N1BOS — broadcast
20260917 203000 UTC
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[00:00:00] the development of the situation, does the student list actually
[00:00:03] have a chance to make that change
[00:00:07] of power to overthrow
[00:00:09] SNS?
[00:00:11] Yes, but very little, so, very little, first of all,
[00:00:15] what is SNS is a mafia
[00:00:18] hydra, a, a, a monster that
[00:00:21] functions pyramidally, which has its field thugs, which
[00:00:25] has mechanisms of fear from
[00:00:28] physical power, from... legal thugs to
[00:00:31] semi-legal to illegal to all media that are more or less
[00:00:34] almost under their paw, and then to that
[00:00:38] political power on the ground, blackmailing every single one of those gauleiters for every
[00:00:41] citizen of Serbia if needed, so it's a huge struggle on one side, on the
[00:00:45] other side you have a student list that, well, now those
[00:00:49] names have come out, we can conditionally, so to speak, conditionally
[00:00:53] say that we stand behind them, they need that pro-European opposition,
[00:00:57] I see there's a clash between them and the pro-European opposition. In the sense that they are
[00:01:00] like cats and dogs, will that blow up in their face, will
[00:01:04] that really be the percentage that will thank the student list,
[00:01:08] I don't know, again, looking at the misfortune of the citizens of the Republic
[00:01:12] of Serbia from a sports betting point of view at
[00:01:15] this moment, unfortunately that
[00:01:17] student energy has dissipated and that momentum
[00:01:21] is not complete, it wasn't even possible to fully
[00:01:24] exploit it, Vučić is the mastermind of that chess game,
[00:01:28] especially with his own replacement. From a position of power to another position
[00:01:32] of power, now, he's eyeing the prime minister's position of power, which will be
[00:01:35] the power in Serbia, I say, uh, I would be
[00:01:38] positively surprised, it's difficult, there is
[00:01:42] a possibility, of course, people are queuing up to
[00:01:45] register, that is truly commendable, but I say, it's a huge
[00:01:48] machinery that is aware that with its
[00:01:52] fall, to put it mildly, it would have to end up in
[00:01:55] prison, a huge number, a huge number of those people
[00:01:58] are for prison. Some even for closed-type institutions,
[00:02:02] but I say, it's very clear to you that they, precisely
[00:02:06] from that awareness, under the worst-case scenario,
[00:02:09] will defend their position of power. Here's some
[00:02:12] information today, namely, the League of Social
[00:02:15] Democrats of Vojvodina announced that it will demand the immediate revocation
[00:02:19] of citizenship and a permanent ban on entry into the country for all citizens
[00:02:22] of Serbia who have dual citizenship, do not live in
[00:02:26] Serbia, and agree to be accomplices in the regime's electoral game.
[00:02:30] "They mentioned names like Milorad Dodik, Nenad Stevandić, Darko
[00:02:34] Banjica, Nenad Nešić, Jelena Trivić. How do you comment on this
[00:02:37] initiative? Well, that initiative
[00:02:41] should have been brought then so that such a law would never be adopted. So
[00:02:44] we have the infamous law on dual citizenship which has been abused
[00:02:48] since Dayton. You have entire buses of people who
[00:02:51] come from Montenegro, from the entity Republika Srpska, functioning as a voting
[00:02:55] machine in the Republic of Serbia, to be fair,
[00:02:59] in reverse." those buses go, so Dodik does Vučić a favor,
[00:03:02] Vučić does Dodik a favor, Dodik does Mandić a favor,
[00:03:06] Mandić does Vučić a favor, and that's how it rotates,
[00:03:09] basically, those buses travel on election day to Montenegro, to Bosnia and
[00:03:13] Herzegovina, to Serbia, this time it was Serbia's turn, as
[00:03:17] I would say, Nenad is my friend, but too late, Nenad, in
[00:03:20] Vojvodina, it arrives in that sense, so the situation is
[00:03:24] such that it should never have allowed such
[00:03:27] abuse of anything. That's the fabrication and
[00:03:31] creation of a voting machinery that can significantly influence
[00:03:34] the elections at this moment, for example in Vojvodina, and therefore
[00:03:38] in the Republic of Serbia, if 50, 150, 2050
[00:03:42] or 300 buses come from RS to vote, I don't know, in Novi
[00:03:45] Sad, Sremska Mitrovica, Pančevo, Zrenjanin or wherever
[00:03:49] in Vojvodina, so they can significantly change
[00:03:52] that uh political blood picture and of course
[00:03:56] that should, so I agree, as footballers would say, 110% with...
[00:04:00] the bank, but that should have been finished long ago, so
[00:04:03] such things should not have been done, it should not have been
[00:04:06] bought with cheap populist
[00:04:09] points, that whole clique, by saying that someone
[00:04:13] will have double voting rights,
[00:04:16] yes, the campaign is heating up, as you yourself said, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and
[00:04:20] in Serbia, we'll see what all that leads to, Dragan, thank you very much for your
[00:04:24] time, thank you for the call, you are a journalist
[00:04:28] and columnist, Dragan.
[00:04:47] reliability,
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[00:07:08] New state elections await Germany on Sunday after Saxony-
[00:07:11] Anhalt. Voters will go to the polls in Mecklenburg,
[00:07:15] Western Pomerania and Berlin. Can this eastern wave
[00:07:18] and the momentum of the AfD irresistibly spill over into those elections, how much
[00:07:22] does the strengthening of eurosceptic radical forces in Germany weaken
[00:07:26] the position of the European Union? About political circumstances in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
[00:07:29] but also in the Western Balkans. In the continuation, I will talk with Josip
[00:07:33] Juratović, former member of the Bundestag. Mr. Juratović,
[00:07:36] good day and welcome to the N1 Television program. Good
[00:07:40] day and thank you for the invitation. Let's immediately comment on
[00:07:44] the victory of the AfD in Saxony- Anhalt and the fact that
[00:07:47] the traditional national conservative camp of the CDU actually experienced that
[00:07:51] drastic decline. Can we even speak here now
[00:07:55] about the beginning of a new political era in
[00:07:58] Germany?
[00:08:02] Well, unfortunately it has been
[00:08:04] shown and confirmed what I saw when I was still
[00:08:08] in the Bundestag regarding Friedrich Merz, that
[00:08:11] he is... that he is a relatively
[00:08:14] weak politician and it turned out that even
[00:08:18] the weakest chancellor we have had so far in
[00:08:21] Germany who
[00:08:24] came out on the stage with
[00:08:28] the message that he would halve the AfD unfortunately halved the CDU
[00:08:32] and doubled the AfD, so
[00:08:35] uh at least as far as the polls are concerned, in
[00:08:38] the next two elections, one in Berlin and the other in Mecklenburg.
[00:08:42] Fopolmann mm it will be very
[00:08:46] difficult for the CDU, most likely the Left
[00:08:49] will win in Berlin, in in
[00:08:52] Mecklenburg Pomerania, we hope that the SPD
[00:08:56] will still manage to win, even though
[00:08:59] according to the polls they
[00:09:02] are somewhere tied,
[00:09:06] that's a very serious story because first of all, as far
[00:09:09] as the AfD is concerned, it's not about a political
[00:09:13] party, but primarily about a movement that
[00:09:16] wants to use instruments or abuses
[00:09:20] instruments, instruments of democratic
[00:09:23] values, freedoms and rights, in order to abolish
[00:09:26] precisely that, namely, these are uh
[00:09:29] nationalists, i.e.
[00:09:33] uh a movement that wants not only here in Germany,
[00:09:36] but also in the meantime throughout the world, which wants
[00:09:40] precisely those democratic values for which we have fought
[00:09:44] for decades and centuries, I would even say, to abolish.
[00:09:47] ukinuti.
[00:09:50] So, when you mentioned these elections on Sunday, what would
[00:09:53] that eventual new triumph of the far-right
[00:09:56] mean for the balance of power
[00:09:58] in the German federal parliament, actually, or
[00:10:02] the Bundestag?
[00:10:04] From the start, nothing, uh, namely, these are
[00:10:08] state elections that will somewhat
[00:10:11] influence the so-called
[00:10:14] Bundesrat, i.e., the federal council,
[00:10:18] which still affects 2/3 of the legislation,
[00:10:21] but they won't have a majority there either, however, the fact
[00:10:25] is that a government that has such a low
[00:10:28] reputation simply is not sustainable, I think that
[00:10:32] Merz will have to already next week
[00:10:35] uh, if not resign from the position of chancellor, he
[00:10:39] will have to break up this government, it is speculated
[00:10:42] that he would prefer to go into a minority government, which would mean that
[00:10:46] with that minority government
[00:10:49] he would try
[00:10:53] to lead the country in such a way that he would be dependent on everyone and
[00:10:56] everything, everything, that is not
[00:10:59] sustainable, the other alternative is that
[00:11:03] someone else from the CDU will have to practically
[00:11:05] step into his place, now Söder from
[00:11:09] Bavaria or Wüst from North Rhine-Westphalia are being talked about, who are
[00:11:12] from a conservative point of view the most successful.
[00:11:15] In any case, this government as it is now cannot
[00:11:19] survive. So, as a long-time politician and
[00:11:23] parliamentarian who "fights for democratic
[00:11:26] values, what do you actually consider to be the key mistake
[00:11:30] that democratic parties in Germany are making, which
[00:11:33] allows the AfD to attract such a truly large
[00:11:37] number of, well, we can now say, frustrated
[00:11:39] voters? Well, first I want to say
[00:11:43] that uh that movement is not a specific German movement,
[00:11:47] but a movement throughout Europe, regarding the democratic system
[00:11:51] and the functioning
[00:11:54] of the European Union". it actually arose
[00:11:56] nastao
[00:11:58] uh then through the financial crisis uh regarding the
[00:12:02] stability of the euro
[00:12:06] and this one which turned
[00:12:09] into a nationalist movement, but in any
[00:12:12] case, it's a European problem of democratic parties, you are
[00:12:16] right, actually there are two factors, that's my
[00:12:20] personal observation and experience of my last 20 years of work,
[00:12:23] first of all, democracy is simply totally
[00:12:27] wrongly understood, democracy
[00:12:30] does not consist only of rights and freedoms, but also
[00:12:33] of responsibility and social responsibility
[00:12:37] that people must take on themselves and
[00:12:39] bear themselves, we promised too much to people
[00:12:43] what we would do for them, in the end, logically, it was not
[00:12:47] possible, those promises could not be fulfilled and
[00:12:51] then people lost trust in politics, that's it.
[00:12:55] We didn't manage to explain that our system works in such a way that
[00:12:59] we can only implement what people are willing to
[00:13:02] bear, bear, that
[00:13:05] means positive and negative things so that society
[00:13:08] would be stable, here a political culture
[00:13:12] has emerged that, like when
[00:13:16] we're in a department store, and then please
[00:13:19] choose what suits you, we'll enable everything for you, that's not possible,
[00:13:23] especially in this global situation in which we now find ourselves, and that
[00:13:27] is now taking its toll. So, when you mention this global situation,
[00:13:30] given that the AfD's program largely clashes with the current
[00:13:34] foreign policy of the European Union, especially on the issue
[00:13:38] of relations with Russia and support for Ukraine, what could
[00:13:41] be the long-term consequences if this regional trend
[00:13:44] actually turns into a federal governing
[00:13:46] alternative?
[00:13:49] In fact, the policy that the AfD and
[00:13:52] similar parties within the European Union pursue. We see it in America, we see
[00:13:56] it in Russia, we see it in all autocratic states,
[00:14:00] uh, so, what will change,
[00:14:04] they will try to trade with everyone among themselves, in the
[00:14:07] end, all values, i.e., all
[00:14:10] principles we had on the international scene and rules of the game
[00:14:14] will lose absolute value, we already notice this in
[00:14:17] the politics, in the politics of Trump, i.e., Putin and so on,
[00:14:21] so general chaos will arise, I have been warning
[00:14:25] for many years about the balkanization of the European
[00:14:28] Union, uh, namely,
[00:14:31] that at one point the European Union
[00:14:35] will turn into
[00:14:38] a zone where in the end, if such structures
[00:14:42] come to power, they will always seek culprits either within
[00:14:45] society itself or culprits outside society, we already experienced that
[00:14:49] with the breakup of Yugoslavia, so
[00:14:52] this is a great danger. We urgently need
[00:14:56] a counter, a counter-movement, that is the United
[00:14:59] States of Europe, I understand that we will
[00:15:01] not have uh, all
[00:15:05] 27 at once in those
[00:15:08] United States, but at least those countries that are key to
[00:15:11] the survival of Europe, those are Germany, France,
[00:15:15] Poland, Spain, Italy, it doesn't matter, they
[00:15:18] can be smaller countries, that will be ready to create a common
[00:15:22] European government regarding foreign policy, regarding
[00:15:25] economy, regarding different topics, and which
[00:15:29] will, where that government will practically represent
[00:15:32] the European Union externally, then from a position of strength
[00:15:36] at the same eye level. We can
[00:15:38] protect the interests of the European Union at the same eye level
[00:15:42] with America, with America, Russia, and
[00:15:46] China and others,
[00:15:48] i.e., other actors, if we
[00:15:52] fail to do that, then I fear that there will be chaos
[00:15:55] in the European Union, God forbid, and
[00:15:57] destruction.
[00:16:00] So, could such a turn of events in Germany specifically
[00:16:04] weaken the very role of this country as a key
[00:16:07] political leader of the European Union? You mentioned the Balkans earlier, and what kind of consequences
[00:16:11] could all this have for the countries of the Western
[00:16:14] Balkans?
[00:16:17] First of all, uh, Germany, when it comes to the European
[00:16:21] Union, Germany is still the strongest economic power,
[00:16:24] uh, it's like
[00:16:28] the locomotive, the economic locomotive of the European
[00:16:30] Union, in the end, if Germany falters,
[00:16:34] after it perhaps France. As the two
[00:16:37] main pillars of the European Union, then there will be chaos when it comes to the Western
[00:16:41] Balkans and relations with the Western
[00:16:45] Balkans, nothing significant will change there for now, because
[00:16:48] even now the Western Balkans is not exactly
[00:16:51] in the focus of world politics, nor
[00:16:55] the European Union, because we have precisely neighboring
[00:16:58] countries, or rather in Europe, countries that are
[00:17:02] against Russia, which
[00:17:05] still wants "to have some kind of role
[00:17:09] that it had before, so Ukraine will
[00:17:12] continue to be a big problem and
[00:17:16] with that, however, with a weaker,
[00:17:20] weaker European Union and a weaker Germany
[00:17:23] we will have a much worse position regarding the
[00:17:26] solution of the Ukraine
[00:17:29] war, the war in Ukraine in relation,
[00:17:33] or rather protection from
[00:17:35] Russia which is behaving more and more
[00:17:39] expansionistically, and the AfD is known to nurture
[00:17:42] friendly relations with Russia, it has very good ties with
[00:17:45] Russia, uh, they are very well networked with them
[00:17:49] and in the end they approve of Russian
[00:17:52] interests which are currently, first
[00:17:56] of all, being carried out
[00:17:59] in Ukraine,
[00:18:01] and
[00:18:04] spreading. "When we mentioned this region of the Western Balkans,
[00:18:08] I would like to briefly discuss the latest developments there. How do
[00:18:10] you view
[00:18:14] all the tensions, actually, in light of the funeral
[00:18:17] of war criminal Ratko Mladić?"
[00:18:20] Well, you see, this is also
[00:18:23] an interesting, interesting topic regarding the AfD.
[00:18:27] The AfD is the only party in Germany that did not condemn
[00:18:31] Serbia's behavior regarding the uh
[00:18:34] funeral of that war criminal.
[00:18:38] war criminal Mladić. I think all the nationalists from the Balkans
[00:18:41] who rejoice at
[00:18:44] the
[00:18:47] AfD's victory should think about this. These are not only Serbs, there are Croats, and
[00:18:50] there are radical Bosniaks who, it
[00:18:54] seems, like such a
[00:18:56] party. So, what I want to say is, I think it's a huge
[00:19:00] tragedy, you can already see the new political culture of that
[00:19:04] new movement, where it's going, what it approves of. With what
[00:19:08] it shows solidarity. As for the funeral of
[00:19:11] Mladić, Ratko Mladić, I think that
[00:19:15] uh, regarding the behavior,
[00:19:19] I wouldn't want to condemn the entire Serbian nation, because there are
[00:19:22] many who condemn it, but that behavior shows
[00:19:26] that the war has not yet passed from the minds of many
[00:19:30] in Serbia, that they are
[00:19:34] ready for revanchism, unfortunately these same
[00:19:37] forces exist not only in Serbia, they exist throughout the Western
[00:19:41] Balkans, and I think it is very important, first
[00:19:44] of all, as a friend of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that Bosnia and
[00:19:48] Herzegovina wakes up, that
[00:19:50] it understands that the only chance that Bosnia and Herzegovina has
[00:19:54] is to stabilize itself internally,
[00:19:58] to create an identity
[00:20:01] for all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina precisely with that Bosnia and
[00:20:05] Herzegovina, that common identity of ours. Unfortunately, it
[00:20:08] does not yet exist, it does not exist on all three sides,
[00:20:12] here we say all three, all
[00:20:15] three peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina
[00:20:19] and it would be very important now that precisely now that we have
[00:20:23] elections, that those forces are elected
[00:20:26] that build on
[00:20:30] compromise, that build on dialogue,
[00:20:33] arguments, compromise, that build the future and talk
[00:20:37] about the future, not constantly open new wounds that are opened in
[00:20:41] Serbia, unfortunately, and among Croats and
[00:20:45] among Bosniaks, and now we see
[00:20:48] it in Kosovo and so on.
[00:20:50] "I think the war ended in '95, some
[00:20:54] smaller countries later, but it's high time
[00:20:57] to stop opening those war wounds, to finally start building
[00:21:01] the future, because those who open those old
[00:21:04] wounds, they also prepare the ground for a new war, so
[00:21:08] a new crime, and you yourself mentioned the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina
[00:21:12] which will be held on October 4th, do you see any
[00:21:16] alternative that it's possible for someone to come to power after this current government?"
[00:21:21] And how do you, I assume you follow the
[00:21:24] political situation more or less
[00:21:26] in our country, how do you view
[00:21:29] the behavior of some people who are now
[00:21:32] in power regarding the events in
[00:21:36] Serbia, the funeral of the convicted war criminal Ratko
[00:21:38] Mladić?
[00:21:42] Well, first of all, we have elections now, we have a chance, every
[00:21:45] election is a new chance, a new possibility, regarding
[00:21:49] the previous government, I think that
[00:21:53] still, uh, despite all the blockades it
[00:21:57] experienced, it did a relatively good
[00:21:59] job, regarding
[00:22:03] new political structures, I just
[00:22:06] said what the criteria must be, the criteria must be
[00:22:10] a secure future, the criteria must be those forces that are
[00:22:13] ready to build a common future, Bosnia and
[00:22:16] Herzegovina has no other option, that... a common
[00:22:20] future must be forward-looking,
[00:22:24] it must offer solutions,
[00:22:27] not just regarding national interests,
[00:22:31] emotions and so on, but real solutions, just look at
[00:22:34] the infrastructure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is catastrophic,
[00:22:37] look at the economy of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibilities for economic development are
[00:22:41] catastrophic, take
[00:22:44] uh, education is catastrophic, take
[00:22:48] healthcare, catastrophic, I'm sorry I have to say that about this
[00:22:51] country, but I've been watching for a long time and I've been
[00:22:55] a rapporteur for Bosnia and Herzegovina for a long time
[00:22:58] and I've been watching the work of these
[00:23:01] politicians, uh, we must understand that and the people
[00:23:04] and that is my appeal to the people,
[00:23:07] in a democratic system, politicians are not
[00:23:10] the main actors, but the people who elect them, the people can
[00:23:13] change them every four years, if someone doesn't suit you,
[00:23:17] no matter which party or where from, then don't
[00:23:21] elect them, don't let yourselves be drawn
[00:23:24] into some emotions, into
[00:23:27] the past, into opening wounds, into spreading
[00:23:30] fear, these are all politicians who have no ideas
[00:23:34] for the future, they try to maintain themselves in such a cheap
[00:23:38] way, get rid of those cheap characters,
[00:23:41] build the future on uh constructive politics
[00:23:45] precisely what I said earlier, the one that offers you the best solutions
[00:23:49] for your everyday life regarding healthcare,
[00:23:52] education, infrastructure, jobs,
[00:23:55] working conditions and so on, these are things that professional
[00:23:59] politics must solve, not open
[00:24:02] wounds. Is there a place for Bosnia and Herzegovina in the European
[00:24:05] Union, we see that Montenegro is somehow
[00:24:08] on the threshold, what about the rest of the region,
[00:24:12] how much do these latest developments in Serbia actually slow down the European
[00:24:15] integration of the Western Balkans?
[00:24:20] As for the countries of the Western Balkans, every
[00:24:24] country that uh intends
[00:24:27] to join the European Union, or rather for which the doors are open
[00:24:31] to the European Union, is responsible for itself,
[00:24:34] Serbia is responsible for itself, Bosnia and Herzegovina for
[00:24:37] itself and Montenegro as well, Montenegro
[00:24:41] is now, in a way, we have the feeling it is being pushed into
[00:24:44] the European Union to send a signal after I don't know how long, when was
[00:24:48] 2013 for... expansion, to send
[00:24:52] a signal that the European Union is still willing
[00:24:54] to open up for further
[00:24:57] members, that the European
[00:25:00] Union is ready to accept members, but
[00:25:04] joining the European Union depends on each country
[00:25:08] individually, specifically the entry of Bosnia and
[00:25:10] Herzegovina into the European Union, for which I
[00:25:14] fought when I was in parliament,
[00:25:17] the doors are open. Whether Bosnia and
[00:25:20] Herzegovina will join or not depends only on Bosnia and Herzegovina
[00:25:24] and not on any neighboring countries or neighboring
[00:25:27] influences. The only country that has
[00:25:30] influence on entry
[00:25:33] is Croatia, for that reason, or Slovenia or
[00:25:36] neighboring countries that are in the European Union, because
[00:25:40] that unanimity is needed. Unfortunately, I am
[00:25:43] against that and one of the important aspects for the further
[00:25:46] development of the European Union is that the unanimity.
[00:25:50] within the European Union that one
[00:25:53] country cannot block a neighboring country because of some
[00:25:57] small thing that doesn't fit, so I want to emphasize
[00:26:01] once again. Bosnia and Herzegovina has
[00:26:04] the prospect of entering the European
[00:26:08] Union within a couple of years, but for that, it needs a different policy, a different policy,
[00:26:12] it needs a constructive policy, it needs a constitution that will be compatible
[00:26:15] with European values and so on and
[00:26:19] so forth and this, it is very
[00:26:22] difficult for me when there are always some
[00:26:25] reasons from some neighbors and everyone is always blaming someone for something,
[00:26:29] no one is guilty of anything, but we need to roll up
[00:26:32] our sleeves, sit at the table, agree,
[00:26:36] open a dialogue, see what everyone
[00:26:39] offers for a better future, meet
[00:26:42] each other halfway, then I see a bright future for Bosnia and Herzegovina
[00:26:46] within a stable European Union and a better European Union than it is
[00:26:50] now, Mr. Juratović, thank you
[00:26:53] very much for this analysis and for this
[00:26:56] conversation for the viewers of N1 Television,
[00:27:00] thank you, dear viewers. So in the past few minutes we talked
[00:27:04] with Josip Juratović, former member of
[00:27:06] the Bundestag, stay a little longer with Dan uživo.
[00:30:08] White and black: social
[00:30:10] hierarchies have been built around skin color for centuries.
[00:30:14] It's been used to justify colonialism, slavery and
[00:30:17] discrimination. Stereotypes based on skin are
[00:30:21] still all too common, but how did different skin colors arise in the
[00:30:25] first place? A viewer from Cameroon sent in a great
[00:30:28] question:
[00:30:30] this time around it's all about... Evolution and history: welcome
[00:30:34] to Tomorrow
[00:30:35] Today.
[00:30:40] Why do people have different skin
[00:30:43] colors? All early humans had dark
[00:30:46] skin back when our species migrated out of Africa between
[00:30:50] 100 thousand and 70,00 years ago, lighter
[00:30:53] pigmentation evolved much later, even 5,00
[00:30:57] years ago, Utzi, the famous iceman dis.