N1BOS — broadcast
20260909 153000 UTC
498 transcript segments
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[00:00:00] it's about Ukraine, which
[00:00:01] I don't know. is favored in a way
[00:00:03] that it is often said that it should be admitted to the
[00:00:07] European Union by a shortcut, then not us, but
[00:00:10] here, again, the new, different Prime Minister
[00:00:13] of Hungary, Mr. Mađar said that
[00:00:16] there should not be favoritism towards other
[00:00:20] Balkan countries, indeed, first of all, we think of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
[00:00:24] because let's not forget what a bloody war against
[00:00:27] Bosnia was fought from 92 to
[00:00:31] 95, about whose reminiscences and
[00:00:34] consequences, genocide and so on, we are talking
[00:00:38] 30 years later,
[00:00:40] we forget and favor some, and
[00:00:44] we forget how our inferno,
[00:00:47] at least politically, by the highest officials,
[00:00:51] there are many examples, we will not go back into history,
[00:00:55] it is indeed put aside, we have been talking about this for
[00:00:59] about a year and a half, openly,
[00:01:02] there is no echo yet, I must
[00:01:05] tell you, that this is understood,
[00:01:09] criminals, that this is taken as a criterion, on the contrary, I think, they tell
[00:01:13] me, don't say that, because Ukraine,
[00:01:16] Moldova, Montenegro, despite those
[00:01:20] internal problems, are making real progress, and we, you know,
[00:01:23] are reproached for those famous two laws,
[00:01:26] and we, at least those of us who can, always talk.
[00:01:30] We warn, of course, again with the remark, who is obstructing
[00:01:34] these two laws, which coalition, which connection,
[00:01:38] and everything is clear, that
[00:01:41] is somehow my next question based on everything you said,
[00:01:44] will, you mentioned Ukraine and Montenegro, how
[00:01:48] is Bosnia and Herzegovina different, why not
[00:01:51] overlook it too, so, the question is,
[00:01:55] do you believe that the European Union could apply that principle of forcing
[00:01:58] progress when it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e., will it finally start using
[00:02:02] some mechanisms that will force domestic politicians, those obstructionists you
[00:02:05] mentioned earlier, to the much-needed
[00:02:08] reforms, the European Union will not agree, first
[00:02:12] of all, with such rhetoric, such definitions, dear Jana, and if
[00:02:16] I said so and if I asked for it,
[00:02:19] there are inquiries, of course, because they
[00:02:22] are still a large organization, the best place
[00:02:26] both when it comes to human rights and when it comes to geopolitics.
[00:02:30] But the European Union is aware that geopolitics must
[00:02:33] not swallow principles, that this
[00:02:36] must not happen in the epicenter of the Western Balkans, in the epicenter
[00:02:40] of European security, I am not exaggerating, that is Bosnia and
[00:02:43] Herzegovina, otherwise you have the former Slovenian Prime Minister,
[00:02:47] Mr. Robert Golob, who at
[00:02:50] one of the Bled forums said we must, and he literally
[00:02:54] said so, overlook Bosnia and
[00:02:57] Herzegovina, because that is a matter of our
[00:03:00] security, it is not just a matter of our
[00:03:03] goodwill that it is somehow justified,
[00:03:07] confirms, regardless of whether all
[00:03:10] criteria are met, and when all criteria are met, and when all
[00:03:14] clusters are closed, and when
[00:03:17] that technical part is done, then that
[00:03:20] political decision remains from all 27
[00:03:24] countries of the European Union members who need to
[00:03:28] in their parliaments, in their... governments first of all,
[00:03:31] before everything else, confirm that they will
[00:03:35] not object, so that Croatia, for example, will not object
[00:03:38] to Montenegro's membership, unless Montenegro makes
[00:03:41] some wrong move, a wrong nationalist
[00:03:45] narrative, which would be understood as a threat, we all follow
[00:03:48] that and their attitude towards minorities, you know, there are many Bosniaks
[00:03:51] in Montenegro, there are many Bosniaks and Montenegrins here,
[00:03:55] so we follow that and again, in the end,
[00:03:59] good... political will in that context,
[00:04:02] we say, when we know that in the end, when
[00:04:05] all those conditions, those homework assignments, that
[00:04:09] political will are met, then let's immediately at
[00:04:12] the beginning, now in the process, work on that
[00:04:15] political will, and instead of you
[00:04:18] forcing them, because they don't like, as I said, that rhetoric, be
[00:04:22] mentors, offer them, make an offer
[00:04:26] that they will definitely not be able to refuse
[00:04:29] in this... one way or another, when you say
[00:04:32] good political will is needed, now considering
[00:04:36] that we are in this pre-election period, elections are coming, after that
[00:04:40] government formation, how do you, from the position
[00:04:44] of ambassador, look at the development of the situation when it comes to our European
[00:04:47] path, the question is when will
[00:04:51] it take to form a government after the elections, so if we follow
[00:04:54] everything we witnessed in the previous elections.
[00:04:58] process, somewhere around four to five months
[00:05:02] of waiting, right? Then with
[00:05:05] that, our European path waits?
[00:05:07] My answer to your question is
[00:05:13] My second answer to your question is, I absolutely cannot get
[00:05:17] involved in that for the simple reason that I don't have enough indicators, and
[00:05:20] I am preoccupied with some other current
[00:05:24] things here, but in any case,
[00:05:27] there will be voices from Brussels that will insist
[00:05:31] on efficiency, on being efficient, just like last time,
[00:05:34] it's a matter of internal political coalitions, as everywhere in
[00:05:38] every country, it's a matter
[00:05:42] of... I'll say quite colloquially, how much each will be willing
[00:05:45] to swallow the water, to say what was
[00:05:48] said, responsibly or
[00:05:51] irresponsibly, the criticisms that were directed at
[00:05:54] each other, in other words, these elections will pass like all
[00:05:58] others, but we must not
[00:06:01] lose what is called not to see the forest for the trees
[00:06:05] and vice versa, we must know what our
[00:06:08] priorities are, and this is our priority, and we must
[00:06:12] know... how far we have come, not to constantly go back to
[00:06:15] the beginning, so, if we have reached this phase, so
[00:06:18] to speak, of an
[00:06:21] educational and argumentative objection
[00:06:24] to our partners and allies, let us
[00:06:28] continue with that in an articulated, diplomatically
[00:06:31] permissible, but always
[00:06:34] non-dissonant way, but to be, if
[00:06:37] necessary, in some way
[00:06:41] impulsive. without creating any
[00:06:44] escalation, but simply to say, wait, we
[00:06:48] can't
[00:09:25] Students in Blockade said today that they are ready for victory
[00:09:29] in the elections in Serbia. Reacting to the announcement of early parliamentary
[00:09:32] elections, they wrote on Blockade.org, "They were silent for
[00:09:36] a long time and they promised for a long time, lied, procrastinated, hoping that the people's
[00:09:40] fatigue would be stronger than their persistence. They didn't count on
[00:09:43] one thing, that students would stay when everyone else
[00:09:46] gave up." A student of the Faculty of Medicine in Novi
[00:09:50] Sad spoke about the student list for N1.
[00:09:53] The student list will be published in the next few days, so
[00:09:57] the student list has been ready for a long time and now it's just about some technical and
[00:10:01] legal aspects, so at the moment when the signatures are collected and the list
[00:10:05] needs to be submitted, it will be published to the public. Of course,
[00:10:08] we are ready after 490 exactly two days, how long I have been waiting.
[00:10:12] these elections, how much we look forward to them and hope that they will bring enormous change to our
[00:10:16] people, we are ready, we can't wait for that day to finally happen
[00:10:20] so that people can finally make a very important decision, we are ready
[00:10:23] through control. through the "student in every village" action, where
[00:10:27] we visited many households, and now we are looking forward to finally
[00:10:30] being able to see the results of that, we will not deal with other political
[00:10:34] actors, the question is only one, Serbia or
[00:10:37] mafia.
[00:10:41] On the eve of the announcement of early parliamentary elections, the leaders
[00:10:45] of the Freedom and Justice Party,
[00:10:47] the Serbia Center Heart Party, and
[00:10:51] the Citizens' Movement Solidarity addressed the media
[00:10:54] in front of the Assembly. They decided to run together in the upcoming elections
[00:10:57] as the "European Serbia" list, Marinika Tepić,
[00:11:00] Zdravko Ponoš, as they stated, the goal of their list is to enable
[00:11:04] the citizens of Serbia to live like the citizens of the European Union. To
[00:11:07] the question of whether they are ready to resign if the coalition does not pass
[00:11:11] the census, they answer that passing the census is not
[00:11:14] in question. The essence of our participation in
[00:11:18] the elections is that with the student list, undeniably the strongest
[00:11:22] opposition force at this moment, we have a total of more than
[00:11:25] 50%, that's how the regime changes
[00:11:28] and that's how the system changes with the measures we said would be taken
[00:11:32] from day one, so everyone who has
[00:11:35] appeals, I invite them to appeal to all sides to
[00:11:39] talk, to agree, not to appeal only to the side that is always ready for
[00:11:43] agreements and talks, we believe that this is not
[00:11:46] the time when we can wait for the landing of allies for four years, in
[00:11:49] the meantime to nibble seeds or give
[00:11:52] support to someone who is weaker and... is being beaten by some hooligan, we
[00:11:56] will only hold the jacket for this weaker one, it's simply not the time for
[00:12:00] that, we believe that this is not
[00:12:03] the time when we can wait for the elections
[00:12:06] to pass and then we'll see where we're going, that's why we think that it should be
[00:12:10] clear now what we advocate for and to influence that course for
[00:12:14] the day after, not then to hesitate and to see because Serbia no longer
[00:12:17] has time to lose. We are completely open to those who are currently
[00:12:21] the largest opposition group, students. "I don't think we should be
[00:12:24] enemies, I don't think we should be attacking each other, I think we should
[00:12:27] cooperate, not only in election control, not only
[00:12:30] in the election campaign, but in the processes that
[00:12:33] are coming, that is the defense of the results, I want to
[00:12:37] tell the citizens of Serbia today
[00:12:41] that despite what Vučić and
[00:12:44] his camarilla and his Šešelj hope for,
[00:12:48] all those who divided this country,
[00:12:52] incited citizens against each other, quarreled with
[00:12:55] our neighbors, turned us away from
[00:12:58] Europe where we belong, because we belong
[00:13:02] to Europe, if you do
[00:13:04] not pass the census,
[00:13:08] where is the boundary of political responsibility, the decision to
[00:13:11] go out in multiple columns, I would ask
[00:13:14] other opposition parties, here is your conference being
[00:13:17] held here, there is no chance that this pro-European
[00:13:21] list will not pass the census, everyone who says that,
[00:13:25] who insinuates that, works for Aleksandar Vučić, in this country, a third of the people
[00:13:29] today, after this campaign of 15 years, are for Serbia's
[00:13:32] membership in the European Union, you are talking about a 3%
[00:13:36] census. This will be a list that will certainly
[00:13:39] be the third list in these elections when the results
[00:13:43] are recalculated in 25
[00:13:45] days, otherwise it would be exactly what Sergey Lavrov
[00:13:49] says, that this country has given up on the European Union
[00:13:52] and is going somewhere else, it will never give up, it will never
[00:13:56] give up, and there is no chance to even talk
[00:14:00] about whether this list of such organizations with
[00:14:03] this idea, with this program that Goran, Marinika, Zdravko had, with
[00:14:07] all the people we have, with a clear story of Europe's
[00:14:10] future, our question is the census,
[00:14:14] hats off to those, I must tell you that
[00:14:17] what we are talking about is shown by all the research we have done,
[00:14:20] because we take this work seriously.
[00:14:26] "And now we go live to Belgrade, where Marko Milosavljević
[00:14:30] from the Youth Initiative for Human Rights awaits us. Marko, good afternoon
[00:14:33] and welcome to the N1
[00:14:42] Rights strongly condemned the use of state resources
[00:14:45] for the transport of Ratko Mladić's body to
[00:14:48] Serbia, and according to your information and legal provisions,
[00:14:52] what legal regulations
[00:14:55] were actually violated by the decision to organize state and military
[00:14:58] honors for a convicted war
[00:15:00] criminal?
[00:15:03] Well, it's about Article 185 of the Law on
[00:15:06] the Army which stipulates that when
[00:15:09] there is a final judgment that
[00:15:13] is longer than one year, i.e., if the
[00:15:16] prison sentence is longer than one year, then for all
[00:15:20] members of the army of Serbia, and Mladić
[00:15:23] we know from the documents from the Hague Tribunal and
[00:15:26] the documentation that was then submitted from
[00:15:29] Belgrade, he was actually part of the 30th personnel center
[00:15:33] of the Yugoslav Army, and its successor
[00:15:36] is... or rather, the successor is the
[00:15:40] Serbian Army, which means that when the final
[00:15:43] verdict was handed down in 2021
[00:15:47] to Mladić for genocide in Srebrenica, but also
[00:15:50] a series of crimes against humanity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, he lost
[00:15:54] the rank he had in the Yugoslav Army, and thereby he also
[00:15:57] lost his rights, these rights are related, among other things,
[00:16:01] to military or state honors.
[00:16:05] So, based on that, how do you comment on
[00:16:08] the fact that the state leadership and the Ministry of Defense then ignore
[00:16:11] their own laws?
[00:16:13] Well, they, so to speak, in many cases, this
[00:16:17] shows the rule of the Serbian Progressive Party in the previous
[00:16:21] almost 15 years, they
[00:16:24] are practically not bound by any laws, that is
[00:16:28] one of the reasons why, for two
[00:16:31] years now, there have been continuous
[00:16:34] protests to establish the rule
[00:16:37] of law in cases of corruption that led to the
[00:16:40] collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad, but when we talk about legal provisions and
[00:16:44] the glorification of war our organization
[00:16:48] has clearly stated several
[00:16:51] times, not only in previous years, but at
[00:16:55] the beginning of that government, I am talking primarily about
[00:16:59] the decision that the then government
[00:17:02] of Ivica Dačić made in 2013
[00:17:05] to change the conditions for... financial support
[00:17:09] to those accused and convicted before the International Tribunal in
[00:17:12] The Hague in April 2013,
[00:17:16] so that financial support is given to persons who
[00:17:19] did not voluntarily surrender to the Hague Tribunal, which in 2003
[00:17:23] was the first such decision with the aim of
[00:17:27] a larger number of Hague indictees voluntarily
[00:17:30] surrendering to the tribunal, however that decision was changed
[00:17:33] in 2013 and since then, that is, since 2013
[00:17:37] until now, 12 convicted war
[00:17:41] criminals practically received a monthly
[00:17:44] compensation from the budget of the Republic of Serbia, which means that the citizens
[00:17:48] of the Republic of Serbia gave financial compensation to
[00:17:52] people who were convicted of
[00:17:54] war crimes, which we tried to
[00:17:58] point out as illegal and
[00:18:01] unconstitutional, but from that decision to
[00:18:05] for example the non-recognition of
[00:18:07] the verdict against Vojislav Šešelj, after which he continued
[00:18:11] to be a member of parliament in the National Assembly, and now
[00:18:15] to this transport of Mladić's body,
[00:18:18] uhm, a whole wave of
[00:18:21] state celebration of his crimes, I would call it that,
[00:18:25] uh, we see that now that whole
[00:18:29] process is, of course, visible and probably shocking to many
[00:18:32] across Europe, that's why from the world, that's why
[00:18:35] the reactions are so big. And they are rightly so, but in order to
[00:18:39] change that, oral condemnations, so to speak,
[00:18:42] are not enough, steps are needed, that is, for Serbia
[00:18:45] to finally get laws after some time,
[00:18:49] amendments to the Criminal Code where
[00:18:53] uh the glorification of war criminals will finally be
[00:18:56] punishable as a criminal offense, not just as
[00:19:00] a misdemeanor, which is the case with, for example, the law on
[00:19:03] the prohibition of neo-Nazi symbols which was also passed before
[00:19:07] the Serbian Progressive Party came to power in 2009.
[00:19:10] Is it even possible, as you say, for Serbia to get such
[00:19:14] laws with this current
[00:19:16] government?
[00:19:19] That is hardly certain, we have elections
[00:19:22] ahead of us that are practically today,
[00:19:25] uh, that is, today the deadlines for election
[00:19:28] activities are running. Um, that will happen the moment
[00:19:32] when a completely different political
[00:19:35] culture matures. which will then have
[00:19:38] its political representatives who will not race to
[00:19:42] uh, so to speak,
[00:19:45] glorify war criminals, on the other hand, create a hierarchy of victims
[00:19:48] and when we talk about the relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina and
[00:19:52] Serbia today, I don't think these diplomatic
[00:19:56] notes will bring anything good, what
[00:19:59] all nationalisms
[00:20:02] that are all
[00:20:05] nationalist ideologies that are in power today, they
[00:20:08] actually seek rivals in each other and that's why we see
[00:20:11] that Serbian officials these days, despite the condemnations
[00:20:15] by the European Union and special rapporteurs
[00:20:19] of the United Nations, have continued to relativize
[00:20:22] the verdicts uh
[00:20:25] i.e., not only the verdicts against Mladić but many others, and these
[00:20:29] honors we are talking about are even justified by examples
[00:20:32] of glorifying Ustaše uh as is the case with Dinko
[00:20:36] Šakić, but that speaks to the fact that, unfortunately, the authorities
[00:20:39] in Serbia are close to Tuđman's culture
[00:20:42] of remembrance, which is seen by certain monuments where
[00:20:46] you, such is the framework in Serbia, can actually lay
[00:20:50] flowers, i.e., remember Mladić, but also
[00:20:54] his victims, so you have a general
[00:20:57] relativizing framework where then when the state
[00:21:00] machinery harnesses all its power, then we see
[00:21:04] uh how that happens, but
[00:21:06] these days and it is especially terrible that
[00:21:10] there is still no reaction from the prosecution and police
[00:21:14] to at least initiate proceedings against
[00:21:18] those who were at the stadium
[00:21:20] Mitic on September 5th practically shouting
[00:21:24] Mladić's genocidal orders and practically
[00:21:27] triumphantly celebrating what
[00:21:30] he was convicted for. No
[00:21:33] Serbian official, it should be done by those who were
[00:21:37] at Mladić's funeral,
[00:21:39] meaning six ministers, they should
[00:21:42] show that they still respect
[00:21:45] the rule of law enough to condemn
[00:21:49] such a thing. "But that, that unfortunately does not happen, but on the other
[00:21:53] hand, there are opposition political parties that have expressed
[00:21:57] condemnation of the glorification of war criminals,
[00:22:00] we saw this in at least two examples in the previous few
[00:22:04] days when certain local
[00:22:08] assemblies served the coalition around the Serbian Progressive Party
[00:22:12] to initiate minutes of silence for Mladić, many of
[00:22:16] these pro-democratic opposition parties have..."
[00:22:20] simply did not agree
[00:22:23] with that, they demonstratively left the assembly, some of them
[00:22:27] like MP, or rather councilor Ivan Janković, of the Movement of Free Citizens in
[00:22:30] Niš, very clearly said that he would not participate in that because
[00:22:34] Ratko Mladić is a convicted war
[00:22:37] criminal. Mr. Milosavljević, many are now
[00:22:40] asking where is the voice
[00:22:43] of the younger generation and students in times
[00:22:47] when the state openly glorifies convicted
[00:22:50] criminals, and how do you actually interpret that
[00:22:52] there was no
[00:22:55] masser reaction, well, the student
[00:22:58] protests that we witnessed, you know,
[00:23:02] over the past few years, that this youth has now failed to
[00:23:06] stand, you know, on the right side
[00:23:08] of history?
[00:23:10] Well, I would say that this silence
[00:23:13] that exists shows a deep
[00:23:17] lack of knowledge, a lack of understanding of what
[00:23:20] happened during the 90s, this is also shown by our research
[00:23:24] on the attitudes of young people, that a large number of young people do not
[00:23:27] know, do not know the facts,
[00:23:31] this was, of course, contributed to by the propaganda and education system that
[00:23:34] nationalist elites led by the Democratic Party of Serbia and SPS
[00:23:38] and now the Serbian Progressive Party and their cadres. This
[00:23:42] of course justifies the student movement not to clearly
[00:23:45] declare itself on what
[00:23:48] we are witnessing. for these two weeks practically
[00:23:52] and I think that message should
[00:23:55] come, but the fear
[00:23:58] of students, you know, of any events on the streets, but maybe we can't
[00:24:02] talk about fear considering if we look at everything that students went through when they
[00:24:06] protested over the past two years,
[00:24:10] it seems to me that they were very
[00:24:12] brave.
[00:24:15] Uh, it's on that, on that
[00:24:18] political option to decide. In my opinion, the test
[00:24:21] of the rule of law for the student movement cannot only
[00:24:25] be limited to the issue of corruption, they showed that in
[00:24:29] several examples where they
[00:24:32] showed that there is piety, or rather remembrance for, for example,
[00:24:36] the victims of the storm, uh, there are probably different
[00:24:39] factions in that movement, I would understand
[00:24:43] this silence
[00:24:45] which cannot be justified by anything,
[00:24:49] but... "and I think that here the greater
[00:24:52] responsibility lies with the state to somehow get
[00:24:56] state actors back within the law
[00:24:58] and to bear responsibility for it,
[00:25:02] that we will see in the coming
[00:25:05] weeks, but also in the coming years, a
[00:25:08] different picture of Serbia, because what this whole
[00:25:12] so to speak, all these events in which
[00:25:16] Mladić's image dominated, he came because of the state."
[00:25:20] with which they wanted to actually cover the face of Serbia
[00:25:24] to equate Serbian society with
[00:25:27] Mladić, and I think that no matter how terrible scenes
[00:25:31] came from Belgrade,
[00:25:33] uh, from Serbia,
[00:25:37] that the authorities in Serbia did not succeed in that. We will see in the end.
[00:25:40] regions according to the results of the elections which will be at the end
[00:25:44] of October, on the other side of the elections, but I would like
[00:25:48] us to comment on the minister's statement. Vujić, who told a television station from
[00:25:51] Serbia, actually said that younger generations will remember Mladić as
[00:25:54] someone who fought for his people, and now from
[00:25:58] the position of an organization that deals with young people, what message do
[00:26:01] such statements from responsible ministers send to generations
[00:26:05] born after the wars
[00:26:08] of the 90s?
[00:26:11] Well, that message, not only to young people,
[00:26:14] trials for
[00:26:18] crimes in Srebrenica, for one of the biggest
[00:26:21] massacres in Kravica, which is ongoing and whose trial
[00:26:25] will be this month, you can
[00:26:28] imagine how, for example, the families of those victims will feel
[00:26:32] when we have such a message from a person who has been appointed
[00:26:36] Minister of Justice. As for young people,
[00:26:40] I think that a large majority of young people,
[00:26:43] and certain parts of the prosecution for whom that very minister causes
[00:26:47] problems, that is, obstructs the appointment of certain
[00:26:50] prosecutors, it is clear that
[00:26:53] actually violently
[00:26:57] a figure of a criminal is presented as
[00:27:00] a hero and... "I think that time will
[00:27:04] confirm this, and of course it is not difficult for it to actually
[00:27:08] go through education, but Serbia is not an isolated case,
[00:27:12] meaning all nationalisms
[00:27:16] must somehow deal with, or rather, all
[00:27:19] societies must deal with nationalisms in
[00:27:22] their own backyard, and between societies, between young people, there must
[00:27:26] be channels of cooperation, that is what we
[00:27:29] insist on when we have study visits from..." Srebrenica,
[00:27:33] Tuzla, Potočari, Osijek, Vukovar and so on,
[00:27:37] meaning where the memory of victims is not expressed by
[00:27:41] honoring someone who has been convicted of war crimes, but by
[00:27:44] universally applying the principle of respect for life,
[00:27:48] whether it is someone who died as a Serbian
[00:27:51] civilian victim, Croatian or Bosnian or Roma,
[00:27:55] for example, who is also neglected in all those three
[00:27:59] nationalistic corpuses, that's what
[00:28:02] it is... where we should be going.
[00:28:05] Let me touch upon the elections more
[00:28:08] concretely. Today, Vučić officially
[00:28:12] called elections for October
[00:28:15] 25th. Now, whether calling elections at all in
[00:28:18] the midst of such identity tremors
[00:28:21] and state promotion of war criminals, you see as
[00:28:25] an attempt to divert attention from all previous events,
[00:28:28] let's say scandals, or as an attempt to mobilize the electorate.
[00:28:32] body,
[00:28:36] a large number of commentators actually
[00:28:38] share that impression that there is
[00:28:42] an artificial, artificially attempted
[00:28:46] mobilization of its electorate which has
[00:28:49] remained at that somewhere
[00:28:53] percentage whose ideological core is nationalism, so
[00:28:56] the funeral of Ratko
[00:28:59] Mladić, which should have been... actually a
[00:29:03] private, truly dignified funeral, which only applies
[00:29:06] to that family, and not to be part of actually
[00:29:09] state ceremonies or
[00:29:13] events, it was used to be
[00:29:16] actually a large pre-election rally, we
[00:29:20] saw that by a number of officials who were there
[00:29:23] from politicians from Republika Srpska
[00:29:26] and Serbia, but for example
[00:29:28] the ambassador of the Russian Federation, so no.
[00:29:32] It is pornographic that the whole event
[00:29:35] was politically misused, but the
[00:29:38] question is what next, so what should follow
[00:29:42] and what we would
[00:29:44] like to see is, for example,
[00:29:47] the prosecution of those who on that stadium Rajko
[00:29:51] Mitić cheered actually
[00:29:54] that it was good what happened with the Srebrenica
[00:29:57] genocide, we do not have such arrests even today, on
[00:30:01] the other hand, here... "uh, just this morning the information
[00:30:05] within that election campaign, some other war
[00:30:08] criminals, such as Vladimir Lazarević, who is
[00:30:10] also uh close to the Serbian Progressive
[00:30:14] Party, will have a
[00:30:17] uh, a gathering where he will talk about the history of love for
[00:30:21] Serbia, on the eighth, or rather, pardon,
[00:30:24] on Friday in a municipality in southern Serbia
[00:30:27] that will be a party gathering, meaning war criminals
[00:30:30] are absolutely exponents.
[00:30:33] of the ruling elite in Serbia, but it is necessary
[00:30:37] to consolidate a democratic Serbia that
[00:30:40] will say goodbye to
[00:30:43] radical politics which not only celebrates
[00:30:46] war criminals from the 90s, but actually,
[00:30:50] by celebrating them, relies, as we can see
[00:30:54] in the speeches of Minister Vujić whom we mentioned, who of course
[00:30:57] referred to Dragoljub.