IRINN — broadcast 20260808 230000 UTC 408 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:18] people on the streets, women, children, babies in their mothers' arms, all families. What is this for? So it shows that [00:00:22] his unique characteristic is that from wherever he wants to leak it, [00:00:25] it is the power of faith, it is his scientific power, it is [00:00:28] his management power. [00:00:34] To the Imam, to our martyr, thousands of praises must be said together [00:00:38] that today a nation has been built that, by God, if I want to go [00:00:41] to my own work, Ms. Qanaati, there are so many strange [00:00:44] memories of his sensitivity, his behavior with people, with [00:00:48] children, with adults, and I think this should, [00:00:52] it doesn't fit in this conversation. God willing, there will be more [00:00:55] programs, God willing. And what will you name your film? I don't know, I think what [00:00:59] should I know, but. [00:01:16] Humans are great because of their attachments. What do we [00:01:19] know about Hafez? Hafez, his power of thought, [00:01:22] his power of faith, his book, [00:01:25] his poetry. We must preserve our Imam [00:01:29] for what he loved. Our Imam [00:01:32] was the founder of an anti-oppression revolution [00:01:36] that God wanted. Through him, the great ones of the world [00:01:40] gave their lives. If we want to love the Imam well, [00:01:43] the ideals of the Imam, where the Imam loved, both Imam Rahmatollah [00:01:47] Alayhi loved, and our martyr loved, and our dear [00:01:50] leader, and other great people. [00:01:54] They are a great nation. We must preserve [00:01:57] the ideals of the leader very well. I think if we say [00:02:25] the common thread of all good things [00:02:28] is honesty. It is courage. These are what the Imam [00:02:31] had, the leader had, and this is the value. [00:02:35] Everywhere in the world, people love honest people. Now, the enemies cannot [00:02:39] insult the leader. He was an honest man, a [00:02:42] brave man. I think the common values of all of us [00:02:46] are the same. God willing, we can all protect them well [00:02:50] and preserve them, and definitely we will be the greatest preservers of [00:02:53] the values of the revolution and our country, and the day will come when all of us [00:02:57] are proud. We are truly proud. I say this from my own perspective. [00:03:00] I see the whole world, I know many foreign friends who are [00:03:04] calling and crying. Why should an American [00:03:08] cry for you? Who are you? You [00:03:11] have brought down the dominance of a beast and a monster. This [00:03:14] is the reality. This would not have happened without the faith of the [00:03:18] great people who raised us and our efforts and the efforts of our nation, [00:03:21] which will hopefully endure. God willing, thank you very much. [00:03:25] You're welcome, we used it, thank you very [00:03:28] much. [00:04:00] Find that Quran. See God in [00:04:03] His greatness. It is "Nasr min [00:04:07] Allah" and it is "in tanẓur Allah." [00:04:10] Tell the one who is lost and [00:04:13] terrified in this wilderness [00:04:16] that the victory of faith is the [00:04:19] definite promise of the Quran. [00:04:22] Heydar. [00:05:12] Hussein ibn Ali wore a shirt of [00:05:16] humility and [00:05:19] he also made the duty of the world [00:05:22] clear. Hussein came so that [00:05:26] hearts would be emptied of despair. [00:05:29] He has divided the world into [00:05:32] two rows, Hussein's followers [00:05:35] and Yazid's followers. Heydar. [00:05:39] Heydar. [00:07:01] If the world supports you, we have [00:07:05] the Five. If the world [00:07:09] supports you, we have the Five. [00:07:12] You have barrier breakers, we have [00:07:16] Khaybar breakers. Heydar. [00:07:19] Heydar. [00:07:23] Heydar. [00:07:27] Heydar. [00:07:31] In that final storm, in that [00:07:34] final storm, if [00:07:37] you have read the Shahnameh, [00:07:40] you know well the end [00:07:42] of this story is the battle [00:07:45] of Rostam and the Div. From [00:07:49] now on, we have one goal, and that is [00:07:52] the heart and Heydar. [00:07:55] Heydar! [00:07:59] Heydar! [00:10:00] In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. I offer my greetings to you, dear ones. Well, Mr. Kazemi Qomi's interview, [00:10:04] given his presence [00:10:08] in various events in Iraq and [00:10:11] his memories in one of the critical [00:10:14] periods of that country, the negotiations and various events dragged on [00:10:18] to a good [00:10:20] conclusion. The previous session remained incomplete, meaning our discussion in the previous session remained [00:10:24] incomplete. We greet Mr. Kazemi Qomi and continue [00:10:27] the discussion. Hello, Sir. Peace be upon you. I also reciprocate the [00:10:31] greetings to you and your esteemed colleagues and [00:10:34] viewers who will hopefully benefit from your useful program, [00:10:37] God willing, Mr. Qami, allow me to ask you a question. [00:10:41] Let's not pass this important period. Some of our country's [00:10:45] diplomats announced that they played a serious role [00:10:48] in bringing the Americans to the conclusion that Saddam should be eliminated [00:10:52] as an enemy of Iran and a regional rival. This [00:10:56] is a precise statement. Is this true? The Islamic Republic supported [00:10:59] the movement of the people, not the occupation [00:11:03] and aggression of America. We must pay attention to this [00:11:07] in recording history. Do not align us with America. [00:11:10] I told you that [00:11:14] when Saddam [00:11:17] attacked Kuwait, some raised [00:11:20] the issue that it was the best opportunity for revenge. The policy of the Islamic Republic [00:11:25] was that we opposed this occupation, no matter what. Let alone that [00:11:29] some currents also brought up the issue of Khalid ibn Walid [00:11:33] and said that it should be [00:11:37] supported. Both this view and that view were both [00:11:40] outside the policies [00:11:44] that the system [00:11:45] had. [00:11:52] We have reached a good point. You analyzed it from an international [00:11:56] perspective. What was Tehran's message [00:11:58] regarding this event? Was it that we should somehow [00:12:02] not let the Americans have it easy in Iraq? I am explaining [00:12:06] this situation so that later when we talk about the policy of the Islamic [00:12:10] Republic of Iran, this policy [00:12:13] was adopted in the wisdom of our martyred Imam. [00:12:17] How wise it is, how [00:12:20] honorable, how logical! Yes, [00:12:23] how appropriate it is for the interests of the country. [00:12:27] How appropriate [00:12:30] it is for the regional arrangements in the field [00:12:33] of defense, security, and development. [00:12:37] And how much this policy is based on [00:12:40] the idea that the occupier should not last here. These innovations that you [00:12:44] mention, you say that the Americans should not be established [00:12:47] in Iraq. How was this supposed to be achieved? Through the Quds Force. The second point [00:12:51] is now. [00:12:55] So, the adoption of this policy [00:12:58] in such a field, psychological, foreign policy, that the Americans [00:13:02] are announcing to the world [00:13:06] that I will no longer refer to the Security Council, [00:13:09] I am America, which today is taking global leadership. [00:13:12] This decision is a courageous decision. [00:13:16] This decision is a wise decision. [00:13:19] Well, so this is one issue. The second issue [00:13:21] is now. [00:13:25] This American plan is not supposed [00:13:28] to succeed. How? With what [00:13:31] tools? With what tools? [00:13:35] Is the Quds Force of the IRGC going to come? Is the Revolutionary Guard [00:13:39] going to come? Is the Islamic Republic going to come [00:13:42] and fight against the occupier? Which [00:13:46] tools? The point [00:13:49] of [00:13:52] our disagreement with the front is [00:13:55] here. The view of the Islamic Republic [00:13:59] is a view of the national interests of countries [00:14:03] What is the difference [00:14:05] between us and America? The Islamic Republic [00:14:09] has tied its own interests [00:14:11] to the interests of nations. America's [00:14:15] interests are against the nations. [00:14:18] This is why after the victory of the revolution [00:14:22] and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, America [00:14:25] is failing. Why has the Iranian [00:14:28] experience been a successful experience? [00:14:30] The system is a religious [00:14:33] system of popular sovereignty, and the people [00:14:37] support the system. Well, when we have this recipe for ourselves [00:14:40] and we have experienced that we succeeded, we will apply [00:14:44] this experience in Iraq. So what will be our tool now? Our tool will be the people [00:14:47] of Iraq, and the people of Iraq, I mean these [00:14:51] global groups of the people of Iraq. Well, the people. [00:15:09] One of the biggest things the Islamic Republic of Iran did [00:15:13] was that [00:15:16] occupation should not happen [00:15:19] from Iraq's own path. [00:15:22] Our role [00:15:25] is an advisory [00:15:27] role. It is a [00:15:30] supportive role. It is about [00:15:33] explaining to Iraq that this enemy is a [00:15:37] hundred times more dangerous than Saddam. [00:15:41] The people of Iraq were aware and [00:15:45] understood. The religious authority also [00:15:47] did. [00:15:51] So instead of directly fighting [00:15:54] the occupier, we [00:15:57] invested in the people and the trust we had in [00:16:01] the people. To what extent? Meaning training, support. How [00:16:04] now? So we are saying that we moved from [00:16:08] a classic military war, [00:16:12] a direct war where Iran would come and get involved, [00:16:15] to you coming and reviving [00:16:18] Iraq's own capacity. What did we do [00:16:22] against ISIS? [00:16:25] The fatwa of the religious authority [00:16:29] was issued, and we equipped the Hashd al-Shaabi. [00:16:32] It was issued that every [00:16:35] one killed fighting ISIS is a martyr. [00:16:38] This commander, [00:16:42] who, [00:16:46] in the words of our martyred Imam, Hajj Qasem, this [00:16:49] great man, this great commander, this [00:16:53] great beloved [00:16:55] one, [00:17:00] as an international commander in the fight against [00:17:03] terrorism, he came and organized [00:17:08] Iraq's capacity. The army was [00:17:11] there. As soon as the fatwa was issued [00:17:15] by the religious authority, this popular movement and uprising [00:17:18] began. Who was supposed to [00:17:22] organize this? The Iraqi government [00:17:25] asked us. Let me announce this. [00:17:28] Wherever the Islamic Republic entered, it was at the request [00:17:32] of the governments. Where there was [00:17:36] a political system, it was the will of the people. [00:17:39] Yes, it was the same in Syria, and it was the same [00:17:42] in Iraq. You made a jump and went [00:17:46] ahead. This period that I want to come back to, I will return there because [00:17:49] there are many questions, and we should sit with you for 5 hours to talk and [00:17:53] learn from you, but I wanted to give an example, [00:17:56] as I said, about ISIS. Now, the fatwa of the religious authority came, [00:17:59] and the Iraqi government asked us for a popular [00:18:02] uprising. This [00:18:05] brave commander of ours [00:18:08] came and, with the help of the resistance leaders who were [00:18:12] there at the time and are now central, like the martyred Hajj Abu Mahdi [00:18:15] and Abu Hassan Ameri and many others, [00:18:19] they came and organized these facilities, this mobilization, and this force. [00:18:22] They provided [00:18:25] and these became the complement [00:18:29] to the army and the armed forces. You see, [00:18:32] we paid attention to all the structures for the issue of [00:18:36] confronting the Americans. This is it. For this revival [00:18:39] of the people, first, [00:18:40] we [00:18:43] have three steps in your soft operation. [00:18:46] We have psychological operations, we have narrative warfare, [00:18:49] and we have the issue of cognitive [00:18:53] warfare. Psychological operations [00:18:57] are fast, cognitive warfare takes time. In these three areas, [00:19:01] in order to know that the main enemy [00:19:04] of the nations in the region is America. This [00:19:08] one who has come and occupied. We succeeded in this. [00:19:12] It was both our effort and the understanding of the Iraqis [00:19:16] themselves, and also the poor [00:19:19] performance of the Americans themselves. [00:19:23] Wherever America comes, you know that in their teachings, [00:19:26] it is this: we are a civilized nation, we go [00:19:30] and civilize the savages. Then you see their aggressions [00:19:34] against the girls of the region, what happens? What happens to the people? [00:19:38] Disregarding cultural and social norms. Meaning this [00:19:41] thing they did in Afghanistan, after 20 years they fled. Of course, it was planned [00:19:45] for them to flee Afghanistan. Their military [00:19:49] withdrew, but not their malice and [00:19:52] their policies. The same happened in Iraq. The Islamic Republic came [00:19:56] to the idea that the Iraqi nation itself must [00:20:00] decide. Well, what did we do in the face of military [00:20:03] occupation? We came. Now [00:20:07] we took up arms. He said no, Saddam is gone. [00:20:11] Very good. Now how should we deal [00:20:14] with it? Today, Iraq must move [00:20:18] towards establishing a new political [00:20:22] system based on the will of the people. [00:20:24] This was in a situation where the Americans [00:20:27] were saying that until 2008, there should be no discussion [00:20:30] of elections. They also brought [00:20:33] Bremer. This understanding was created. [00:20:38] When you look at it, it didn't take [00:20:40] two months. [00:20:43] Due to the poor performance of the Americans themselves, [00:20:46] it didn't take two months for protests to start. [00:20:51] Then the Americans came and what did they do? They saw [00:20:54] that a military ruler was no longer possible, so they brought [00:20:57] a civilian ruler. They came and said that we [00:21:01] will form a consultative council, a constituent [00:21:04] assembly. What was the message [00:21:08] to the Iraqis? The Americans say that we [00:21:11] ourselves want to be in power. [00:21:15] And you come and advise us. What does this mean? [00:21:18] It means that you are complicit [00:21:22] in the crimes that America commits. [00:21:24] You see, so what became our strategy? [00:21:28] Our strategy became to repel [00:21:32] the occupation not through [00:21:36] weapons, but through a [00:21:40] social, popular [00:21:42] movement that would shape the political [00:21:46] space. The first step resulted in [00:21:50] this: if you went as a consultant, as I said, they had prepared 3,000 consultants, [00:21:54] and 90 legal scholars had written the constitution. [00:21:57] You would be complicit in every crime. At that time, [00:22:01] the Iraqis backed down. Let me say here [00:22:04] that the Iraqi leaders, the leaders of the T-shirts, [00:22:08] and the religious authority also [00:22:10] played a good role. The Islamic Republic [00:22:13] also walked hand in hand with the people, [00:22:17] the leaders of Iraq, and aligned [00:22:20] with the religious authority, at the head of which is His Eminence Grand Ayatollah [00:22:23] Sayyed Ali Sistani, may God preserve [00:22:26] him. May God increase his blessings and his long [00:22:30] and blessed life. [00:22:32] God willing. [00:22:35] So this point. We still haven't [00:22:38] reached the negotiation. It will be over now. This political system [00:22:41] must be formed. America didn't want to. What did it [00:22:44] do? It was forced to, instead [00:22:47] of forming a council, [00:22:50] a consultative council. They came and [00:22:54] established the Iraqi Governing Council, meaning a governing [00:22:57] council. It was here that Bremer was told to be [00:23:00] the civil administrator. Then the Iraqi leaders [00:23:04] would come to this governing [00:23:07] council. The governing council became [00:23:10] different from a consultative one, so that each leader would come for about 2 months [00:23:13] to do what? From [00:23:16] here, you can see that then America's next step [00:23:20] was to form a temporary government, [00:23:23] then the next step was for a transitional government to be [00:23:26] formed, and then a permanent government. The issue of elections, [00:23:29] America did not want any of these. After [00:23:33] that, it was forced, who forced [00:23:36] it? This was a plan that was being implemented, but this [00:23:39] popular demand reached a point [00:23:42] where the Americans, in the year 83 [00:23:46] (2004), protests began, [00:23:49] opposition began. You see, when the late [00:23:53] Wasid Abdullah Hakim went to America as the head of the Governing Council, [00:23:56] what were the demands he presented? [00:23:59] At the same time, millions of demonstrations were taking [00:24:03] place in the streets. These things happened. [00:24:06] Meaning, instead [00:24:08] of you coming and engaging in a coercive confrontation, [00:24:12] you explained to the capacities of this nation that you have this [00:24:16] powerful potential. If you want occupation, [00:24:19] these coercive confrontations also had their place. [00:24:22] Occupation occurred. Its requirement is that [00:24:26] you form an Iraqi government [00:24:30] based on the will of the people. For this reason, you may [00:24:33] see that then the Americans [00:24:37] strongly came and wrote a constitution. [00:24:41] The Islamic Republic, as one of its valuable services, [00:24:44] contributed its experience in the issue of the constitution. [00:24:47] Then elections were held, a parliament was formed. And a permanent [00:24:51] government was formed. So you moved from that occupation [00:24:54] that took place and the military commander [00:24:57] came to the point where a democratic [00:25:01] system. And here again, just as you didn't [00:25:04] want the Americans to be established there, the Americans also didn't want Iran to be established [00:25:08] there. That's another discussion, that America didn't want Iran [00:25:12] to be established. So that you wouldn't have [00:25:15] a diplomat present. They raided [00:25:17] Erbil. [00:25:20] They arrested our diplomats. Erbil was one section. [00:25:23] We had nearly 15 [00:25:26] attacks on the embassy. Attacks, for example, imagine a car [00:25:29] came with about 500 kilograms [00:25:33] of explosives, and it came and crashed into the [00:25:37] entrance gate, resulting in 13 martyrs from the people [00:25:40] and injured. Meaning, you had assassinations [00:25:43] carried out. You yourself were shot at [00:25:46] in your car. This was, for example, one of [00:25:50] the incidents. We [00:25:52] came to the [00:25:55] back side of the embassy for [00:25:59] our consular section. We came and [00:26:33] a missile directly hit [00:26:35] inside it. [00:26:38] This is why our diplomats are walking on the street, [00:26:41] and the Americans kidnap them [00:26:45] and take them hostage without saying anything. [00:26:48] You look around and see where they were taken. Suddenly, we follow up [00:26:52] why they didn't come. [00:26:55] We contact the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they say we don't know. We contact the Ministry of Interior, they say [00:26:58] we don't know. We follow up with our friends. [00:27:03] Suddenly, a voice comes out and says that [00:27:06] your gray Mercedes, your Benz, now [00:27:10] what time is it? It's 12 [00:27:13] o'clock midnight. Now [00:27:15] it's in such and such a place with [00:27:18] the Americans. [00:27:20] So we quickly send a message through [00:27:23] friends. I must mention [00:27:27] our late great man, Mr. [00:27:30] who truly served [00:27:37] in the architecture of relations [00:27:40] between the two countries in the new [00:27:42] era. This late [00:27:46] Dr. Ahmed Chalabi. [00:27:49] The late Mr. Jalal Talabani, Sayyed [00:27:52] Abdullah Hakim and others who are there. Through [00:27:56] him, a message was sent to the American ambassador: this mistake [00:27:59] that has been made, you have taken our children hostage. [00:28:04] They didn't accept it, but we had the information. Meaning [00:28:08] the cooperation of the Iraqis with us in these matters was serious. [00:28:12] Dear viewers, I had many questions [00:28:15] for Mr. Kazemi Qomi. Mr. Kazemi was also [00:28:19] explaining sweetly and comprehensively. I still [00:28:23] have questions. I hope you will record your memories [00:28:26] comprehensively and completely. Unfortunately, he has only recorded a few sessions [00:28:30] at the archives center. Meaning, his memories from these sensitive [00:28:34] and decisive points in the diplomatic history [00:28:37] of our country and the region have not yet been recorded. I hope [00:28:41] the responsible institutions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and historical [00:28:44] record-keeping institutions will pay attention to this matter. May God grant you a dignified life. [00:28:48] May you be well. May God be your helper and protector. [00:30:26] The head of the Central Bank said that in recent months, the overdraft of banks [00:30:29] has not increased. According to Mr. [00:30:33] The balance sheet control of banks to prevent money creation and inflation is being [00:30:37] seriously pursued. We [00:30:39] have controlled liquidity creation through quantitative control and serious [00:30:43] quantitative control of the balance sheet, [00:30:46] and we will deal seriously with them if they don't comply. [00:30:49] Secondly, through, [00:30:52] in fact, controlling overdrafts. We allowed [00:30:56] overdrafts. Now, Bank Ayandeh is already.