N1BOS — broadcast
20261012 150000 UTC
529 transcript segments
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[00:00:02] Regardless of the causes, an important goal for governments and
[00:00:06] central banks is to reduce the amplitude of these swings
[00:00:09] and limit the risk that the economy gets stuck in a
[00:00:13] situation with high unemployment, or loses control over
[00:00:17] inflation. The idea that
[00:00:21] excessive economic fluctuations can occur if
[00:00:25] markets are left alone, goes back to
[00:00:28] John Maynard Keynes, a century
[00:00:30] ago. Keynes' remedy was
[00:00:34] government intervention. By stimulating the economy in
[00:00:37] recessions and slowing it down in booms, the hope is
[00:00:41] to keep unemployment from reaching high levels during
[00:00:44] recessions and to maintain low inflation during
[00:00:48] booms.
[00:00:50] For a long time, the recipes of Keynes
[00:00:54] seemed to work, but they
[00:00:56] then failed during the oil crisis in the 1970s. This is when
[00:01:00] high unemployment and high
[00:01:02] all the pieces together in inflation took over
[00:01:04] simultaneously. Many then
[00:01:08] concluded that Keynesian stabilization policy did
[00:01:12] more harm than good and that policy makers should stay away and simply
[00:01:16] allow business cycles to play out on their own.
[00:01:20] Others argued that Keynes' insights were still
[00:01:23] relevant, but that the framework had to be
[00:01:26] completely rebuilt on a more solid theoretical foundation.
[00:01:32] In separate contributions, Robert E. Hall and Michael
[00:01:35] Woodford helped build this new foundation for stabilization
[00:01:39] policy. To understand how
[00:01:43] stabilization policy affects the economy as a whole, one
[00:01:46] needs to start with describing how
[00:01:50] individual households decide on
[00:01:52] consumption and how individual firms make
[00:01:56] pricing decisions. This is what we call micro-foundation.
[00:02:00] Upon which the new Keynesian framework is built and this
[00:02:04] framework is used by policy makers all around the
[00:02:07] world.
[00:02:09] The professor is now going to tell us more about the laureate's contributions.
[00:02:22] This shows you the US unemployment rate and how it
[00:02:25] fluctuates over the business cycle. During a
[00:02:28] recession, unemployment shoots up
[00:02:30] dramatically. Unemployment tends to hit the
[00:02:34] most disadvantaged individuals in our society
[00:02:38] the hardest. Can we do something about
[00:02:40] this? This is exactly the
[00:02:44] goal of stabilization policy. Governments
[00:02:47] intervene on markets to make them work better. How
[00:02:51] do markets work?
[00:02:54] Typically when either supply or demand
[00:02:57] changes, prices adjust.
[00:03:01] "The invisible hand does its
[00:03:03] magic.
[00:03:06] However,
[00:03:08] without SNSD, but will during the Great Depression in the 1930s, economists
[00:03:12] realized that this doesn't always work so
[00:03:14] well. Prices and wages didn't
[00:03:17] adjust as much as they should have, and the economy
[00:03:21] got stuck in a very high unemployment
[00:03:24] situation.
[00:03:27] Probably..."
[00:03:30] The most influential economist John Maynard
[00:03:33] Keynes then stepped in and forcefully argued
[00:03:37] that governments have a role to play and should
[00:03:41] help.
[00:03:43] Central banks should lower interest rates,
[00:03:46] governments should lower taxes and increase
[00:03:49] transfers to bring demand back
[00:03:52] up. This is the visible hand by the policy
[00:03:55] maker.
[00:03:59] The economy... also ended up in the opposite
[00:04:02] situation where demand exceeded supply. In this
[00:04:06] case, monetary and fiscal tightening is needed,
[00:04:09] otherwise there is a risk of
[00:04:12] inflation getting out of
[00:04:14] control. This is the Keynesian
[00:04:17] recipe and it worked well
[00:04:21] until it didn't. And this is the
[00:04:24] painful experience of the 1970s, in
[00:04:27] which case shocks hit the...
[00:04:30] economy. Policymakers tried to boost demand,
[00:04:34] but the economy ended up in the worst of both worlds,
[00:04:37] with high unemployment and high and even accelerating
[00:04:41] inflation. The Keynesian recipe
[00:04:44] was shattered.
[00:04:47] Stabilization policy came under pressure and many thought it should
[00:04:51] be abandoned
[00:04:52] completely.
[00:04:56] This year's prize is about constructing
[00:05:00] a framework to analyze
[00:05:03] business cycles and stabilization
[00:05:06] policy. The issue with the preexisting
[00:05:09] framework was that it was too much of a... black
[00:05:12] box. It relied on relationships between
[00:05:16] aggregate variables that were assumed, for instance,
[00:05:19] between inflation rate and the unemployment rate,
[00:05:23] and policymakers thought they could exploit those relationships.
[00:05:27] However, in the 1970s, those relationships broke
[00:05:30] down.
[00:05:33] The solution by Robert Hall and Michael
[00:05:36] Woodford was to build a new framework
[00:05:40] from the ground up.
[00:05:42] "They explicitly studied and modeled the individual
[00:05:46] decisions of firms and households. They gave the
[00:05:50] framework a so-called micro-foundation, and
[00:05:53] by doing so resulted in a
[00:05:57] framework that gave more robust policy
[00:06:00] advice. Robert Hall worked on the
[00:06:04] demand side, studying consumption, whereas
[00:06:07] Michael Woodford studied the supply side, the price-setting behavior
[00:06:11] of firms, and..." put
[00:06:15] a whole.
[00:06:18] Consumption is key because it's the biggest component of aggregate
[00:06:22] demand. The preexisting framework
[00:06:25] simply assumed a mechanical
[00:06:28] relationship between aggregate disposable income
[00:06:31] and aggregate consumption
[00:06:34] demand. Robert Hall instead
[00:06:37] asked, "How do individuals actually make consumption
[00:06:40] decisions?"
[00:06:47] Yes, current disposable income matters,
[00:06:50] but also expectations about the entire
[00:06:53] future path of income is
[00:06:57] relevant too. So, forward-lookingness in this decision
[00:07:00] is key. If consumers see dark clouds
[00:07:04] on the horizon, they cut back on consumption already
[00:07:07] today.
[00:07:09] Theories that modeled this existed at
[00:07:13] the time, but they faced a seemingly insurmountable
[00:07:17] empirical challenge, because expectations are
[00:07:19] unobserved.
[00:07:23] In a path-breaking paper in 1978,
[00:07:26] Robert Hall showed the way forward. The key idea
[00:07:30] was that if consumption summarizes all the information up until
[00:07:34] today, consumption changes from one period
[00:07:37] to the next if and only if new information
[00:07:41] arrives. However, new information is by definition
[00:07:44] unpredictable. This means that the theory suggests that
[00:07:48] changes in consumption must be
[00:07:51] unpredictable. This is precisely the
[00:07:54] property that Robert Hall tested in aggregate
[00:07:57] data and found support for the
[00:07:59] theory. This was a huge
[00:08:03] surprise, and it changed the
[00:08:06] entire theoretical and empirical literature on consumption
[00:08:10] completely. We now have a way,
[00:08:24] We will return soon to current topics and guests, friends of
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[00:10:53] We are returning to the show. Live today, friend
[00:10:56] of the show Domod and
[00:10:58] Bosch.
[00:11:07] The elections in Republika Srpska were again decided by Belgrade, and
[00:11:10] the opposition was broken by direct dictates from Serbia,
[00:11:14] says Nebojša Vukanović, our guest today. Where is
[00:11:18] the limit of political survival and what is the future of those who
[00:11:21] refuse to play by the rules of the regime, how is...
[00:11:25] the opposition systematically bought and broken for citizens' money, we ask
[00:11:29] the leader of the List for Justice and Order. Good
[00:11:31] day.
[00:11:34] Good day, greetings from Trebinje, greetings to all your viewers and thank you for
[00:11:37] the invitation. Mr. Vukanović, the meeting of Dodik
[00:11:40] and Vučić on Saturday, they say they are hatching plans,
[00:11:44] what plans this
[00:11:47] time?
[00:11:50] Well, Dodik and Vučić, after the fall
[00:11:53] of Orban, they somehow remained a duo,
[00:11:56] who keep each other in power and one cannot
[00:12:00] easily survive without the other, and that is why it should not be surprising that
[00:12:03] both Vučić and Dodik, and Dodik and Vučić, despite some
[00:12:07] mutual rivalry, perhaps even intensified
[00:12:11] intolerance towards each other, support each other because they are aware that one cannot
[00:12:14] survive without the other, and it is known that Vučić
[00:12:18] unfortunately put under control through his games and through
[00:12:21] the state security service and through
[00:12:24] his..." companies, primarily through Mtel, which is
[00:12:28] key for financing, that he brought a good part
[00:12:31] of the opposition under control, that the People's Front was founded in Belgrade,
[00:12:35] that the PSS was founded in Belgrade and that this group in
[00:12:39] the SDS that overthrew Milan Miličević after he
[00:12:42] published a photo from student protests, as well as attacked
[00:12:45] Ljubiša Petrović, now trying to expel him from the party
[00:12:48] also, because he supports the student movement, that all
[00:12:52] clearly tells you what the cause of the problem is, because Vučić controls
[00:12:56] a good part of the opposition and directs it in such a way
[00:12:59] that it always plays for Milorad Dodik, that is the key
[00:13:02] to the defeat in 2018 and 2022, in which I was
[00:13:05] out of the public eye in a fierce
[00:13:09] conflict with the people who then led the SDS and PDP. I said that
[00:13:13] we cannot listen to Vučić and his instructions for
[00:13:16] some small amount of money that individuals receive and for some small
[00:13:19] media space in Belgrade newspapers and media, and in return
[00:13:23] we make suicidal moves. because of which we will lose, and
[00:13:27] because of that, in 2016, I realized that I cannot
[00:13:30] be an accomplice to that kind
[00:13:33] of betrayal of opposition voters and Republika Srpska,
[00:13:37] and because of that, I decided to run, even though I knew
[00:13:40] that I was against everyone and didn't have much chance, but
[00:13:44] I had to at least tell the truth to the people as things stand,
[00:13:48] and you saw that last night Milorad Dodik gave an interview in which he confirmed,
[00:13:52] today I called out Branko Blanuša and Draško
[00:13:55] Ivuković, whom he said he had talked to before the elections, and
[00:13:59] we realized at the end
[00:14:02] of the campaign secretly with Branko Blanuša and Draško Stanivuković that they
[00:14:06] had reached an agreement to enter power together at the level of Bosnia and
[00:14:09] Herzegovina, that he respects that part
[00:14:13] of the agreement, and you cannot defeat Dodik if you fight him
[00:14:16] with people who secretly conspire with him. That is all done
[00:14:20] at the dictate of Belgrade. Branko Blanuša is a former progressive. I entered into
[00:14:24] conflicts when I haven't been talking for months
[00:14:27] with the former president of the SDS, acting Jovica Radlović,
[00:14:31] and with Nešković, precisely because of the appointment of Branko Vlanuša
[00:14:34] as president of the SDS and giving the candidacy. I said that someone
[00:14:38] cannot lead the opposition who until yesterday was in the polygraph
[00:14:41] of Igor Radojičić's satellite party of Milorad Dodik and who was a progressive
[00:14:45] of Aleksandar Vučić, that that person will not have any control, that it is a big mistake,
[00:14:49] and unfortunately time has shown that I was
[00:14:52] right, and it is sad that after the elections, not even 10 days
[00:14:56] passed until everything I said was true, that is, that the majority
[00:14:59] of the opposition is in agreement, in games with Milorad Dodik,
[00:15:03] that is why Milorad Dodik survives, that he gives them
[00:15:05] crumbs, and as long as
[00:15:09] we do not have people who are clean, who have no cooperation
[00:15:13] or connection with Milorad Dodik and Vučić, only then can we win. That is why
[00:15:16] we strongly support the student movement in Serbia, because if Vučić
[00:15:20] were defeated in Belgrade on October 25, that would
[00:15:23] be a severe blow to Milorad Dodik's system, which he thinks
[00:15:26] is relaxed now, but believe me, he
[00:15:30] is very fragile and it takes very little for it all to collapse, just one
[00:15:34] month of delayed salaries or for the system to break down or for... him to lose
[00:15:38] the levers of power and the support he has from Belgrade. And I sincerely hope that
[00:15:41] the students will resist temptations and great pressures and win
[00:15:45] on October 25, because that would fundamentally change the balance
[00:15:48] of political power in Republika Srpska. Yes, we will talk more
[00:15:52] about that, but let's return to these current topics.
[00:15:56] I listened to that interview in which it
[00:15:59] seemed to me that Dodik offers the opposition
[00:16:03] in Republika Srpska, now they are in the government, both in
[00:16:07] Republika Srpska and in the Council of Ministers. Do you think they will
[00:16:10] accept joining the government with
[00:16:14] Dodik?
[00:16:16] Well, he offers everyone but us. He said only Vukanović, neither does he want to, nor can
[00:16:20] we be with him. So he understands that we do not want power or positions
[00:16:23] at any cost, if we wanted power, influence, positions,
[00:16:27] money, we would probably have known how to compromise. I think
[00:16:30] that this silence of Branko Blanuša and Draško Stanivuković confirms that
[00:16:34] what Dodik said is true and now they are bargaining.
[00:16:37] If they don't want to themselves, Dodik has his people in
[00:16:40] both organizations. If Draško enters alone, the entire PSS
[00:16:44] will be in power, then this cuckolding group will enter, four or five deputies,
[00:16:47] and they will split the PSS in half. It's similar with the SDS, in which he has
[00:16:51] people he cooperates with, these are Darko Babalj and Marinko
[00:16:55] Božović, that team,
[00:16:57] to whom he enables to stay in power in Eastern Lika, to rule there
[00:17:01] with his consent. Božović thanked him by sinking the candidates
[00:17:05] of the opposition every election, and they lost. He gave him DNSA, Nešić to be
[00:17:09] coalition partners. Simply put, what he
[00:17:12] did was stay in power thanks to the undermining,
[00:17:16] drilling of the opposition. Sometimes it was the late Mićo Mićić, the SDS in Bijeljina was
[00:17:19] saved by Ljubiša Petrović. Now those people who saved the SDS, instead of building him
[00:17:23] a monument, they are kicking him out of the party. And just now it's over
[00:17:26] his Čavić, who was his oppositionist,
[00:17:30] and Dragan Čavić and Mićo Mićić and Nenad Stevandić and Darko
[00:17:34] Bannac and Borislav Bojić and Milan Tubin.
[00:17:38] and Babić and Ognjan Tadić and Dragan Kalinić, so three
[00:17:41] presidents of the SDS are now in the arms of Milorad Dodik, his closest associates
[00:17:45] and advisors, and his entire coalition,
[00:17:48] so-called coalition, these trailers are people, look, Banjevic was in
[00:17:52] the SDS, Stevandić was in the SDS, not to mention Čavić was in the SDS,
[00:17:56] so he survives by trapping someone from the SDS every election,
[00:17:59] giving them some positions, a little money and power, and they
[00:18:03] betray opposition voters. This has been happening for 20 years, it's...
[00:18:07] all happening, unfortunately, with enormous support and
[00:18:11] winds blowing from Belgrade, because that state
[00:18:14] security service has largely played a role
[00:18:17] in creating many political parties and processes,
[00:18:21] and they simply have many people who are on call, they go for advice
[00:18:24] to Belgrade, many, many, you would be surprised how many tens of people there are
[00:18:28] and how many get instructions there, that
[00:18:32] service protects them, they really do work for them.
[00:18:36] Those of us who are not part of
[00:18:39] that perverse system are exposed to attacks, lynching, and
[00:18:43] demonization from all sides, and believe me, it is absolutely not easy
[00:18:46] to fight against such a system, and it was not by chance that my
[00:18:50] car was burned and my house was attacked, and I was not demonized by the media.
[00:18:53] I will tell you, in Republika Srpska during the election campaign, I did not get a single
[00:18:56] second of airtime on any of these major televisions, and that is certainly not by chance.
[00:19:00] What is the limit of that political survival, what do you predict will
[00:19:03] happen with the List for Justice and Order in the coming years?"
[00:19:08] "Well, you know what, I am proud of the team of people I have
[00:19:12] gathered around me, first and foremost a group of honorable people for whom no one can
[00:19:16] find any stain,
[00:19:18] professors, doctors, university professors, lawyers,
[00:19:22] advocates, economists, workers, so a decent group
[00:19:25] of people. It is not easy today in such a system to gather
[00:19:29] a company of people to survive, but for 14 years now,
[00:19:32] 15 years we have been actively fighting against the regime, and we have never been part of any
[00:19:36] government, nor do we have a single..." person employed anywhere in any
[00:19:39] public sector, nor do we have any mark of whose donations. It is not easy
[00:19:43] to survive, but you must understand, I saw a well-intentioned
[00:19:46] column by Mr. Dakić who says you need to be a little more diplomatic, well,
[00:19:50] this is not about diplomatic skills, that is well-intentioned, but it is
[00:19:54] that you are a people's tribune for every problem
[00:19:58] of the citizens, and how did you understand his
[00:20:01] column, will you listen to some well-intentioned advice,
[00:20:05] extremely, extremely correct
[00:20:08] and extremely well-intentioned, but you must
[00:20:11] understand, if I were to lose the integrity that the List for Justice and Order has, that
[00:20:15] after the elections we have not a single mark of unpaid
[00:20:18] debt, not a single invoice, we have not a single person who can point
[00:20:21] a finger at us for the most immoral act, the only thing we have
[00:20:25] is purity. If we were to get
[00:20:29] dirty, we would lose everything and disappear from the political scene. I said simply when
[00:20:32] it matures, when people want something different, honest
[00:20:36] people, when they want justice, order in society, that this... You were angry after
[00:20:40] the elections, you said that citizens can forget
[00:20:43] your phone
[00:20:45] number. Does that mean that
[00:20:48] some... I will give you some
[00:20:51] examples. I was in the village of Podnovlje near Doboj dozens of times with
[00:20:55] those locals, filming, talking, fighting against that land
[00:20:59] up on the church hill where an illegal solar plant is being built, contrary to
[00:21:02] court rulings, and the SNSD won there. On Bukova Kosa
[00:21:06] where I also called out Zvonko Veselinović's illegal mine and Jekoci,
[00:21:09] we got two votes. So simply, I have been used to it my whole
[00:21:13] life, whoever calls me, I run without ever asking for anything in return,
[00:21:16] I always ran to correct some wrongs. People's personal
[00:21:20] and collective problems, and nothing was difficult, but you simply must
[00:21:24] have self-respect. Those people you fight for must
[00:21:28] understand that it is not fair to call me at noon, at midnight,
[00:21:32] me and my people, then when elections come, to run for those who
[00:21:35] created problems. In Nevesinje, also, the day after the elections, panic
[00:21:39] about some problem in the school, so they put my deputies in a Viber group to
[00:21:43] resolve it, to create it. So we serve as some
[00:21:46] rams to break down the fortress with our heads, to create problems for ourselves.
[00:21:50] "Because of that, my house was burned because of such things, and my house was attacked. Because of that,
[00:21:54] I lost 140 thousand marks in lawsuits,
[00:21:57] writing about injustices, and simply, those people we fight for
[00:22:00] must understand that they must have
[00:22:04] respect for us, that we are not here to be taken for granted, and simply, I
[00:22:08] will now have to turn over a new leaf, because I have never been arrogant or
[00:22:12] proud, I have always been the same, no matter how time passed, and
[00:22:15] I hung out with the same people and had the same lifestyle, but the people you
[00:22:19] fight for, these are some..." when there were workers here of Novotex, the tool industry,
[00:22:22] Agroko, Neimarstvo, I always said what would happen if they
[00:22:26] supported the system, those women workers of Novotex Vesela went bankrupt.
[00:22:29] Dodik used and spent them countless times, and
[00:22:33] most of those people, unfortunately, are the voting body of the regime. Simply, people must
[00:22:37] get burned badly to understand that a
[00:22:40] change of government and system is necessary if we want to create a more
[00:22:43] just and better society. So that
[00:22:47] despite those well-intentioned criticisms, we are very...
[00:22:50] If we lose the purity we have and
[00:22:52] sincerity, simply there will be at least 10% of people or five who will
[00:22:56] appreciate that you are clean, that you do not want to be part of corruption and that you will not
[00:23:00] betray the people. Perhaps the time will come when that will
[00:23:04] suddenly grow to 30 or 50%, but I do not
[00:23:07] want to, although I hope people understand me, I do not want to make rotten
[00:23:10] compromises, to betray fundamental life principles,
[00:23:14] to betray, I don't know, my comrades,
[00:23:17] anyone else for a crumb of some power. Power really doesn't... interest me. I am interested in creating
[00:23:21] a little justice, order in society, even if we don't get a chance, many great figures from our
[00:23:25] past, from Jovan Skerlić, Dučić was exiled,
[00:23:28] Branislav Nušić ended up in prison just like me for writing, so you know
[00:23:32] how Petar Kočić, who was also a tribune, ended up in a mental hospital at
[00:23:36] 30-something years old because they destroyed him, even the people he fought for
[00:23:39] destroyed him. I always remember how
[00:23:43] great revolutionaries like Che Guevara ended up, the people he
[00:23:47] fought for betrayed him, they said his... scares our goats and
[00:23:51] sheep, so they sold him for a handful of silver, like Jesus for
[00:23:54] a handful of silver. I simply came to terms with it, I'm not
[00:23:58] surprised, we just have to tell the truth, the problem is not only in
[00:24:01] the corrupt government, but in people who for some small
[00:24:05] personal interest support such a corrupt system until some problem or tragedy
[00:24:08] happens to them and then they realize how much they
[00:24:11] erred. Next, we will discuss citizens' money, precisely that
[00:24:15] system. Dodik has been paying for lobbying in America for years,
[00:24:19] a scandal last week with Trump's advisors. How
[00:24:22] do you explain the fact that
[00:24:26] it passed at all
[00:24:29] both by the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina and
[00:24:33] by American judicial
[00:24:36] institutions? How much could it cost him
[00:24:39] and the citizens?
[00:24:41] He uses the
[00:24:44] motto of Louis XIV, "L'état,
[00:24:47] c'est moi," the state is me. So, all the budget
[00:24:50] he has, he sees as his personal money, in addition to the 80
[00:24:54] million he arbitrarily uses as he wishes through the president's
[00:24:58] cabinet. He is still president, even though he is not in that position. He is still
[00:25:01] prime minister. He is a minister in every department. He simply
[00:25:05] because he has captured institutions and because many people who are
[00:25:08] well paid are actually cowards, judges,
[00:25:11] prosecutors, auditors, legal representatives, none of
[00:25:15] them has the strength to oppose him. oppose, it must be said in
[00:25:18] Sarajevo as well and it gave people who swear by Bosnia and Herzegovina, many
[00:25:22] Bosniaks, they were not able to implement the judgment, they showed the powerlessness
[00:25:25] of institutions, they allowed the man who leads SIPA to
[00:25:29] leave that position and then return without any punishment, they didn't have the courage to
[00:25:33] implement the judgment, he continues even though there is a ban on activities, his party
[00:25:37] bears his name, he led the campaign, so he didn't care much about
[00:25:40] the judgment, it should be viewed that when he shows such force that no
[00:25:44] institution can do anything to him, that he is stronger than the police and
[00:25:47] the judiciary and the prosecutor's office and SIPA, and that both
[00:25:50] Russia and America work for him, and that he can buy everything with money, then don't be surprised
[00:25:54] that ordinary people are afraid of him and that they follow
[00:25:58] him and that is a syndrome of slaughtered sheep that I was talking about
[00:26:01] that mm... "let the wolf break into the sheepfold, let him kill
[00:26:05] some sheep, only wound some and slaughter
[00:26:08] those sheep that he slaughtered, they constantly follow him to finish them off," and that's how the path
[00:26:12] of a good portion of citizens of Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina, could be explained
[00:26:15] by the slaughtered sheep syndrome, because obviously many people are afraid
[00:26:19] of those who show such power that no one can do anything to them,
[00:26:23] there should be consequences, of course, the international community that
[00:26:26] gives billions of marks in loans and support to Milorad Dodik
[00:26:30] who was..." when it was necessary to bring him to power, I am against any
[00:26:34] interventionism, but when Dodik was brought to power in '98 and
[00:26:37] 2006, they were ready to cut off 50 heads of his
[00:26:40] political opponents, mostly from SDS, to open doors for him,
[00:26:44] however, everything is tolerated for him, he before every election makes a round
[00:26:48] from Budapest, now he no longer goes to Moscow, to Washington, and
[00:26:52] gets international support, which is crucial for his
[00:26:55] victory in the elections, with enormous corruption and money that he throws from the budget
[00:26:58] to citizens before the elections. Now he has changed the route a little, he went
[00:27:02] to Tel Aviv, then a little to
[00:27:06] Russia, Željka Cvijanović with the first
[00:27:08] advisor in the White
[00:27:12] House, in Banja Luka today we are talking, of course, about
[00:27:14] current events, Dodik and Čović, we have been used to that
[00:27:18] for years, without a single delay they implement
[00:27:22] common political, financial interests,
[00:27:25] is it even possible and how to break their
[00:27:29] interest axis on the ground? Well, it's sad to see that
[00:27:34] the authorities in Banja Luka, who swear they are great
[00:27:37] Serbs and patriots, roll out the red carpet
[00:27:40] for Dragan Čović and his delegation who support the monument to Ustaše
[00:27:44] from the Second World War in the vicinity of Mostar, and on the other hand,
[00:27:48] they welcome Serbian professors and students from Belgrade and Novi Sad
[00:27:51] with batons, beatings and bans.
[00:27:55] That speaks of their hypocrisy. As for the
[00:27:59] Dodik-Čović axis, I have long told everyone
[00:28:02] that if the two of them are the axis of evil that grinds everything, it was quite
[00:28:06] normal for people who care that Bosnia and Herzegovina functions normally on fundamental
[00:28:10] principles to accept my proposal that, first of all, Bosniak
[00:28:14] parties, for higher interests, bury the hatchet and
[00:28:17] say that, first of all, this country is a hostage to the blockades of Dodik and
[00:28:21] Čović in the House of Peoples and they have captured institutions, that axis
[00:28:25] of evil that grinds everything must be ground down, and then
[00:28:27] we will, on some other principled
[00:28:31] principles, see that... institutions function normally and we will all unite
[00:28:34] against them so as not to be their hostages, however,
[00:28:38] just as there are people in the opposition of Republika Srpska who admire the power of Dodik and
[00:28:42] Čović, they look to them for a little power, so too many among
[00:28:44] Bosniaks, uh, look for ways to get into that fast game,
[00:28:48] get a little power and then they are ground down, whoever entered into a pact with them in
[00:28:52] '18, '22, paid a high price and we will see if anyone has the courage
[00:28:56] to form the Council of Ministers after these elections in
[00:28:59] 2026. I said, when Bosniaks understand.
[00:29:11] SDA agree to that, HDZ, maybe even
[00:29:14] SDP, which uh, according to some predictions, will
[00:29:18] be part of that state government.
[00:29:21] And SDP had that chance in 2022, and SDP
[00:29:24] bears the greatest responsibility currently, why is that
[00:29:27] axis so powerful, because when I went to SDP with a delegation from SDS and
[00:29:31] PDP and told Nikšić that it was dangerous to give a fourth
[00:29:35] delegate to Dodik, that he should support not nominating Vojin Mijatović as
[00:29:38] a delegate, but supporting the candidates of SDS and PDP and forming a Council
[00:29:42] of Ministers because there were enough votes in the presidency Bećirević and
[00:29:45] Komšić without SNSD, that would have clipped the wings
[00:29:49] of SNSD and he would not have been able to spread his wings and the political situation
[00:29:53] would have been completely different, however Nikšić listened to Vojin
[00:29:56] Mijatović and Bosnia and Herzegovina was captured for four years, now that
[00:30:00] opportunity is gone, I am quite skeptical that
[00:30:03] Bosniaks will have enough, so to speak,
[00:30:06] courage and wisdom, and what I would say, what
[00:30:10] I, as someone who is so attacked and branded in Sarajevo, remember
[00:30:14] I said that I support the Serbian national team, for me it was perceived as
[00:30:17] such an avalanche of attacks as if I had done
[00:30:20] something terrible, so for me it's a problem when I support Serbia, I have supported and been a Serb all my life and
[00:30:24] it's not a problem for the Red Star, who curses and extinguishes everything,
[00:30:28] many media and politicians in the federation used that and other
[00:30:32] meaningless things to start a campaign against me
[00:30:36] in order to keep Dodik in power, simply those people who do such things
[00:30:39] should also bear the consequences
[00:30:43] and Bosniaks should also understand that
[00:30:46] power is also very important to them, but they must understand that whoever
[00:30:49] enters into a dance with Dodik and Čović at this moment will be
[00:30:53] crushed, I also said four years ago that Dodik and Čović would crush
[00:30:57] Bećirović and SDP when they entered and everything turned out to be true.