KAN11 — broadcast
20261105 070500 UTC
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[00:00:00] The recommenders,
[00:00:03] hello, good morning. We are, yes, hello, good
[00:00:06] morning. We are here at the President's Residence, currently observing them,
[00:00:10] the first recommenders who arrived at the Prince's Residence, members of the
[00:00:13] United Torah Judaism faction, who a short while ago told President Herzog,
[00:00:17] "We have decided not to recommend any Knesset member for the formation
[00:00:20] of the government." We saw here Knesset Member Pindrus saying
[00:00:24] the rabbis instructed us not to recommend anyone.
[00:00:27] And you know, we see here, since yesterday, President
[00:00:31] Herzog conversing with representatives of the parties,
[00:00:34] and Herzog is talking here with the representatives of United Torah Judaism and says, "I greatly appreciate
[00:00:37] the Haredi public and the study of Torah, but we are dealing with the question of whether
[00:00:41] it is possible to maintain a society of Torah scholars in the current reality, a reality of
[00:00:44] war." And then Knesset Member Pindrus says
[00:00:47] to Herzog, "We expect that any government that is formed
[00:00:51] will prioritize the issue of regulating
[00:00:54] the status of Torah students, because such a reality
[00:00:57] of persecution of Torah students is an unacceptable thing." And Herzog replies to him
[00:01:01] and says, "There is currently no legal arrangement that allows a comprehensive
[00:01:04] solution for Torah students for an entire society. The war
[00:01:07] requires many resources and also manpower to defend
[00:01:11] the country." We are actually seeing here the members, the representatives of United Torah Judaism
[00:01:15] who have arrived telling the President, "We abstain, we will not recommend any
[00:01:18] candidate." But I can tell you that Knesset Member
[00:01:21] Porush, who was supposed to arrive this morning at the President's Residence, did not come here
[00:01:25] because his position is different. Herzog
[00:01:29] himself.
[00:01:31] That's simply an excellent definition, Gili, that's exactly it, because in fact, his desire
[00:01:35] was not to abstain but to recommend Netanyahu, to support
[00:01:38] the candidacy of the Prime Minister before the President. Both
[00:01:41] him and the designated Knesset Member Stark, but Porush did not come
[00:01:44] here because the faction is supposed to present a united position
[00:01:48] to the President, and therefore the official position of United Torah Judaism
[00:01:52] presented here is one of abstention. But in fact, these are the first
[00:01:56] representatives to arrive here today. We are expected afterwards
[00:01:59] to see the list of recommenders rise and after
[00:02:03] United Torah Judaism. We are expected to see here in the coming hour the
[00:02:07] representatives of Otzma Yehudit, then the Democrats, then
[00:02:10] Ra'am and the Joint List together,
[00:02:13] and Yisrael Beiteinu, and at the end of the day, we will see here the members of
[00:02:17] the Likud, the largest faction according to the election results. And it must be said
[00:02:20] that at the end of this round, Herzog is expected to recommend who the candidate will be who will receive
[00:02:24] first the mandate to form the government, not the one who has the most
[00:02:27] recommenders, but the one who has the most chance in Herzog's
[00:02:30] eyes to bring about the formation of the government. In the political
[00:02:33] system, there is an assessment that says that Eisenkot will be the one to receive
[00:02:37] the mandate first, but you know the political
[00:02:40] deadlock, the complex one that we are facing,
[00:02:43] makes it very difficult, very challenging for Eisenkot
[00:02:47] to undertake this task. We saw yesterday the statement from Yisrael
[00:02:51] Beiteinu which said that the intention is to bring about the establishment of a national
[00:02:54] emergency government as soon as possible, but the numbers, how shall we say,
[00:02:58] are very challenging. Excuse
[00:03:17] me.
[00:03:20] I say in quotes, the professionals who say, "But what will be the future of the country? They don't study core curricula," but we are talking about those who do study
[00:03:23] core curricula. Heaven forbid, and then
[00:03:26] it changes.
[00:04:02] Maybe there's a possibility, maybe we can somehow make this circle
[00:04:06] become a square and we can bring about
[00:04:08] a constellation of either external support or a minority
[00:04:11] government that will be formed with United Torah Judaism, but that will again be very, very complex,
[00:04:15] it will also require an explanation from Eisenkot's bloc as to how
[00:04:18] after four years that we hear about
[00:04:21] the need for as many soldiers as possible and
[00:04:24] a law that will bring an end to draft dodging, how can it be explained that they will actually sit
[00:04:28] in a government together with members?
[00:05:00] Shas's communication drawing. Good morning
[00:05:09] Torah Judaism says, "We don't recommend anyone. We are not in anyone's
[00:05:13] bloc." In the previous elections, they did recommend. That is, when the results are clear, they
[00:05:17] know very well which bloc they are in. So what do they
[00:05:20] hope for? What options are they leaving
[00:05:24] open? First of all, it should be noted that this was said
[00:05:28] throughout the campaign. This was discussed,
[00:05:30] the whole issue of the Torah bloc, said it.
[00:05:34] The chairman of United Torah Judaism, Yaakov Asher, in his voice, throughout
[00:05:37] the campaign, and we also told the public, and we also saw
[00:05:41] it. We saw it within the public. We did a lot of focus
[00:05:44] groups, and in the Haredi public we saw
[00:05:47] the opinions of the standard Haredi
[00:05:50] person are indeed inclined
[00:05:53] towards the right, but when it comes to everything
[00:05:56] related to the conscription law and matters of the status quo,
[00:06:00] in the end, most of the Haredi public prefers
[00:06:03] the issues related to the core of
[00:06:06] his soul before all other things,
[00:06:10] and we see that now with what is happening in the President's Residence.
[00:06:13] How does the change bloc serve the core of the Haredi
[00:06:17] voter's soul? I'll tell you what didn't
[00:06:20] serve. The government of the last
[00:06:23] four years did not serve the Haredi sector, and first of all,
[00:06:27] there is a statement here by the
[00:06:30] Haredi politics of United Torah Judaism that says, by
[00:06:33] Rabbi Landau, that says, "Wait,
[00:06:37] what was will not be, and we will not allow
[00:06:40] politicians to continue, A, to spin us around and hold
[00:06:44] us as a sure card in their pocket." Gershon, did it not serve
[00:06:47] at all, or did it not serve as you would have liked, or in other words, will
[00:06:50] another government serve more?
[00:06:53] In the end, the central story of why this will certainly not
[00:06:56] serve again, the Haredi Knesset
[00:06:59] members are sent to the Knesset primarily
[00:07:02] to clarify the issue of the conscription
[00:07:05] law. And once the conscription
[00:07:08] law was arranged in the previous term, right now what is at the top
[00:07:12] of their agenda is to regulate this issue, and therefore anyone
[00:07:16] who provides a solution to this issue, the Haredim
[00:07:20] will go with them. And again, this was said throughout the campaign, that's it. But what's the chance that precisely
[00:07:23] those who really ran on the covenant of servers, on the fact that they
[00:07:27] will indeed bring about the conscription of Haredim, what's the chance that they will provide the desired
[00:07:30] solution?
[00:07:33] In the end, in the end, the public understands that everyone here will have
[00:07:35] to eat some frog,
[00:07:39] that will say, "Uh, you know, that will go." In the end,
[00:07:50] everyone has to eat some frog. We are already seeing,
[00:07:53] by the way, data of a 100% decrease after
[00:07:57] the elections, a decrease of over 12% in anti-Haredi
[00:08:00] discourse online. That means that the Israeli public,
[00:08:04] the Israeli public that votes for the change bloc, understands
[00:08:07] that they will have to make some changes here in order to form
[00:08:10] a government if they want to replace Netanyahu. And if
[00:08:14] they want to replace Netanyahu, there is a price for that. But since there is no fear
[00:08:18] that afterwards the Haredim will eat a frog, after all,
[00:08:21] what in the end can Pindrus or whoever
[00:08:25] from the United Torah Judaism party compromise
[00:08:27] on? It's a refinement in the negotiations.
[00:08:31] These negotiations are just
[00:08:35] beginning. Right now we are only at the stage of recommendations
[00:08:39] to the President. The path is still at its beginning.
[00:08:43] And the negotiations, by the way, already started a long time ago, and discussions
[00:08:46] were already on the table. Several formats
[00:08:50] of conscription laws, and they will have to see which of them
[00:08:53] they will have to compromise
[00:09:09] goes with a coalition of Eisenkot. A.
[00:09:13] And the people of the change bloc, by the way, even United Torah Judaism probably
[00:09:16] will not go there. As
[00:09:18] they say in our sources, in one package. Not for nothing, not for nothing
[00:09:22] we didn't see Porush and we didn't see the designated Knesset member
[00:09:26] Stark today at the President's Residence, because even there it's not
[00:09:30] exactly a full event, full.
[00:09:33] But it could be, you
[00:09:37] know, there's a term called acting out. It could be that right now
[00:09:41] United Torah Judaism is doing some kind of acting out
[00:09:45] with the change bloc against Netanyahu, so
[00:09:48] that afterwards, maybe if by chance
[00:09:51] they decide in the end that everyone here doesn't want a second round and they go
[00:09:55] for unity, then Netanyahu won't come to unity only with Shas, but
[00:09:58] will also come with United Torah Judaism into this event, even though throughout
[00:10:02] the campaign they said they were not committed to him. So the event is a bit
[00:10:06] complex. That's it. Let's talk about the next stage. Let's say
[00:10:08] they don't go to round B. What
[00:10:12] else can happen for Shas?
[00:10:15] Look, for Shas, they're all in with Netanyahu. There's no
[00:10:19] question at all. And what
[00:10:22] can happen is that, assuming they go. So in a unity
[00:10:26] constellation, it's likely that they will aim to minimize the
[00:10:29] damage ministerially
[00:10:32] against the drop in mandates now, unlike
[00:10:36] Knesset member Goldknopf,
[00:10:39] who throughout said that he
[00:10:42] and others who said that for them there's no bloc and so on and so forth, so they need
[00:10:46] to make sure that anger doesn't arise too much
[00:10:49] in the prime minister's circle and they decide, "Wait, you didn't say you were
[00:10:53] committed. Okay, so I'm not committed either."
[00:10:55] And therefore, it's possible that they're walking a very thin
[00:10:59] line here, but what worries
[00:11:02] me more, what is called in the perspective
[00:11:05] of Degel HaTorah, is how to deal with
[00:11:09] the mythological speech of Rabbi Schach, what was then
[00:11:13] called the "rabbits speech," which said that in the end, in the end,
[00:11:16] the right goes with tradition, the left does not go with
[00:11:19] tradition, and you need to know how to deal with this thing. So they'll tell me now that maybe
[00:11:23] Gad is not exactly.
[00:11:46] No, I'll explain why, because in the end, the perception is that there is a mythological right-wing
[00:11:50] party, and the party that competes against it can be
[00:11:53] Kadima, it can be the H
[00:12:03] In these rooms of what used to be Kfar
[00:12:06] Maccabiah, even back when I used to roam these
[00:12:09] corridors, you also speak a bit in slogans, because
[00:12:12] that's the situation. So if Netanyahu represents the center-right
[00:12:16] jump, then Eisenkot represents, because
[00:12:18] in the end, Yair Golan is part of his
[00:12:22] package, so he represents the center- left, and in the end.
[00:12:25] Who should I ask? I really, if there
[00:12:28] is something I look at with astonishment, how
[00:12:31] will they explain later Rabbi Schach's
[00:12:34] again, I say, mythological ruling
[00:12:37] regarding with whom to go into a coalition? By the way, Shas is actually proof of this,
[00:12:41] that things change, because Shas was not always in the pocket of the right.
[00:12:44] That's it. Shas certainly, meaning
[00:12:47] Shas, unlike Rabbi Ovadia, unlike Rabbi
[00:12:50] Schach, issued a halachic ruling then
[00:12:53] that was mythological, of exchange. Peace really, you can cede territories,
[00:12:57] of course, many years later he ruled that the political reality does not allow for
[00:13:01] the existence of that ruling, but but certainly
[00:13:04] the political perception of the spiritual leadership of Shas in many
[00:13:07] many periods was much more
[00:13:10] dovish, but I think that in recent
[00:13:13] years,
[00:13:15] there is a clear alliance between the chairman of the council, Aryeh
[00:13:19] Deri, and the Shas movement and Netanyahu. Try to
[00:13:22] explain to me regarding this alliance practically.
[00:13:26] I'm going with you, but practically, what does this alliance contribute
[00:13:29] if Netanyahu is not prime minister
[00:13:32] to Shas?
[00:13:34] Again, if Netanyahu is not prime
[00:13:37] minister, will Shas remain committed
[00:13:40] to Likud? The question is yes or what does Shas gain
[00:13:43] from remaining very close to Netanyahu when he is prime minister? I understand when he is not prime
[00:13:47] minister, that is the question. Look,
[00:13:50] in the end, the circle of Shas voters, and this is part
[00:13:53] of the constituent question.
[00:14:08] Both Shas and Likud eat from it together, and there is some internal
[00:14:12] movement, ah, yes, yes, yes, it's a relatively
[00:14:16] new player, by the way, partly because of some of the mistakes Shas
[00:14:20] made in the last campaign, or not in the campaign,
[00:14:23] but in the conduct until the opening of the elections. But but,
[00:14:26] by the way, when did I understand that Shas was making mistakes
[00:14:29] in the campaign? When I saw that actually in my Twitter feed
[00:14:32] they were enthusiastic about Shas's campaign. That's when I understood that there was a moment here, let's
[00:14:36] say, let's say something clear.
[00:14:39] The clash, the problem in Shas's leadership was that until
[00:14:42] the opening of the election campaign, no one internalized the magnitude of
[00:14:45] October 7th as a reality-changing event, and then they basically
[00:14:49] went about doing a campaign that essentially resolved the dissonance, the conflict
[00:14:53] between the fact that there are those who study Torah and the support that Shas receives
[00:14:57] from the serving public. Now there are two strategies. One strategy
[00:15:01] was to ignore this conflict and not touch
[00:15:04] it, and the second strategy was to try to create a series of videos
[00:15:07] attempting to bridge within this conflict. In my opinion,
[00:15:11] Shas acted correctly in the campaign by doing this and thereby minimizing
[00:15:15] the damage that could have occurred if it had ignored it. It could have been worse.
[00:15:18] Absolutely, absolutely. I
[00:15:21] think what they tried to do was to create some kind
[00:15:25] of way to bridge this dilemma. I think
[00:15:28] that given the circumstances, they did the best they possibly could.
[00:15:32] Of course, in terms of the final result, this is a
[00:15:36] very significant collapse. Gershon, in the end,
[00:15:39] both parties, both United Torah Judaism and Shas, today at the President's Residence,
[00:15:43] before the President, are trying to strengthen
[00:15:47] their power in negotiations that will or will not
[00:15:50] happen later. Each one is doing the opposite
[00:15:52] thing.
[00:15:55] Very true. First of all, very true.
[00:15:58] In connection, to what was said before. First
[00:16:02] of all, they turned Netanyahu into a
[00:16:05] religious person. He... Everyone who knows
[00:16:09] him, he is among the most secular prime ministers
[00:16:13] who have been here in the State of Israel.
[00:16:16] Excuse me for interrupting you, but that's not so relevant, because the question is not what he does in his home
[00:16:20] and in which restaurants he eats, the question
[00:16:23] is how he is perceived. Certainly, certainly, I
[00:16:26] am completing. And therefore, I say, there is a new person here named Gadi
[00:16:29] Eisenkot, and to give him a chance, uh, that
[00:16:33] is not, I think it will not be so far-fetched. So that's
[00:16:37] it. At that level. And therefore, uh, and therefore what
[00:16:40] you said earlier regarding Rabbi Schach, first of all, things
[00:16:44] have also changed. The left in Israel in these
[00:16:47] years is no longer the left, meaning there is a left
[00:16:50] in Israel, but most of the people in Israel are right-wing. Most of
[00:16:54] those who make up the change bloc are a public
[00:16:57] that is centrist, some of whom are even perhaps inclined to the right
[00:17:01] who are fed up with Netanyahu. And therefore, the Haredi
[00:17:04] alliance is not so, but the question, Gershon.
[00:17:07] The question is how the average Haredi person will react when Yair Golan
[00:17:11] sits in the same coalition on a senior and significant
[00:17:15] portfolio and influences Jewish identity in the State of Israel
[00:17:18] on budgets for the Ministry
[00:17:21] of Education, for example, influences moves that will be very, very
[00:17:24] difficult for them to live with. How, where will the Haredi citizen
[00:17:28] in the street think when he sees Yair Golan in charge
[00:17:32] from his perspective? That's the question. Again, again, certainly. Is it
[00:17:35] natural in the end for a person
[00:17:39] to be with people like Yair Golan? The answer is, certainly
[00:17:43] and absolutely not. Is the Haredi person, above all, concerned with the conscription
[00:17:47] law? Certainly and absolutely yes. And again, as I said before, everyone will have
[00:17:51] to swallow some frog, and time will tell
[00:17:54] what kind of step will be taken. For United
[00:17:57] Torah Judaism, it's Yair Golan. Well, it seems
[00:18:00] strange to me, but okay. I say, time will tell. Everyone is trying
[00:18:04] even before, even before the recommendation now, spin
[00:18:08] and statements and all sorts of spokespeople with them. I recommend
[00:18:11] to everyone, let's wait a moment. We are in a chess game, so let's
[00:18:14] wait a moment. I just want to clarify something. The opposition, in your opinion, of
[00:18:17] the Haredi public to Yair Golan, is it because
[00:18:21] of his statements about the war or because of his statements about the Haredi
[00:18:24] public or about the separation of religion, or is he simply
[00:18:27] left-wing? That is, what is Yair Golan, the red
[00:18:31] flag for the Haredi public? Statements were also made by Smotrich about
[00:18:35] Rabbi Landau, what was said. That is, serious
[00:18:38] things were said about the Haredi public from all directions. So if the Haredi public chooses not to sit with anyone
[00:18:42] who said things against it, the Haredi public can remain alone in the opposition. You
[00:18:45] understand, but you understand that there is a gap
[00:18:48] between thoughts and statements and
[00:18:51] action. I you, you and I do not
[00:18:55] see Bezalel Smotrich working
[00:18:57] against the Haredi public or the Haredi sector
[00:19:01] in his coalition. And you, but no one sees Bezalel Smotrich succeeding in being part
[00:19:04] of a homogeneous coalition like.
[00:19:11] But but but I have no
[00:19:14] doubt that if Netanyahu needs to choose two partners to go with
[00:19:17] to unity, he chooses Shas and Religious Zionism and not United
[00:19:21] Torah Judaism and Otzma Yehudit. If if it
[00:19:24] will be by agreement and everyone comes with everyone, then joy and celebration and a balloon for every child,
[00:19:28] but but the opposition, in my opinion,
[00:19:31] or the feelings towards Yair Golan are because
[00:19:35] of his views on the.
[00:19:42] This idea, this is the end of every balloon if we are
[00:19:45] already in. So no, but in the end, the bottom line is that there is a
[00:19:49] strategic statement by United Torah Judaism: whoever
[00:19:51] did not give a conscription law to the Haredi sector and thought he was in their
[00:19:55] pocket will not continue to be so. Again, what
[00:19:58] will happen in the end, in what constellation? The Torah
[00:20:01] of God.
[00:20:04] This is the next stage in this chess game, but first of all, as a statement.
[00:20:09] "We are not in anyone's pocket." There is a statement here that is super important. What I understand from our conversation
[00:20:12] is that United Torah Judaism and Shas need to talk to each other for a moment.
[00:20:15] This, by the way, if one is in
[00:20:19] and the other is out, that will be the most fatal
[00:20:22] thing for the attempt to regulate the status of Yeshiva
[00:20:25] students, for the Haredi public. Gershon
[00:20:28] Rosenfeld, strategist, campaign manager for United Torah Judaism and co-owner of Kfan advertising
[00:20:31] company. Roi Lachmanovitch, former advisor to the chairman of Shas for communications.
[00:20:46] yesterday the statement by Prime Minister Netanyahu,
[00:20:50] who defines the Arab parties as influenced by radical Islam?
[00:20:53] Are you in Hadash part of radical
[00:20:55] Islam?
[00:20:58] Netanyahu, we've heard him several times since
[00:21:00] 2015, and we heard him say
[00:21:04] that the Jews, that the Arabs are flocking to the polls. But then he
[00:21:07] apologized. He apologized afterwards. After that, after that we heard him say
[00:21:11] that all the Arabs tell him Abu Yair, Abu Yair. I don't understand
[00:21:14] Netanyahu, to be honest, and I haven't been able
[00:21:17] to understand him, if he, like. Wants the monarchy and the
[00:21:20] king to always remain for him, and therefore anything that is supposed to endanger
[00:21:24] that king is dangerous
[00:21:27] to the State of Israel. That's how he sees things. And therefore, when
[00:21:30] it suits him, he defines us all as terror supporters,
[00:21:33] and when it suits him, then he
[00:21:36] says that we need to cooperate with the Arabs
[00:21:40] and we need to fix the situation of the Arabs and we need to deal
[00:21:53] First of all, Hadash is not at all connected to radical
[00:21:57] Islam. I also don't see any Arab parties
[00:22:00] that are connected to radical Islam.
[00:22:03] And this statement is simply a statement
[00:22:06] that Netanyahu uses because it's convenient for him to use it at this
[00:22:09] moment. But I also see Mansour Abbas going
[00:22:13] further, like, further than
[00:22:16] Netanyahu thought, and therefore now he will want to go back to the roots
[00:22:20] of what an Islamic movement actually is, and then he starts
[00:22:23] defining what the Muslim Brotherhood
[00:22:26] is, and that's convenient for him now, and that's
[00:22:28] convenient for his situation now, like, when he
[00:22:32] succeeds, what happens is that in the State of Israel,
[00:22:35] the one who dictates how things will look is Netanyahu.
[00:22:39] The left bloc or the democratic bloc, what is called the
[00:22:43] democratic bloc or the change bloc, always
[00:22:46] followed the same lines that Netanyahu drew.
[00:23:20] This information was given to you as
[00:23:23] you, as a new representative on the election committee, is it transparent
[00:23:27] to you as part
[00:23:30] of the summation of the election results? Absolutely not.
[00:23:33] The moment there was a meeting, they talked about the Shin Bet's request
[00:23:37] to investigate leaders in Arab
[00:23:39] society. Thirteen said, "Listen," and the fourth one didn't say until we got
[00:23:43] the decisions, and I only heard in the evening that it was about Iman Odeh
[00:23:47] receiving some money, and then it's the Shin Bet who wants to investigate. I
[00:23:51] heard Zini several times over the past two days,
[00:23:55] each time a statement, each time a different statement. Once that it
[00:23:59] shouldn't change, it's about
[00:24:02] things that need to be checked. No one brought
[00:24:05] and didn't tell us exactly what it's about, because it's
[00:24:08] an investigation, and I understood that the legal advisor also didn't
[00:24:12] receive any material in order to, wait, I want you to clarify
[00:24:15] for me for a second. You heard the head of the Shin Bet, David Zini,
[00:24:19] say: once that it needs to be checked and another time
[00:24:23] that and a second time he said
[00:24:26] that it's about things that won't change, won't change election
[00:24:30] results, and yesterday he said
[00:24:33] that it's about thousands, which I don't understand what thousands means.
[00:24:37] Thousands, that it's about thousands of what, of votes
[00:24:40] that could be tainted. The understanding,
[00:24:43] like, I couldn't understand what it's about. After all, all the different
[00:24:46] versions, you can ask, you didn't ask.
[00:24:50] Like, when we were in the meeting, they didn't talk
[00:24:53] about these numbers, they said it didn't matter. Like, the information
[00:24:56] that was there and that was passed to the committee, that it's
[00:24:59] about investigations that won't change the election results. But on the other hand,
[00:25:03] the election committee is not a committee, it's not an investigation
[00:25:06] committee. It's a committee that formally approves the
[00:25:10] results of the calculations made by the election committee, no more
[00:25:13] than that. The one who investigates, once
[00:25:15] it's, like, an investigation, whether it's a police
[00:25:18] investigation. Once it's a security matter, it's the Shin Bet's investigation,
[00:25:22] and the relevant authorities need to investigate. But once
[00:25:26] even the legal advisor says that she didn't receive any information, how will the election
[00:25:29] committee receive the information? Now, look, when Iman Odeh talks about
[00:25:33] it being a balloon that exploded in their face, it sounds
[00:25:36] between the lines that he knows what perhaps aroused the suspicion. Can
[00:25:40] you explain to us what it's about? To be honest, I also don't know
[00:25:43] things about Iman Odeh. I'm not
[00:25:47] really into these matters. But I heard, ah, that
[00:25:50] I heard this morning also that it's about an association
[00:25:53] he founded, and he will bring all, like, he said he would return
[00:25:57] to the country and put everything on the table once
[00:26:00] he is summoned for investigation. But but the very fact
[00:26:04] that exactly when the Shin Bet issues its
[00:26:07] statement, the prime minister comes out and talks
[00:26:11] about the election of the majority of Arab
[00:26:14] Israelis who decided to go out and be part of Israeli democracy. After all, they always
[00:26:18] said that Arabs don't want to be part. The moment people flocked
[00:26:22] to the polls, and I personally submitted
[00:26:25] dozens of requests to the Election Committee to
[00:26:28] change the procedure and decide to let two by two into the polling
[00:26:32] stations, because people stood in line from the morning.
[00:26:35] Many people, I've never seen it before, people came
[00:26:39] to the polls, it's not because the parties brought them out, it's
[00:26:42] because of what Ben Gvir did to the right-wing
[00:26:46] government to the Arabs, and that's one thing, like one of the things that no one wants
[00:26:49] to see, what brought people to the polls
[00:26:52] is what they went through in the last four
[00:26:55] years. After all, it can't
[00:26:58] be that a minister goes to be photographed with
[00:27:02] a tractor that demolishes houses and says that's the melody he loves, you know?
[00:27:06] And that brings me to the question, do Hadash and the Joint List
[00:27:09] at all, do they look at these four years, and do they look at
[00:27:12] the policy they had towards most
[00:27:16] of the Zionist parties,
[00:27:18] and today understand that maybe it was a mistake, because I, I will remind
[00:27:22] that when Mansour Abbas decided to separate from the Joint List
[00:27:25] and go into some cooperation with the Zionist parties, there was a lot of criticism
[00:27:29] of him, even within Hadash, that he was making a mistake.
[00:27:33] Could it be that he was right and you were wrong? There is criticism and there
[00:27:36] is criticism, like, the moment he wasn't right and we weren't wrong,
[00:27:40] there are two, there are two approaches. Mansour Abbas's approach
[00:27:44] is that we'll go and whatever we achieve, we'll achieve. We say
[00:27:47] first of all, let's put things on the table, let's know what
[00:27:51] we're talking about, and let's know what they do want to do. After all, we
[00:27:55] get promises in '25 until
[00:27:57] the approval of the plan for 50 million, 50 billion
[00:28:01] shekels. That was in 2015, when there was
[00:28:04] a joint list and they negotiated about it. Now,
[00:28:08] when we talk about Arab Israelis, about the Arabs, like, the Palestinians
[00:28:12] who live in Israel, and about Arab Israelis and about Arab society in Israel,
[00:28:15] we are talking about a population that has already lived
[00:28:19] in a period of neglect since the state was established. We won't lie
[00:28:23] to ourselves, and there are things that are quite important, and now we
[00:28:27] are talking about the simplest thing, like, simply to exist,
[00:28:30] simply to work. Have you understood that you need to change something,
[00:28:34] to compromise on something? We are not saying that we need to compromise,
[00:28:38] we are saying that we need to set priorities, and the order of priorities
[00:28:41] is important. It is important for us to have an order of priorities,
[00:28:45] it is important for us, it is very important for us that a
[00:28:48] democratic government remains in the State of Israel, and a democratic government, the moment it
[00:28:51] operates, as a democratic government should operate, we
[00:28:55] will receive the same rights that we need to receive, but we are not
[00:28:59] receiving those rights, not because the Arabs didn't want to go with the Zionists.
[00:29:33] Like, the conditions he set, which basically meant that whoever
[00:29:36] needs to serve needs to, he talked about
[00:29:39] four conditions, which, okay, some of them he can talk to us
[00:29:43] about, but he doesn't want to hear what he wants. He didn't write what he wants to give. He
[00:29:46] didn't say that I want to establish a civilian state of
[00:29:50] all its citizens, like, every citizen,
[00:29:53] both Jewish and Arab and also The rest, I
[00:29:57] also disagree that we are only Arabs and Jews here. Yes, I also
[00:30:01] don't, I say there is a sea of people of all sorts
[00:30:04] of types and different in opinions and different
[00:30:08] Jews who think
[00:30:11] like Arab x, and there are Jews who don't think like him.
[00:30:14] This generalization of Zionism, as if they came
[00:30:18] and rose up, who are supposed to recognize the Israeli state. As if
[00:30:20] the law says a Jewish
[00:30:23] and democratic state. I also have something to say about that. But, wait,
[00:30:27] but you say that it didn't talk to you and still
[00:30:31] today in the President's house, on whom
[00:30:33] will you recommend?
[00:30:35] I think that the Joint List, as I heard, I am not
[00:30:38] the one who makes the decisions but as I heard
[00:30:42] from Water, we need
[00:30:45] to just throw out
[00:30:57] courtesy of second-hand cars at Frisbee.
[00:31:00] Up to five years warranty on a variety of second-hand cars. Call
[00:31:04] now. Star 6020. Subject to regulations on the
[00:31:07] Frisbee website.
[00:31:10] On Highway 5 westbound, heavy traffic from Yarkon Interchange to
[00:31:13] convicted on the way.
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[00:31:22] Frisbee for up to five years warranty on a variety of second-hand cars. Call now
[00:31:26] *60-20 subject
[00:31:29] to terms and conditions on the
[00:31:40] political promise in Israel. Everyone admired him. He was a
[00:31:44] genius. So different, a Haredi from another source, he was
[00:31:47] a rock star. We saw hope in him, a bridge between secular
[00:31:50] and Haredim.
[00:31:57] He came hungry for power. He controls all local authorities
[00:32:00] in the State of Israel. He went from minister to minister and he convinced them to overthrow
[00:32:04] the government. He is the father and mother of government corruption
[00:32:07] in Israel. Terry, the premiere
[00:32:11] episode soon on Channel 11 and on Kan Box.
[00:33:05] of understanding of what's really happening. It's really a combination of
[00:33:08] reconciliation. That truth must
[00:33:12] come out.
[00:33:17] One of them just loads the weapon and opens fire at our
[00:33:21] forces.
[00:33:24] They are the head, they are to blame. There are many to blame for October 7th, I don't
[00:33:28] think the High Court is one
[00:33:29] of them.
[00:33:33] I haven't seen such a thing, I haven't heard such
[00:33:35] stories.
[00:33:42] I very much hope that the Israeli public.
[00:34:15] was in recent days that every day it happens, every day we are on the verge
[00:34:19] of an attack and it doesn't happen because we are not on the verge of an attack. How
[00:34:22] does it appear in the eyes of the Iranian citizen who also functions,
[00:34:26] I assume, in daily life, goes in the morning, drops off the children at kindergarten or school
[00:34:30] and tries to continue his daily routine.
[00:34:33] Look, the Iranian citizen is already busy these days mainly
[00:34:37] with one thing. I am, of course, generalizing, because we are talking about 90 million
[00:34:41] Iranians, but what mainly worries Iranian citizens these days is
[00:34:45] the economic situation. This does not mean, of course, that Iranians are not
[00:34:48] exposed to media reports and the possibility of war. They are certainly
[00:34:52] very worried about it. But in the end, they also
[00:34:55] know that the one who makes decisions on matters
[00:34:58] of peace and war is President Trump, and no one has control
[00:35:02] over President Trump except himself. Therefore,
[00:35:06] they follow the reports with concern. They are very worried
[00:35:10] about the possibility that after a year of two difficult
[00:35:13] wars and brutal suppression of the protest movement
[00:35:16] in January, they might find themselves in the midst of another
[00:35:19] confrontation. But in the end, they too have probably
[00:35:23] gotten used to this reality of neither war
[00:35:26] nor peace. Now, look, we know what Netanyahu's interest
[00:35:30] is, perhaps to heat up the sector, the front against Iran. We no longer really know what
[00:35:34] Trump's interest is after the midterm elections. But objectively,
[00:35:38] what do we know about what is happening in Iran regarding
[00:35:41] nuclear weapons that could justify some action by...?
[00:35:47] What we know in the nuclear context is that even
[00:35:49] after Operation Kal-Avi and even after Operation Lion's Roar,
[00:35:53] we must say, by the way, that most of the activities that were done to
[00:35:56] delay and minimize as much as possible the Iranian
[00:36:00] nuclear program, the vast majority of these activities were carried out
[00:36:04] during Operation Kal-Avi. In Operation Lion's Roar, I remind you, there was a plan
[00:36:07] that was on the table. Unfortunately, it was already discussed at length in the
[00:36:11] media. That plan was supposed to use
[00:36:15] special commandos to extract or try to extract those
[00:36:18] 440 kilograms of enriched uranium from Iranian
[00:36:22] territory, from those tunnels, and perhaps cause additional damage. But since
[00:36:25] that plan was not implemented in the end, we are left after two
[00:36:29] campaigns with an Iran that, although it no longer has
[00:36:32] those industrial nuclear capabilities it had
[00:36:36] before Operation Kal-Avi, it still has fissile material,
[00:36:39] meaning hundreds of kilograms of 60% enriched uranium,
[00:36:43] much more than that at lower levels, at least hundreds
[00:36:47] of advanced centrifuges, underground facilities, and what
[00:36:50] has been talked about quite a bit in recent months, that relatively
[00:36:54] new facility, on which work began
[00:36:58] a few years ago, Mount Makosh, which is intended or may be used by
[00:37:01] the Iranians later to store uranium there,
[00:37:05] Mount Makosh, as mentioned. And therefore, these infrastructures exist,
[00:37:09] these capabilities exist, and this
[00:37:11] is the reality that in itself is troubling even if we do not necessarily
[00:37:15] identify an Iranian decision to break out with nuclear
[00:37:18] weapons, even if we do not currently identify concrete
[00:37:21] extensions
[00:37:23] to resume uranium enrichment in another facility. But in fact, you are saying that
[00:37:27] the same reality that exists now that could perhaps serve as some
[00:37:31] justification for another operation is the same reality
[00:37:34] that also existed two or three months ago.
[00:37:38] Meaning, there is nothing that has truly changed.
[00:37:41] Look, I am not familiar with the intelligence picture and I don't know the status
[00:37:45] of Iranian progress, both at Mount Makosh
[00:37:48] and at other sites that may be used
[00:37:51] for such or other progress, including in the weaponization
[00:37:54] program of Iran. But the capabilities
[00:37:57] that exist and that existed are very troubling capabilities. But here we need
[00:38:01] to add an important note, that ultimately, in order
[00:38:04] to deal with those, let's take the 440 kilograms of enriched
[00:38:08] uranium, although as mentioned, it's much more than that, but in order
[00:38:11] to deal with these materials, there are essentially two main ways
[00:38:15] to deal with them: either through some political arrangement
[00:38:18] that is currently not on the table, at least not at this
[00:38:22] stage, where the Iranians themselves would be willing, of course, in exchange
[00:38:25] for lifting sanctions and releasing frozen assets, to deal
[00:38:29] with this material. This could be either taking it out or diluting it
[00:38:33] to low uranium levels. And the second option is the option of
[00:38:36] a special operation, ground, commando,
[00:38:40] because an aerial attack by itself, as we also saw
[00:38:43] in Operation Kal-Avi, probably cannot deal with this
[00:38:46] thing. Therefore, even if tomorrow morning or in a month the Americans or
[00:38:50] the Israelis attack Mount Makosh, then that can certainly delay
[00:38:53] for a certain period the ability to use that site
[00:38:57] to store uranium, but the materials themselves,
[00:39:01] the centrifuges themselves, the infrastructures themselves will still
[00:39:04] continue to exist. The day before yesterday, it was published in the New York Times that Israel
[00:39:08] shared sensitive intelligence
[00:39:11] according to which Iran is considering using chemical
[00:39:15] weapons against its enemies, Iran's enemies.
[00:39:18] Israel shared this information with the United States. How do you see
[00:39:21] this? Look, again, I don't know the nature
[00:39:25] of the intelligence, so it's hard for me to comment specifically. What worries me most
[00:39:29] about this report published in the New York Times is not necessarily
[00:39:32] the information itself. Of course, if there are indications that the Iranians
[00:39:36] have renewed their efforts to develop chemical weapons, that's a disturbing
[00:39:39] thing. One can, of course, raise
[00:39:42] questions about how much operational capability the Iranians
[00:39:46] really have. Yesterday there was a publication, I think, in Yedioth Ahronoth that said
[00:39:49] that according to the IDF, there is currently no concrete threat that requires
[00:39:53] special warnings, but what is very concerning in this
[00:39:56] report is the statement or the claim
[00:39:59] that American intelligence treats Israeli claims
[00:40:02] with a great deal of skepticism. And here
[00:40:05] we must say that if there was indeed an exaggeration
[00:40:09] given to intelligence information
[00:40:12] of one kind or another, or worse, if intelligence information was presented in a more
[00:40:16] severe way in order to convince the Americans
[00:40:19] to launch an attack, then that is something
[00:40:22] that already calls into question the credibility of the Israeli
[00:40:26] intelligence community. At least in the eyes of the American side, and that
[00:40:30] in itself is very, very disturbing. All the more so that this
[00:40:33] comes after the operation that Israel pushed the United
[00:40:37] States into an action
[00:40:40] that was fraught with questions
[00:40:43] to replace, to overthrow the regime. That is,
[00:40:46] we are talking about an operation after we already know what the results
[00:40:49] of the elections in the United States were, the midterm elections, and we
[00:40:53] know that the same narrative you are referring to, according to which Israel
[00:40:56] pushed, and that the Prime Minister and the head of the Mossad were the ones who pushed the United
[00:41:00] States to carry out this attack, this is a narrative
[00:41:03] that is certainly accepted today not only among Democrats but even
[00:41:06] within the administration itself. We saw the tweet yesterday from Vice President
[00:41:10] Pence, and therefore this is something that over time will certainly further
[00:41:13] strain the special relations and the status of Israel
[00:41:17] in the United States, and that, in my opinion, is no less disturbing, and perhaps even more
[00:41:20] disturbing, than some of the threats that we face from Iran.
[00:41:23] And when Trump was asked yesterday about the blue tsunami that swept the House
[00:41:27] of Representatives and about the connection between the Democrats'
[00:41:30] victory and the war in Iran, he said: "Yes, it's
[00:41:34] related, but still this war was justified, it was right, it
[00:41:37] was important." When you look now at Iran's situation after Lion's
[00:41:41] Roar, is Trump right?
[00:41:44] Look, if Lion's Roar, if this war, which seemingly hasn't ended yet,
[00:41:48] because we might still find ourselves in another round
[00:41:51] of conflict, but if this war ends definitively,
[00:41:54] with Iran still having nuclear capabilities as
[00:41:57] we discussed earlier, with greater motivation than it had
[00:42:01] weapons, very
[00:42:04] impressive. Just this week, we were informed by the IDF that, according to estimates,
[00:42:08] Iran has about 1800 ballistic missiles that can reach us. This
[00:42:12] is more or less what they had, maybe even more than they had before the last two
[00:42:16] campaigns from Iran. How, by the way, does it manage to replenish its stock
[00:42:19] so quickly? Excuse me, how does it manage to replenish its stock of ballistic
[00:42:23] missiles? Because this actually creates, we
[00:42:26] know that part of the arsenal of ballistic missiles,
[00:42:29] about half, was stored underground at the beginning
[00:42:33] of Lion's Roar so that they wouldn't be hit. But that still doesn't
[00:42:36] explain how the Iranians apparently manage to...
[00:42:45] missile production capabilities were damaged, and therefore, there's no doubt that either
[00:42:49] the initial estimates were underestimates, or that despite
[00:42:52] the significant damage that cannot be denied to the production
[00:42:56] lines, they still have the ability to produce new missiles,
[00:42:59] and therefore, the bottom line is that we are in a very, very problematic situation, due to the
[00:43:03] fact that President Trump is struggling greatly to decide
[00:43:07] which bad option he should choose, whether
[00:43:11] to carry out another attack that is not sure to achieve the strategic
[00:43:15] goals. This is a situation that certainly indicates
[00:43:19] that the Iranians have indeed weakened greatly
[00:43:22] militarily, and there is no doubt that there were very impressive operational
[00:43:26] successes in these two campaigns, but the Iranian threats
[00:43:29] definitely exist, and some of them are even
[00:43:33] more significant
[00:43:51] political promise in Israel. Everyone admired him. He was
[00:43:54] a genius. He was something so different, a Haredi from a different source,
[00:43:58] a rock star. We saw hope in him, a bridge between secular
[00:44:01] and Haredim.
[00:44:08] He came hungry for power, he controls all local authorities in the State
[00:44:11] of Israel. He went from minister to minister and he convinced them to overthrow
[00:44:14] the government. He is the father and mother of corruption
[00:44:18] in Israel. Terry, the premiere episode,
[00:44:22] coming soon on Kan 11 and Kan
[00:44:24] Box. I am now
[00:44:28] in Shfey Yisra, here they still sell Yehuda
[00:44:32] Coca-Cola products. Excuse me, excuse me, what happened, what happened? What happened? Are you really asking
[00:44:36] me what happened to selling Yehuda Coca-Cola products after the sign.
[00:46:52] broke us after that, the country also, ah,
[00:46:56] October. Many countries have not
[00:46:59] worked with us since then. Wait, wait, wait, explain what that
[00:47:02] means. You were really a whiskey that was distributed
[00:47:06] worldwide and then suddenly what did they tell you? Don't send
[00:47:09] it here anymore? Yes. Exactly at that level. The Scandinavian
[00:47:13] countries, the Scandinavian countries, really, like,
[00:47:16] immediately. What immediately? You mean immediately after October
[00:47:20] 7th? Immediately after October 7th. That's it.
[00:47:23] Like, they didn't talk, not
[00:47:26] anything. Holland also, yes. The United States was
[00:47:30] a bit back now, but it was a very
[00:47:33] big one. But yes,
[00:47:37] Europe loved us
[00:47:40] less.
[00:47:43] It's amazing to see that during that time, we were at our peak. Everyone wanted to buy us.
[00:47:47] Everyone wanted our whiskey. Suddenly, boom, the fall.
[00:47:51] And what do you do?
[00:47:52] us. South America. We just started looking for other places
[00:48:04] less they care about
[00:48:07] Israeli geopolitics and they really love
[00:48:13] and on the other hand, we also decided not to rely on
[00:48:17] international barley for such things and to do it together with
[00:48:20] Kibbutz Be'eri. This is...
[00:49:13] realize that you can use blue and white barley
[00:49:15] from Kibbutz Be'eri?
[00:49:19] So it's not exactly like that, we didn't know. What happened
[00:49:23] was that the people from Kibbutz Be'eri were refugees in the Dead
[00:49:26] Sea, ah, two months after October 7th, they came
[00:49:29] to us. Of course, they were still in shock,
[00:49:33] everyone. And somehow
[00:49:36] they opened up and we talked about the issue of barley and they really said, their head of the branch
[00:49:40] really came and said, "Come do it with us."
[00:49:44] And that's why two months after October 7th, they had the emotional
[00:49:47] willingness to come and talk to you about
[00:49:50] it. the idea, and we jumped on
[00:52:06] weeks ago, journalist Shlomi Eldar published the biggest scoop
[00:52:09] of his life. On the very same day, he discovered
[00:52:12] that the love of his life was over. A rare
[00:52:16] and honest conversation
[00:52:19] about love and betrayal, about truth and the poison
[00:52:22] machine, about the warning given by the President of the Emirates
[00:52:25] to Netanyahu, and also about how to get up from the lowest
[00:52:29] point of despair. And you forgot that there was also
[00:52:32] cancer on the way, but it ended with good news. Saturday night,
[00:52:36] at the meeting.
[00:52:39] Looking back, we grew up in an absolutely crazy
[00:52:42] situation. Not a day goes by that you're not being shot at. Everyone from the age of
[00:52:46] 16 received a weapon, beatings,
[00:52:48] dead.
[00:52:51] What are you willing to do not to give up on friendship? I'm even
[00:52:55] willing to die.
[00:52:58] I lived like that, that only if there is war, there is
[00:53:00] meaning.
[00:53:03] I lost my childhood at that age.
[00:53:07] Our children are growing up with a national mission. The greatest mission of a
[00:53:11] human being in this world is for his children to be happy. Would
[00:53:14] you raise your children there? Children
[00:53:17] of Hebron, Saturday night after the meeting,
[00:53:21] on Kan 11 and Kan Box.
[00:53:25] I don't understand what I'm seeing. A lack of understanding of what's really happening. It's
[00:53:28] really a combination of
[00:53:30] perception.
[00:53:32] This truth needs to come out.
[00:53:39] One of them just loads the weapon and opens fire at our
[00:53:42] forces.
[00:53:46] They are the head, they are to blame. There are many to blame for October 7th, I don't
[00:53:49] think the High Court is one
[00:53:51] of them.
[00:53:54] I haven't seen such a thing, I haven't heard such
[00:53:56] stories.
[00:54:03] I very much hope that the Israeli public knows how to believe
[00:54:06] the truth and will not follow the lie.
[00:54:10] Real Time coming soon
[00:54:14] on Kan 11 and Kan
[00:55:15] Good morning, everyone. It's 10 o'clock and we have the news update. At the President's
[00:55:19] Residence in Jerusalem, the round of consultations between
[00:55:22] representatives of the factions elected to the Knesset resumed today, ahead of the task
[00:55:26] of forming the government. This is the second day of talks. Yekla Haron is there
[00:55:30] now. United Torah Judaism left there a short while ago. Who else are we expected to see there
[00:55:34] later today?
[00:55:37] Hello Roni, right now as we speak, members of Otzma Yehudit,
[00:55:41] the representatives of the party, are currently meeting here with the President,
[00:55:44] and a short while ago they recommended to Herzog their candidate
[00:55:48] for forming the government, as expected, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But
[00:55:52] pay attention to other things said here by the representatives of Otzma Yehudit. We heard
[00:55:55] here also Minister Amihai Eliyahu and Minister Wasrao.