N1BOS — broadcast
20261012 143000 UTC
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[00:00:00] Yes, but Serbs from Republika Srpska have the right
[00:00:03] to vote in Serbia in the elections on October
[00:00:07] 25th. That is a fact. The question of
[00:00:10] organized voting of citizens from Republika Srpska is being raised
[00:00:14] in public again. Today I read that one of the officials in
[00:00:18] Republika Srpska, Nedeljko Elek, even offered to pay
[00:00:21] for the transport of citizens to
[00:00:24] polling stations in Serbia where they could cast their
[00:00:28] vote, of course, for the SNS.
[00:00:30] Can this electoral engineering,
[00:00:33] engineering compensate for the decline in support for the SNS in
[00:00:36] Belgrade urban areas, and now also in other areas in
[00:00:40] Serbia? No, that cannot be done with electoral
[00:00:44] engineering, it can be done with what the citizens of Republika
[00:00:47] Srpska who have dual citizenship did not understand. We are facing
[00:00:50] a serious reform of the state. Those who have dual
[00:00:53] citizenship do not have to have voting rights. Voting rights
[00:00:57] are tied to residency and to... paying
[00:01:00] taxes. Serbia will certainly have to do that,
[00:01:04] because it is now absolutely clear that if you have 6.5 million
[00:01:07] voters, maybe there are a maximum of five
[00:01:10] million, you will have two consequences: first, that
[00:01:14] the turnout will appear much smaller than it
[00:01:17] actually is, and second, that a lot of votes can be hidden
[00:01:21] there, not only from Srpska. How much the voting
[00:01:25] from Republika Srpska is in crisis
[00:01:27] perhaps indicates that, of course, someone always
[00:01:31] pays for a bus, but that must now be private due to international oversight,
[00:01:35] but that is why the blackmailing of
[00:01:38] Serbian citizens and others who quickly receive citizenship
[00:01:41] from Bulgaria, from these, let's
[00:01:44] say, neighboring countries, wherever someone is found who will do
[00:01:48] it for money,
[00:01:51] what must be admitted to Vučić is that his
[00:01:55] propaganda has functioned extremely well
[00:01:58] in recent years. He announces an absolute majority again
[00:02:01] and assures that he doesn't need anyone, not even his former
[00:02:05] partners like the SPS. Is this
[00:02:08] a real conviction of his field dominance or
[00:02:11] an attempt to demoralize undecided
[00:02:14] voters, so that there will be no change
[00:02:17] of power in Serbia. First,
[00:02:20] the reality of Serbia for the last two years is that Vučić
[00:02:24] has turned institutions into paralyzed beings,
[00:02:27] robots that work. But he has
[00:02:30] created a powerful, as you said, ideological propaganda
[00:02:34] center with paramilitary forces. That is the so-called ćaccilen, truly
[00:02:38] a disgusting word, I will not use it anymore, but for the viewers
[00:02:41] to understand, but you see, it
[00:02:45] is all based on the then
[00:02:46] of the roof, that current government on one budget. If I tell you that
[00:02:50] he has already exceeded the budget by a billion after the last
[00:02:54] budget rebalance, then it is clear where the money goes.
[00:02:57] The money goes in two ways: it goes to purchases. through propaganda in another
[00:03:01] way of votes, and second, it goes out for
[00:03:05] that exit strategy, as she said, a very active exit
[00:03:09] strategy among people who are in positions in
[00:03:12] institutions and served Vučić. So, this is a
[00:03:15] very completely different situation from
[00:03:18] Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary, it cannot be compared. To say very briefly,
[00:03:22] we all knew that the
[00:03:25] elections in an authoritarian non-democratic society
[00:03:28] cannot be democratic elections.
[00:03:30] This was reached through extreme efforts to avoid
[00:03:34] armed conflicts, and Vučić was always playing on
[00:03:38] that, you know, that's the kind of people when you give them a finger they want the whole
[00:03:42] hand, thinking that it's giving in to fear.
[00:03:46] that's, that's part, that's the In the meantime, such an atmosphere and organization has arisen
[00:03:49] that he won't be able to steal even that night. It will be a very,
[00:03:53] very painful counting. Uh,
[00:03:57] his capabilities to need paramilitary police are
[00:04:01] especially those from Republika Srpska, these are already, let's
[00:04:04] say, recognized by Mandić and that's the secret. From
[00:04:07] Republika Srpska, the political elite, all of it,
[00:04:10] opposition, economic and others, have tied themselves to
[00:04:13] Vučić. When he leaves, their businesses will be questioned.
[00:04:16] They are one of the main factors
[00:04:20] of the drama in Novi Sad and Vojvodina, they literally
[00:04:24] dominate there. So there's much more at stake for them than
[00:04:27] on this side. On this side it's very simple: the fight for
[00:04:30] freedom, and it's known that this won't end with parliamentary
[00:04:34] elections, presidential elections will follow immediately. This
[00:04:37] peaceful transition, if it is peaceful,
[00:04:41] will last at least two to three months. That
[00:04:44] uh, planned project, what was its action
[00:04:48] called, darkness, at 12 o'clock he takes some action on
[00:04:51] the streets, that is absolutely impossible. I'm telling you as
[00:04:55] someone with a lot of experience, it's fair to say, and for the sake of these authorities
[00:04:59] who are monitoring. "I am the one, they know it well, who was in
[00:05:02] the International Electoral Pool in Budapest
[00:05:05] in 2000. I know what international oversight is like,
[00:05:09] I know how to react. Vučić has reached the limit."
[00:05:13] of such reactions like Milošević, and Dodik is
[00:05:16] just a burden to him in this whole story. Yes, we will also talk
[00:05:19] about what happened last week with lobbying in
[00:05:23] America, consultations with advisors
[00:05:27] of Donald Trump who were here even on
[00:05:31] election day, but let's stay a little longer on Serbia. You said if
[00:05:35] it is peaceful the day after, what do you expect
[00:05:38] to happen the day after October
[00:05:41] 26th? "Somehow that answer is fateful for
[00:05:45] Serbia it seems
[00:05:47] that one thing is certain, the 26th will be a day
[00:05:50] of disputing one another, that will
[00:05:54] last and Vučić counted on that when he set
[00:05:57] the date for the presidential elections. That will last the whole, let's say,
[00:06:01] October, November of disputes, this
[00:06:04] proclamation of victory, but the reality is
[00:06:07] such at this moment that the student list has
[00:06:11] according to the aggregate..." analyzes that are not made in
[00:06:15] Serbia but use all research, it has an 8% advantage
[00:06:18] and the student list has a
[00:06:22] campaign that attracts citizens and now you
[00:06:25] see these, for example, events in the
[00:06:29] halls of Dačić Vučić and you see the same ones who
[00:06:33] hold flags, they just changed at Dačić they have red
[00:06:36] shirts there they have white. And
[00:06:39] so, simulating massive support, mass support
[00:06:43] is with the student list, the opposition
[00:06:46] also suffers there. So
[00:06:49] essentially, on the 26th, I expect challenges,
[00:06:53] a fierce battle for, it will begin right after the moment
[00:06:56] of voting, that control, those mobile teams are very
[00:07:00] developed for the student list and all opposition parties have joined
[00:07:04] them, and those who go to the elections also go, meaning it will be covered
[00:07:07] in Serbia, in Srpska, that's why he can
[00:07:11] take more... from the side, he
[00:07:14] doesn't need to bring people by bus, it's better to steal there, that's
[00:07:18] my advice, but in short, it will last
[00:07:22] and of course, the victory of the student list
[00:07:26] if it happens, it will be declared in time and will be
[00:07:29] internationally supported, because Brnobić eventually had
[00:07:33] to accept the European Parliament. This means they are afraid of
[00:07:37] observers if they believed in their propaganda, they
[00:07:41] wouldn't be doing that. "Simply,
[00:07:44] their decline is enormous, not just
[00:07:48] of the list and the party SNS, but also of
[00:07:51] Vučić himself. Can their traditional political
[00:07:54] partners disrupt this? Here, the SPS is running independently.
[00:07:57] Vučić says he understands
[00:08:01] the message. Is this a strategy of sucking up votes for
[00:08:04] two lists or preparing the ground for post-election political
[00:08:07] trading, sacrificing perhaps old
[00:08:11] partners?"
[00:08:14] Yes, that's the strategy, it's been applied
[00:08:17] for a long time. There was only hesitation around the SPS,
[00:08:21] uh, because Vučić has a problem, uh, if he takes their service, they
[00:08:25] grow to over 12%, he immediately, that happened
[00:08:28] in the 17th cut, because he doesn't allow, uh,
[00:08:32] for a partner to be, let's say, strong enough. This time
[00:08:35] the SPS is in a very deep crisis, and
[00:08:39] in fact Dačić is only holding on through this
[00:08:42] campaign. At the top of the party, so
[00:08:45] objectively his party actively participates, that's why
[00:08:48] Vučić's machinery works. Dačić is more of a name here, a
[00:08:52] part of the people who were promised positions, or
[00:08:56] that they would be candidates for president, but
[00:08:59] objectively it is an auxiliary line that does not
[00:09:02] bring what was expected. You see, the SPS cannot get
[00:09:06] over three, I'm talking about these worse
[00:09:08] objective analyses in the intertwining of all
[00:09:12] data, but for example, you have a gray
[00:09:15] player, Bogoljub Karić, who crosses
[00:09:18] three, and no one would bet on where
[00:09:22] he will end up. And of course, you have this more important
[00:09:25] thing happening in the SPS, that is a
[00:09:28] very broad separation, it's not just Ružić, uh, it's
[00:09:32] a big internal split with people knowing what institutions
[00:09:35] are, they want to do it institutionally and
[00:09:39] take over institutions, that means when Dačić leaves.
[00:09:43] Dačić's end is very near, unfortunately
[00:09:46] or fortunately, however one looks at it. He has
[00:09:49] several criminal cases formed, very
[00:09:52] serious ones, from signing citizenships and corruption around
[00:09:56] citizenships for these tycoons, to
[00:09:59] all these games with citizenships, because he is the one who
[00:10:03] signs passports and so on. Second, he has
[00:10:06] a big, big problem with participation in
[00:10:09] gambling businesses and so on. He has an inherited problem.
[00:10:13] Everyone knows that, this, which connects him to
[00:10:16] parts of organized crime outside this domain. So
[00:10:20] Dačić absolutely will not, he is a man who
[00:10:24] has not much motivation. He tries, he fights, he has to go and
[00:10:27] this decent arrangement, this is precisely because of these
[00:10:31] pressures. He would probably have freed himself from office last
[00:10:34] year if he had been asked. So let's forget
[00:10:37] Dačić, he is on a downward path. Whether that list
[00:10:41] will pass, we will see. It will of course give additional
[00:10:44] votes, uh, how many, whether eight, whether
[00:10:48] to Vučić. There is also an assistant, Rasim Ljajić,
[00:10:51] who plays on two lists, which is again against.
[00:10:55] One is with this, let
[00:10:57] me say, Dačić, the other is his
[00:11:00] Sandžak one. Rasim himself, I know Sandžak and everything well, there are not
[00:11:04] that many votes. Where will those votes be bought, how much will it cost,
[00:11:08] we will see. The Sandžak democratic party has a chance
[00:11:12] to pass, and you see the Bosniak body where Rasim is expected to
[00:11:15] bring them in, uh, is divided.
[00:11:19] A large part of the people are on the
[00:11:22] student list, that is... a significant number in Pazar, over
[00:11:26] 30, 40% of voters in Pazar. Sjenica, Tutin
[00:11:30] look different in favor of the SDA. So,
[00:11:33] two people will not be able to enter, that successor
[00:11:36] Amanet, whatever it's called, list or I don't know what the man is called
[00:11:39] and Rasim Ljajić. One of them enters and one
[00:11:43] disappears. So wherever it was planned, for example, from
[00:11:46] the Croats, it was expected that minorities would pass, then two or three
[00:11:50] deputies. They disintegrated, they didn't even register. So,
[00:11:53] they are reluctant to go, as they say,
[00:11:56] into Vučić's
[00:11:59] soldiers. Judging by the survival of Rasim Ljajić, it wouldn't surprise us
[00:12:03] if this time in the battle between
[00:12:06] Zukorlić and him, he again
[00:12:09] profits. The elections are held in the shadow of numerous
[00:12:12] affairs, from non-transparent contracts for
[00:12:16] large infrastructure projects to pressure on
[00:12:19] media in the public sector,
[00:12:23] mafia showdowns. which we witnessed
[00:12:26] on the streets of Belgrade and
[00:12:29] other cities. The fight, well, in the campaign against
[00:12:33] violence against women, then an attack on a
[00:12:36] uh woman in the very heat of the campaign,
[00:12:40] uh, somehow it seemed to us in Serbia that no major affair
[00:12:43] in public lasts that long, because a new one
[00:12:46] overtakes it. Has everything now
[00:12:49] culminated? Will everything that seemed to us
[00:12:52] to be owed come due? That the citizens
[00:12:55] forgot?
[00:12:58] No, the mantra of the student list tells you everything, Serbia
[00:13:02] or mafia. So it has outgrown
[00:13:05] the phase of affairs, that
[00:13:08] happened with the fall
[00:13:11] awareness developed among people, they were right, no one, everyone was
[00:13:15] amnestied. So, from this regime which has, since
[00:13:19] 2017 especially, completely merged
[00:13:22] with, let's say, money, uh... uh
[00:13:25] strange businesses, legal, illegal, of course, with a
[00:13:29] certain arrogance. Just now when we mentioned minorities and Ljajić,
[00:13:33] you know how Vučić rules, with money,
[00:13:35] coalitions, he simply buys
[00:13:39] uh, the leader or blackmails him. Ljajić is both blackmailed
[00:13:43] and, uh, then Ljajić, who seriously knows how to do
[00:13:46] that job, has to deliver. You see,
[00:13:49] when you work on delivery, if someone appears who pays
[00:13:52] more, it's like with Mile Dodik. who supported Tadić
[00:13:56] for a year and then hesitated, and then when he saw that
[00:13:59] the SNS would consolidate its power,
[00:14:03] a great love, which we see, these are all unstable
[00:14:07] coalitions. And the violence, the,
[00:14:11] intertwining. For them, arrogance in private life is
[00:14:15] normal, look at public appearances. Absolutely, when
[00:14:19] you have someone from the SNS, uh,
[00:14:21] the SPS has less of that, it's an old school. But for example,
[00:14:25] that arrogance with which they speak, or that insolence
[00:14:29] with which Jajić says, "I will go to whoever
[00:14:33] gives me power," you know, that is something that is
[00:14:36] done, but it is done because they have lost control. So,
[00:14:40] the situation in Serbia is on the verge of breaking, we constantly
[00:14:43] say that. Serbia is experiencing a deep social, that is
[00:14:47] corruption and other, and security crisis. It's only a matter
[00:14:50] of the trigger. That trigger for
[00:14:53] violence still hasn't been reached because there is enormous,
[00:14:56] enormous energy, let's say, self-discipline
[00:15:00] of citizens. But you see, the government is troubled these days by a
[00:15:03] paramilitary formation that they cannot defeat in any way. It worked
[00:15:07] for them on March 15th, and don't forget foreign
[00:15:11] players. So, the situation here is very tense. These are not
[00:15:15] normal elections, this is the beginning, as I said,
[00:15:18] of Vučić's departure from power. And if
[00:15:21] he loses these elections, he will most likely lose.
[00:15:25] He won't admit it, then he plays that game of
[00:15:28] stalling, to connect it with the presidential ones so that in
[00:15:31] the meantime if he reaches an agreement with foreigners for his safety
[00:15:35] and freedom, he might even admit
[00:15:37] it. If not, Serbia will be in
[00:15:40] big trouble, that then
[00:15:43] means that the region, I'm talking about Republika
[00:15:46] Srpska, will be able to think about its
[00:15:49] own citizenships when he finally leaves. I don't
[00:15:52] see any way for Vučić to get
[00:15:56] out of this story, precisely
[00:15:59] with these scandals, the non-transparency of contracts,
[00:16:02] where the contract says, I don't know promotion of the principles
[00:16:06] of Dayton, and... secession is agreed upon.
[00:16:09] Vučić did similar things, their sore point is called
[00:16:13] uh the association for
[00:16:16] cooperation between Israel and America. They flew
[00:16:19] there, they thought they were more Jewish than Jews, more
[00:16:23] American than these Americans.
[00:16:27] They turned out, I have to quote the term that
[00:16:29] Dodik uses, they turned out to be
[00:16:32] bumpkins, that's what we're experiencing now, and that's my next
[00:16:36] question for the end. "We need to talk
[00:16:38] a little about Dodik. Numerous analysts today say that when
[00:16:42] that support from Vučić and the SNS and Serbia
[00:16:45] disappears, the climate in Bosnia and Herzegovina will change completely.
[00:16:49] We must admit that so far he has managed well
[00:16:52] in the transition
[00:16:56] of power from one to another. Let's remember how much
[00:16:59] he supported Tadić, already the next day he was on
[00:17:02] Vučić's side. We had
[00:17:05] that affair last week,
[00:17:08] millions from the budget went to lobbying agencies in America,
[00:17:12] lobbying advisors close to Trump, it triggered
[00:17:16] an avalanche in the US in leading media before the elections in
[00:17:20] America. How bad is this for Dodik?
[00:17:23] He still acts very confidently in
[00:17:27] his appearances. I watched him on Radio
[00:17:30] Television of Serbia,
[00:17:33] uh, and he talks about cooperation with the Trump
[00:17:35] administration." "Well, he speaks better than he
[00:17:39] looks, that's first, uh, and second, I have to say, I
[00:17:43] dealt with that phenomenon, I published that text somewhere three or four years ago, and
[00:17:47] he doesn't exist for me, he exists as a phenomenon, now you see
[00:17:51] that Stockholm syndrome that the public has, you know, when
[00:17:55] someone abuses you, rapes you, you then see him not there,
[00:17:58] that's transferred a bit to Vučić in Serbia, there's that
[00:18:02] syndrome towards Vučić, but that's on the way out. So
[00:18:05] what has changed, I know I was..." even when he was
[00:18:09] teaching Živković and others how to set up
[00:18:13] trucks, to carry out what was later October 5th. So
[00:18:16] we know him in that role,
[00:18:19] as a British person, a collaborator, we know him as an American.
[00:18:22] After all, I was at that promotion,
[00:18:26] The Economist organized it, there was clear
[00:18:29] support from the then American
[00:18:32] general for his return, but you see, then Dodik had
[00:18:35] 60% support that he didn't... pay for. So that's not that
[00:18:39] Dodik, the one who, as they say, fresh air, Madeleine
[00:18:43] Albright in the Western Balkans. This is
[00:18:46] Dodik who went into, as they
[00:18:49] say, a dead end, when he lied that he would
[00:18:53] apply the Montenegrin model, that was in
[00:18:56] the Holiday Inn, to talk to Bosniaks
[00:19:00] and whether relations could be rearranged, then he turned that into
[00:19:03] a demand for referendums and secession. That's when he switched
[00:19:06] sides. The side he switched to and on which they
[00:19:10] are, which was very secure, that's called
[00:19:13] authoritarian rule, populism, and
[00:19:17] chauvinism, well, it's falling, it's falling in
[00:19:20] Hungary, it's falling across Europe,
[00:19:23] times have changed, and they are on the same story, that's the
[00:19:26] problem. For the first time Dodik, it was seen three years ago, at least
[00:19:30] by me, he didn't recognize the time, maybe earlier,
[00:19:33] but now he has completely missed the geopolitical
[00:19:37] policy. That applies to Vučić and all his strategies,
[00:19:41] great friends, now no one answers him, where are the sheikhs, where are
[00:19:45] the others? So, because they rushed, they rushed
[00:19:49] into those big
[00:19:51] money, this corruption, these
[00:19:54] arrangements, bribing the President
[00:19:57] of America, his family, you know who does that, it's
[00:20:00] completely insane. In Serbia it's much more, Dodik
[00:20:04] saw that in Serbia, so I think. That killed them, and of course
[00:20:08] here in don't
[00:20:12] compare the society in Serbia and Republika Srpska and Bosnia and
[00:20:15] Herzegovina, I apologize to the viewers, those are two
[00:20:18] societies, that pact
[00:20:21] and corruption that exists among the political elites in
[00:20:25] Bosnia does not exist here, it's gone,
[00:20:28] that's past, that was a time when Ljajić and all these others played
[00:20:32] excellently, that era started to fade in 2017.
[00:20:36] It broke - the era of COVID which only
[00:20:39] masked that big crisis in Serbia, brought in big money for
[00:20:43] corruption, these huge tycoons who were given,
[00:20:46] you know, Serbia has become a hub for criminal tycoons.
[00:20:50] Billions go into private pockets, and
[00:20:53] that gets paid in the end. So
[00:20:56] I have to say now, Dodik will probably harass people
[00:21:00] in Bosnia and Herzegovina, until the citizens there, especially in
[00:21:04] Serbia, say, enough is enough.
[00:21:07] Foreigners will write it down, now
[00:21:10] this is tougher, the law is being revised,
[00:21:13] this new law on the Western
[00:21:16] Balkans, because Trump, as I said, must shift responsibility.
[00:21:20] That is, he will name Dodik and Vučić and
[00:21:22] these others in order to simply save himself and
[00:21:26] his surroundings. So, let's wait. It's easier
[00:21:29] for me, of course, since I'm not in Serbia,
[00:21:32] to wait for his end. I look at him
[00:21:36] a bit like that one from Mapesov, you know, it all seems to me
[00:21:40] like a clumsy bear who sings nicely and actually doesn't sing
[00:21:43] very well.
[00:21:45] Thank you very much, I'm glad you're optimistic, and of course, we wish you
[00:21:49] good luck. In the upcoming
[00:21:51] period,
[00:21:53] one must live, let's move on, all the best. In the past
[00:21:57] few minutes, we had Dušan Janjić, a
[00:22:00] political analyst and head of the Forum
[00:22:03] for Ethnic Relations in
[00:22:06] Serbia.
[00:22:14] We'll be back soon with current topics and guests, sponsored by
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[00:23:47] At Poliklinika Puls, you are welcomed into a warm and
[00:23:50] modern environment. Our
[00:23:53] specialists in internal medicine and cardiology monitor every
[00:23:57] beat of your heart, while psychiatrists care for your peace and
[00:24:01] balance. With the most modern laboratory
[00:24:04] diagnostics and ultrasound examinations,
[00:24:07] including expert heart ultrasound, we provide
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[00:24:20] When we talk about heart health, we most often think about blood
[00:24:23] pressure, cholesterol and blood vessels. However,
[00:24:26] there is one mineral without which our heart cannot
[00:24:30] function properly even for a single day. We are
[00:24:34] talking about magnesium. Today we are discussing this with Dr.
[00:24:37] Jasmina Ćorović Kuburović, an internist
[00:24:40] and cardiologist known as the heart doctor.
[00:24:44] Dr. Jasmina, how important is magnesium actually for
[00:24:48] the heart? It is extremely important, every
[00:24:51] heartbeat depends on the proper conduction
[00:24:55] of electrical impulses through the heart muscle itself.
[00:24:58] Magnesium participates precisely in these processes, but also in
[00:25:02] the creation of energy that is needed by every heart
[00:25:06] cell. That is why cardiologists consider it one of the most important
[00:25:09] minerals for normal heart function. And what is
[00:25:13] particularly interesting about pure magnesium five? What
[00:25:16] sets it apart is the fact that it contains five organic
[00:25:20] forms of magnesium. Citrate and bisglycinate are particularly
[00:25:23] interesting due to good absorption, as well as
[00:25:27] magnesium malate succinate which participates in energy creation in
[00:25:30] cells, one sachet provides
[00:25:33] 375 mg of magnesium, which is 100%
[00:25:37] of the recommended daily intake. Why is the
[00:25:40] combination of pure magnesium 5 and
[00:25:43] omega-3 good? Because together
[00:25:46] they support various aspects of cardiovascular
[00:25:50] health, magnesium contributes to the normal functioning of
[00:25:53] the heart, muscles, and nervous system, while
[00:25:57] omega-3 fatty acids EPA and DHA
[00:26:00] contribute to normal function. It also
[00:26:03] contributes to maintaining normal brain function
[00:26:06] and that's why this is a very interesting combination for people
[00:26:10] who want to take care of their heart, their brain, all
[00:26:14] year round. Thank you doctor, this
[00:26:18] combination is especially important for all of you who have
[00:26:21] hormonal imbalance, restlessness or irritability, for frequent
[00:26:25] headaches and stress, for bad mood,
[00:26:28] it is also recommended for migraines, for
[00:26:31] loss of concentration, for ne... for bad sleep, but of course,
[00:26:34] it is recommended for athletes, as well as for older
[00:26:38] people. Today, Biostel
[00:26:42] has a special offer for you, dear viewers,
[00:26:45] order two packs of pure magnesium 5
[00:26:48] and you will get free omega 3 with free
[00:26:51] delivery, so call the well-known phone number 0850057
[00:26:55] 0850057.
[00:26:59] today. Today a special offer is valid, call 0800.
[00:27:02] 557 order pure magnesium for two months of
[00:27:05] use, today with free shipping you also get a gift,
[00:27:09] we send you the product completely free of charge omega-3 elite, the promotion lasts
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[00:27:19] and turns dreams into reality, who saves
[00:27:22] creates, the action of time deposits in KM or EUR with
[00:27:26] a fixed rate, Sparkasse
[00:27:29] Bank.
[00:27:33] We return to the show Live Day, friend
[00:27:36] of the show Domod and
[00:27:38] Bosh.
[00:27:48] American professors Robert Hall and Michael Woodford are the winners
[00:27:51] of the Nobel Prize in Economics for 2026.
[00:27:55] The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences awarded them
[00:27:59] the recognition in Stockholm for the development of new macroeconomic
[00:28:02] models that mitigate economic crises, their research
[00:28:06] laid the microeconomic foundations for contemporary
[00:28:09] monetary policies, enabling central
[00:28:12] banks and governments worldwide to more effectively manage
[00:28:16] inflation and stabilize the economy during
[00:28:19] extraordinary shocks, all that we
[00:28:23] don't have in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
[00:28:26] The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences has today decided
[00:28:29] to award the 2026
[00:28:33] Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences
[00:28:36] in memory of Alfred Nobel
[00:28:39] to Robert E. Hall
[00:28:43] and Michael
[00:28:44] Woodford.
[00:28:47] For microeconomic foundations of
[00:28:50] macroeconomic
[00:28:51] stabilization.
[00:28:57] Robert Hall was born in
[00:28:59] 1943 in Palo Alto,
[00:29:03] USA. He is now professor at
[00:29:06] Stanford University.
[00:29:09] Michael Woodford was born in
[00:29:12] 1955 in Chicopee,
[00:29:15] USA. He is a professor at Columbia
[00:29:19] University.
[00:29:22] Professor John Husler will now give us a short short introduction,
[00:29:26] please. Thank you, Allan. We know all too well that the
[00:29:30] economy is not always taking us.
[00:29:32] smooth ride, sometimes the economy dives into
[00:29:36] recession with increased unemployment and fallen
[00:29:39] incomes. Inflation can also suddenly
[00:29:43] increase and pose a threat to economic
[00:29:45] stability. What triggers these
[00:29:49] bumps is sometimes easy to understand, like the
[00:29:52] pandemic or increased energy prices.
[00:29:55] In other situations, the causes are harder to
[00:29:58] identify.
[00:30:01] Regardless, the cause is an important goal for governments and
[00:30:05] central banks is to reduce the amplitude of these swings
[00:30:09] and limit the risk that the economy gets stuck in a
[00:30:13] situation with high unemployment or loses control over
[00:30:17] inflation. The idea that
[00:30:21] excessive economic fluctuations can occur if
[00:30:24] markets are left alone goes back to
[00:30:28] John Maynard Keynes almost a century
[00:30:30] ago. Remedy was government
[00:30:34] intervention, by stimulating the economy in recessions and
[00:30:38] slowing it down in booms, the hope is to
[00:30:41] keep unemployment from reaching high levels during
[00:30:44] recessions and to maintain low inflation during
[00:30:48] booms.
[00:30:50] For a long time the recipes of Keynes
[00:30:53] seemed to work, but they
[00:30:56] then failed during the oil crisis in the 1970s.