56:02] such. It must be done with this intent, and its elements must be
[03:56:06] present. I mean, now Fatih Ergin, the journalist,
[03:56:09] in his news report about the Kozinoğlu
[03:56:12] investigation, regarding a person's
[03:56:16] title, he wrote it like this,
[03:56:19] but it turned out to be like this. This is a mistake, this is a
[03:56:23] material error, this is how it's called in journalism.
[03:56:26] They arrested the man for a material error regarding a title.
[03:56:30] Fatih Ergin is in prison right now. What will you say now?
[03:56:34] I received a report. Did the relevant lawyer friend come?
[03:56:37] Yes, do we have time?
[03:56:40] I can read the criminal
[03:56:43] judge's statement here. There's actually not much to read.
[03:56:47] It only says that the suspect
[03:56:51] is writing about
[03:57:23] fund letters. I'm reading it very briefly.
[03:57:26] His recommendation, a very new claim for
[03:57:30] Ömer Çelik, that Ömer Çelik gave a fund recommendation, that a video was shared
[03:57:34] and that they were found to be openly spreading false information.
[03:57:37] This is all, the criminal judge's
[03:57:41] statement is this much. I mean, is it like he gave a fund recommendation?
[03:57:44] Yes, yes, Mr. Şaban probably shared
[03:57:48] something like this.
[03:57:51] We don't know that. But the important thing here
[03:57:54] is this: what we are saying is this: how did you,
[03:57:57] when bringing this accusation, and when the criminal
[03:58:00] judge made this arrest, determine that this was
[03:58:04] false information? Yes, that's the problem.
[03:58:08] That's the legal problem we are facing. No, if the photo is fake,
[03:58:11] AKP should explain this first. Ömer Çelik should explain
[03:58:14] it and say, "Brother, this is a fabrication." Do you see, he should say, "You messed
[03:58:18] up once again." Isn't that right, İsmail Bey? Yes, so here,
[03:58:21] "I mean, as far as I understand,
[03:58:25] the reason was that, taking into account
[03:58:28] that it was suitable to disrupt public peace,
[03:58:31] let's go together, then you can add it, okay, Ms. Tuyça, we'll continue after the break.
[03:59:36] "Good morning, my dear Turkey. Welcome, you brought blessings.
[03:59:40] You are on Halk TV screens. I am Gökan Kayış.
[03:59:44] It is October 11, 2026, Sunday morning,
[03:59:47] at exactly 8 o'clock. Full of greetings
[03:59:50] and love to all of you from the first minute
[03:59:54] of the weekend morning show. Don't mind us, we are drawn
[03:59:57] into politics, we are drawn into the politicians' arguments.
[04:00:00] I am aware of this, but I am doing
[04:00:04] everything I can to prevent this." But there are issues we cannot escape,
[04:00:07] democracy before our very eyes.