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20261012 180000 UTC
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[00:00:06] for some politician who will probably
[00:00:26] The global situation is very difficult at this moment.
[00:00:30] moment, and the main player who is meddling in this whole situation
[00:00:33] is American President Donald Trump has not only spread his
[00:00:37] tentacles and got his fingers in the Gulf or Ukraine or
[00:00:41] Gaza or the West Bank or Israel or
[00:00:45] threatening Greenland, but he has also got his fingers
[00:00:48] in the Western Balkans, through Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and
[00:00:52] Herzegovina, through Zeta and his daughter in Albania
[00:00:55] in Serbia, but also through one son in
[00:00:59] Bosnia and Herzegovina, and also through some associates in Bosnia
[00:01:03] and Herzegovina in other countries.
[00:01:07] However, what is also interesting is that we see
[00:01:10] certain progress in the Western Balkans. Not everything is so
[00:01:14] bleak anymore, some things are happening in
[00:01:17] a positive light when it comes to the European Union.
[00:01:20] In the next few minutes, I will
[00:01:24] discuss this with former Montenegrin diplomat, and now university
[00:01:28] professor Vesko Garčević. who joins me from Boston,
[00:01:31] Professor, welcome to the n1 program,
[00:01:40] often comment on what is happening in the Balkans,
[00:01:43] especially you comment on your
[00:01:46] are now more or less on Montenegro, you are a former ambassador of
[00:01:49] Montenegro to several destinations, which I will not
[00:01:52] list now, and now you are also a university
[00:01:55] professor. Montenegro is progressing exceptionally well
[00:01:58] on its European, so to
[00:02:02] speak, scene, so I would like to first hear the Montenegrin
[00:02:05] Prime Minister Milojko Spajić, and then after
[00:02:08] that, comment on how
[00:02:11] Montenegro is currently moving towards the European Union.
[00:02:27] count on profit, it will affect I think, I think the the last couple of miles will definitely
[00:02:30] be uh as always very challenging,
[00:02:33] but uh we are we are ready for that. Uh we
[00:02:37] have uh we have sent uh most of the chapter member states
[00:02:40] and uh we are ready to to be assessed,
[00:02:44] to take the critics, to be uh obviously that is
[00:02:48] in the in in the Montenegrin interest that we get the
[00:02:51] best possible reforms uh
[00:02:54] Montenegro's rule of law uh media landscape and
[00:02:57] other factors, human rights. and so and so forth
[00:03:01] have immensely improved over the last couple of
[00:03:03] years, that's not only in the in the rule of law
[00:03:07] field, economic field as well has performed
[00:03:11] very well. We've done a lot of throughout the uh process of
[00:03:15] joining European Union, throughout the process of closing the chapters on
[00:03:18] competition, state aid and so on and so forth. We have done a
[00:03:22] lot of structural reforms and some of the dividends are
[00:03:26] starting to pay off as evidenced by the uh great report from
[00:03:30] the progress progress on the on the
[00:03:34] growth plan. So we intend to continue this way. This
[00:03:37] is not for us, it's just a
[00:03:40] milestone that we
[00:03:43] recognize, but we are our eyes are fully
[00:03:46] ahead. What comes next. We are also very
[00:03:50] optimistic with all the support from the European Commission that we
[00:03:54] had so far. So thank you so much. It
[00:03:56] is really that European Commission has done a lot,
[00:04:00] but also uh the member states, all the 27 member states
[00:04:04] that eventually have to vote and support all of
[00:04:07] our uh reform
[00:04:10] uh uh steps that have been done and will be done in the in the in
[00:04:14] the next couple of weeks. So I am optimistic as well
[00:04:17] that we will see by end of 26 all the chapters
[00:04:20] packed. Uh, but in any case, I think uh
[00:04:24] year 28, here we come 28 by
[00:04:27] 28. Professor, Spajić says
[00:04:31] here 28 for 28. That's the
[00:04:34] mantra of Marta Kos. We will hear her later in this
[00:04:38] conversation. However, how do you, as a former
[00:04:41] Montenegrin diplomat, someone who knows how the negotiations with
[00:04:45] NATO went and how these negotiations with the European Union
[00:04:49] are going, evaluate this
[00:04:52] progress? Today, three more chapters are being closed,
[00:04:55] and it seems that 28 for 28... is not
[00:04:59] 28... "nije baš
[00:05:01] impossible. First, I would say
[00:05:04] that for years, whether it is 2028,
[00:05:08] 2029 or
[00:05:11] 30, that... at this moment, at least for me, does not
[00:05:15] play a key role. It might play a key role
[00:05:19] build their campaign for new elections on it. It is important that
[00:05:21] Montenegro joins the European Union, and a year or two means nothing,
[00:05:25] especially for us who have practically gone through or been in
[00:05:29] that process not only in Montenegro but in the region as a whole
[00:05:33] since our youth, and now we have grown old and we are still
[00:05:36] waiting for it to happen. Therefore, a year
[00:05:39] or two means nothing to us. We can all remember
[00:05:43] 2003, which was so long ago, when
[00:05:47] it was decided in Thessaloniki that
[00:05:50] the Balkans would be part of the European Union. When I say this, when
[00:05:54] we focus a little on Montenegro, definitely here,
[00:05:57] as I would say, two very good
[00:06:01] things have met. One thing is
[00:06:04] that Montenegro is doing exactly
[00:06:07] or progressing at a certain pace which is positive
[00:06:10] towards the European Union. But also
[00:06:14] the climate in the European Union has changed after the invasion of
[00:06:17] Ukraine and now Montenegro has a tailwind
[00:06:20] which, when you are sailing somewhere, definitely helps to
[00:06:24] speed up your sailing towards that goal. In that regard, when I
[00:06:28] compare this time with the time when I myself participated
[00:06:32] in those processes, I could say that then we often
[00:06:36] sailed against the current, and now we are sailing
[00:06:39] with the current, meaning towards that goal. Montenegro, as you said, has
[00:06:43] closed today or will close three new chapters.
[00:06:46] However, this is not the end. We must be
[00:06:50] careful, if I were to speak on behalf of Montenegro, very cautious about
[00:06:53] how to proceed, not only because of the need to show your political
[00:06:56] will to carry it through, but also because of the open bilateral
[00:07:00] issues at this moment with Croatia. I think this is
[00:07:04] one of the biggest challenges for Montenegro and the government should
[00:07:08] approach it seriously to avoid any
[00:07:11] unwanted reactions or statements by individual ministers who
[00:07:14] come from some pro-Serbian parties and so on, in order to
[00:07:18] keep that path open and to find some
[00:07:22] solution uh uh with Croatia. I am not in
[00:07:25] the government now, I cannot say anything, but I think this is definitely one of
[00:07:29] the biggest challenges in this
[00:07:32] upcoming period. And professor, you mentioned
[00:07:36] exactly that uh Croatia. You mentioned what
[00:07:40] is coming from
[00:07:43] Croatia. Here's what Grlić Radman, the Minister of
[00:07:47] Foreign Affairs of Croatia, said a few days ago on that very topic.
[00:07:50] So let's listen to him. A lot of ships sailed under the cover of night, for example, a
[00:07:54] submarine found its way across one state into another state,
[00:07:57] a military hospital and so on. We have all of that recorded. It's
[00:08:01] about property worth more than 2.7 billion
[00:08:04] dollars. The glorification of war criminals is incompatible with European
[00:08:08] values. Ratko Mladić began his bloody path in
[00:08:12] Croatia, remember Škabrnja, Knin, the attack on
[00:08:15] Šibenik. That is something that does not contribute to the stability of the region.
[00:08:18] Look, chapters cannot just be closed like that just because
[00:08:22] there are some geopolitical reasons. Here, it must be precisely
[00:08:26] seen what it is about, and for chapter 14, the real reasons must be
[00:08:30] determined, so one must go into the essence, into the substance. It's
[00:08:34] not about closing the chapter, but rather studying it well.
[00:08:37] That is our recommendation to others as well.
[00:08:40] Professor, he is talking here
[00:08:43] about submarines and about military property,
[00:08:47] about the ship Jadran, about some property worth
[00:08:50] 2.7 billion dollars. You
[00:08:53] participated in those negotiations, you participated in those
[00:08:57] processes. How much political
[00:08:59] game is there here, how much reality is there when it comes to
[00:09:03] Radman's statement?
[00:09:05] Uh, I must say, some positions are
[00:09:09] definitely justified. Uh, the position on Ratko
[00:09:12] Mladić and the glorification of crimes
[00:09:15] and criminals, uh, the way it was
[00:09:19] done recently by the President of the Montenegrin Parliament
[00:09:22] and so on, is definitely incompatible
[00:09:26] with Montenegro's idea and desire to join the European
[00:09:29] Union. Uh, some other positions uh are
[00:09:33] a product, as I would say, uh
[00:09:36] of a political moment. And when we
[00:09:39] negotiated, I taught. In those negotiations with Croatia regarding
[00:09:42] Prevlaka, these figures were not mentioned at all,
[00:09:46] nor did anyone, I was a direct participant in that for several
[00:09:50] years, and that negotiation was then concluded by
[00:09:54] signing a provisional agreement on Prevlaka which is still
[00:09:56] in force today. So from 2002 to
[00:10:00] 2026, 24 years have passed,
[00:10:03] and that agreement is in force. Never has either party to that agreement,
[00:10:07] meaning Croatia and Montenegro, protested about
[00:10:11] the violation of the agreement, and the agreement is deposited
[00:10:14] with the United Nations. At the time when we negotiated, the situation was different,
[00:10:18] the dynamics. Croatia needed to join the European Union, and Croatia needed
[00:10:22] to... uh uh how should I
[00:10:25] say, uh, I would say, put
[00:10:29] its relations with uh neighbors on what I would call
[00:10:33] healthy foundations, uh, and
[00:10:37] based on those principles, we reached that solution which was
[00:10:41] then put on paper and which both sides
[00:10:44] enjoyed. Uh, when I say this, I certainly do not
[00:10:47] mean that I should absolve Montenegro
[00:10:50] for something that happened in the 90s, or if some equipment
[00:10:54] was taken, for which Croatia has already signaled to us many
[00:10:57] times, just like the equipment from Ćilipi airport that ended up
[00:11:01] in Podgorica and so on and so forth. That was
[00:11:04] signaled long ago.
[00:11:08] Uh, the ship Jadran was also a subject of dispute
[00:11:11] and so on and so forth. Uh,
[00:11:14] I would say that such situations or such
[00:11:18] issues would best be resolved through legal means.
[00:11:21] When we talked about Prevlaka and its resolution, or
[00:11:25] separation on Prevlaka, demarcation on Prevlaka, we have long
[00:11:29] considered during both
[00:11:32] Sanader's terms that it should be resolved before a court, because both
[00:11:36] sides have a different approach to it, and that
[00:11:39] it is ultimately in the spirit of good neighborly
[00:11:42] relations. Uh, uh, we will see what
[00:11:46] will happen with this. I certainly believe that
[00:11:49] the ball should be calmed down and that legal solutions, not political
[00:11:53] solutions, should be sought in such
[00:11:55] situations. On the other hand, other countries in
[00:11:59] the region, I must be free, because now I am an academic, I am no longer uh, I am no
[00:12:03] longer, they should consider
[00:12:06] observing this behavior of Croatia, because they
[00:12:09] may also, in five or ten years, find themselves in a situation where they are joining the European Union.
[00:12:13] Uh, then certain problems will be
[00:12:16] delivered about which there is either silence now or no discussion and
[00:12:20] so on. They will be delivered on uh uh for
[00:12:24] overpayment, so to speak. Uh, finally, I just wanted to
[00:12:27] say this as well: that the difference between the Slovenian and
[00:12:31] Croatian dispute, which was then a problem for Croatia when it needed to join the European
[00:12:35] Union, and the Montenegrin and Croatian dispute is precisely that here
[00:12:39] there is a temporary regime, that that uh that
[00:12:43] regime was actually canonized, so to speak, by the very fact that the two
[00:12:46] sides agreed on it, that it is deposited with
[00:12:50] the United Nations, and that the creation of that regime actually
[00:12:53] ended the UN mission on Prevlaka. That
[00:12:57] is a big difference between those two from a legal and, if we want to look
[00:13:00] from an international legal perspective.
[00:13:03] So you are practically saying, let's play
[00:13:07] that bilaterally, neighborly, so that it doesn't
[00:13:10] become a problem for us when we are going towards the European
[00:13:12] Union. Uh, normally, there are some things we need to
[00:13:16] do, some things we did wrong, and many things can be corrected
[00:13:20] very easily. Uh, both Serbs and Montenegro
[00:13:23] have made several wrong moves, I mean
[00:13:26] this government now. I have now stated why,
[00:13:30] both in relation to the past and in relation to what happened in Bosnia
[00:13:34] and Herzegovina, certain members of the government, I am not saying that all who sit there
[00:13:37] are the same, that is also one, one perhaps,
[00:13:40] and and and a challenge, an internal challenge for Montenegro,
[00:13:43] that in this government there are people who sincerely advocate
[00:13:47] European integration, and people who have suddenly changed due to
[00:13:51] various reasons, and whom I personally do not trust, because either
[00:13:54] they would have to prove themselves for a long time to show that they have
[00:13:58] really changed, and statements like the statements about Ratko Mladić
[00:14:01] show that those changes were not uh, that those
[00:14:05] changes are only cosmetic. So there are various things that we can
[00:14:08] agree upon or that we can accept, I am not going into
[00:14:12] that, I said whether it is two billion or I don't know how much
[00:14:15] property, but there is definitely some property in Montenegro and that should be
[00:14:19] discussed, a commission can be formed that will list
[00:14:21] it, do it, check it and so on. And so
[00:14:25] on. So there are ways if countries want to
[00:14:28] solve these problems to solve them in a bilateral
[00:14:32] agreement. There are ways similar to this Jadran, the ship Jadran,
[00:14:36] where countries used that ship jointly and so on and so forth.
[00:14:39] There are ways like Denmark and Norway solved the problem
[00:14:43] of their uh maritime demarcation
[00:14:46] and the use of those, how should I say,
[00:14:49] deposits of gas
[00:14:53] by sharing profits and so on and so forth. So where there are neighbors
[00:14:57] who want to agree, there is agreement.
[00:15:01] Professor, when we talk about the broader
[00:15:04] region of the Western Balkans, almost
[00:15:07] nothing is working at this moment. When we look at
[00:15:11] the overall situation, relations, we just talked about them, between Zagreb and
[00:15:14] Podgorica are not exactly the best, between Belgrade and
[00:15:17] Podgorica are not the best, there is no dialogue between Belgrade
[00:15:21] and Pristina, Sarajevo and Belgrade are in very bad
[00:15:24] relations. Part of Sarajevo and
[00:15:27] Zagreb have a warm-cold relationship.
[00:15:31] It seems to me that Sarajevo and Podgorica currently have the fewest
[00:15:34] problems, they don't seem to be arguing about anything,
[00:15:38] but we can, precisely on the basis of what we have just
[00:15:41] discussed, somehow make that change
[00:15:44] and get the Balkans moving
[00:15:48] towards the Union, because now Marta Kos is talking about
[00:15:52] two countries being far ahead towards the European Union,
[00:15:55] Albania and Montenegro, and that we can already expect
[00:15:58] in about two or three years that Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Kosovo
[00:16:02] could remain, so to speak, that kind of plug that would be
[00:16:06] outside both NATO and the European Union.
[00:16:10] Many things are at play here, and the European Union also
[00:16:13] bears responsibility. So it's not only our responsibility here in
[00:16:17] the Balkans, because we are who we are, and we were like that before.
[00:16:20] I hope we have changed for the better, but as far as I can see, you yourself
[00:16:24] mentioned what you mentioned, the experience from the past
[00:16:27] and the 90s practically as if it has been
[00:16:30] forgotten. Uh, and we have the same patterns in
[00:16:34] the behavior uh rhetoric of certain leaders
[00:16:37] in the region, which were actually
[00:16:40] the basis of what led to
[00:16:43] the breakup of Yugoslavia and genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and so on and
[00:16:47] so forth. So those of us who remember, we can easily
[00:16:50] recognize it, but also I must say that
[00:16:53] many things that the European Union started here at the beginning of
[00:16:57] the 21st century, uh institutions or
[00:17:00] forms of cooperation in the region that were established
[00:17:03] then, uh they are uh in crisis, just
[00:17:07] as global uh uh multilateralism and
[00:17:10] cooperation at the global level are in crisis. Uh, so
[00:17:14] look at those institutions, forms of cooperation that were then various
[00:17:18] various types of regional integration and so on. They
[00:17:23] paper, they exist, but uh their content compared to what
[00:17:27] they were 15 years ago is very questionable. This opens
[00:17:31] up space for all those who uh pursue
[00:17:34] different policies. You mentioned, you mentioned
[00:17:38] this Serbia and the problem with Montenegro. Actually, Serbia
[00:17:41] has problems with almost all its neighbors uh around
[00:17:44] itself. Uh, this speaks more about those who are in power in
[00:17:48] Belgrade, again, or about the continuity of a certain type of policy
[00:17:52] which had a brief period of reassessment that
[00:17:55] lasted uh only a few years
[00:17:58] and then was actually continued with the policies that
[00:18:02] we saw from the late 80s, early 90s, throughout the
[00:18:05] 90s. Uh... Montenegro, on the other hand, does not have problems
[00:18:09] with other neighbors, except, as you said, with Serbia and
[00:18:13] now, this, I wouldn't call it a dispute with Croatia, it's just an
[00:18:16] open question, because on other issues, we are not
[00:18:19] in any fundamental conflicts or
[00:18:23] differences. Uh, uh, many things
[00:18:25] need to change. I hope that the European Union will
[00:18:29] continue the process seriously, uh
[00:18:33] the process of opening the doors for
[00:18:36] the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries, because that is the only
[00:18:40] way. Professor, you spoke about those
[00:18:43] other actors. Now we have seen a situation in which
[00:18:47] we have the interference of one team, that
[00:18:51] team is Donald Trump's team.
[00:18:54] We have seen his associates
[00:18:56] interfering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in
[00:19:00] Albania, in Montenegro,
[00:19:03] in Serbia. We also saw in the past
[00:19:07] few days,
[00:19:09] with Donald Trump, that we saw the daughter of his chief of
[00:19:13] staff who was pictured with a long
[00:19:17] weapon in Bosnia and
[00:19:20] Herzegovina. How do you, as someone who
[00:19:23] uh has worked in the United States for a long time, but also
[00:19:26] knows the Balkans, view this situation? How dangerous
[00:19:30] can Trump's fueling of these
[00:19:34] uh players be, who don't always
[00:19:38] have the best intentions when it comes to
[00:19:40] the Balkans? That can be very dangerous. It can be
[00:19:44] dangerous for two reasons, and this, I would not call dangerous,
[00:19:48] but I would call it destabilizing for
[00:19:50] the Balkans, and it can slow down other processes. The first
[00:19:54] thing is that with Trump, one kind of
[00:19:58] synergy in approaching the Balkans between the United States
[00:20:01] and the European Union disappears. Since 2001 or
[00:20:04] 2002 or the end of the war and the fall of Milošević,
[00:20:08] and that Thessaloniki agenda that they told us about, there is actually
[00:20:12] a continuity of cooperation between the European Union
[00:20:15] and the United States when the Balkans are concerned, in which
[00:20:19] there is also a division of roles where the European Union plays
[00:20:22] a leading role, and the United States often supports, except for
[00:20:26] a few issues that they consider urgent when they need to intervene
[00:20:29] directly, as was the case with Bosnia or Kosovo. Now that policy
[00:20:33] has been abandoned, meaning that continuity no longer
[00:20:36] exists. Now a different
[00:20:38] approach is being introduced,
[00:20:41] which is based exclusively on uh, in that regard, it can
[00:20:44] be similar and understandable for many leaders
[00:20:47] of the Balkans, where personal uh... your personal, your personal
[00:20:51] interest, the interests of your family or the group of people you are
[00:20:55] surrounded by, are actually much more important than the strategic interests
[00:20:59] of your country, where profit uh
[00:21:02] outweighs everything else, and I would add Greece here. You just
[00:21:06] mentioned Greece, Bulgaria. The Wall Street Journal
[00:21:09] recently wrote about this. Recently, there was a discussion about a project in
[00:21:12] Bosnia and Herzegovina, and so on. World media follow this,
[00:21:16] because these are projects worth several billion dollars.
[00:21:21] Uh, and and and they open the door for
[00:21:24] corruption. So that is one thing. The second thing
[00:21:27] is that, as I said earlier, it opens
[00:21:31] up space for those forces and those people who have not
[00:21:34] had the support of the United States until now. It was
[00:21:38] unimaginable that Dodik or some people in Belgrade,
[00:21:41] nationalists, extreme nationalists, uh
[00:21:44] who champion xenophobic, pro-fascist
[00:21:47] policies and so on, would be supported by,
[00:21:51] by uh America. It doesn't matter if they are
[00:21:55] some marginal, non-marginal, influential or non-influential
[00:21:59] senators whom they meet when they travel to
[00:22:02] America, whether they are some, as I would call them, peculiar
[00:22:06] personalities in their views, but they are senators, they are also
[00:22:10] part of American politics, part of the American milieu, and in that
[00:22:13] regard, uh meeting with them
[00:22:16] or the possibility of meeting with them actually represents
[00:22:20] an exception that did not exist before. In that regard, these forces
[00:22:24] in the Balkans consider themselves supported and
[00:22:28] are starting to be louder, because suddenly it's not just Russia that
[00:22:31] can stand behind them, but suddenly it can also be
[00:22:35] America, as long as this policy that is currently
[00:22:39] in Washington persists. Professor, when we talk
[00:22:42] about Washington, uh, very
[00:22:46] soon we expect something that is uh,
[00:22:49] called... called mid-terms, or midterm elections.
[00:22:52] At this moment, when we look at congressional estimates, and here are some
[00:22:56] of them right on our screen that say that Democrats
[00:23:00] have a 65% chance to win the Senate and
[00:23:04] even a 93% chance to win
[00:23:08] the House of Representatives. Can
[00:23:11] precisely this change that we are seeing, which is
[00:23:14] being announced, both regarding the Senate and regarding the House of
[00:23:18] Representatives, be precisely the key factor in
[00:23:21] stopping those for whom you say are now
[00:23:25] becoming louder, when it comes to Milorad
[00:23:28] Dodik and some other people in the Western
[00:23:31] Balkans? That will certainly, first we need to see what will
[00:23:35] happen and we need to see how President Trump will react, because
[00:23:39] I would not rule out internal destabilization, I mean, I don't consider
[00:23:43] myself a pessimist, an extreme pessimist, but there were some announcements
[00:23:46] that he might again question the elections if
[00:23:51] the elections are negative for him and that he is trying to
[00:23:54] mobilize certain segments in American society to protest.
[00:23:58] My personal opinion is that given the previous
[00:24:02] experience in this case and the current
[00:24:05] quiet uh uh, how
[00:24:07] would I say, rearrangement within the Republican Party,
[00:24:10] uh, I don't know what might come of that,
[00:24:14] but uh, definitely these forces that you
[00:24:17] mentioned in the Balkans, which we talked about, would be
[00:24:20] weakened, because uh, then
[00:24:23] if the Democrats were to
[00:24:26] win the Senate, it is certain that they will win the House of Representatives.
[00:24:30] Even the Republicans no longer question it.
[00:24:33] Their latest statements no longer question it at all.
[00:24:37] But if they take 52 seats, which is now
[00:24:40] being talked about (51 is enough for them, but now they are talking about 52 or even
[00:24:44] 53 seats in the Senate), that would be such a
[00:24:47] strong turn, practically what they would call
[00:24:51] a blue surge or some kind of big blue wave
[00:24:54] that will sweep everything away. Uh, that would
[00:24:58] put Trump in a very difficult situation, because with
[00:25:01] a majority in the Senate, they could
[00:25:05] exert constant pressure on him, which would
[00:25:08] politically weaken him and actually turn America
[00:25:12] towards
[00:25:14] internal uh internal issues
[00:25:17] uh that would weaken or influence American
[00:25:20] presence abroad, including
[00:25:23] the Balkans, uh, and these forces we talked about would no longer be able to
[00:25:27] count on such support as they have so far,
[00:25:30] or if that support was even
[00:25:33] offered, it would be clear that it's something
[00:25:36] that lives short, because the time of that
[00:25:39] administration is definitely questionable, and they have
[00:25:42] big problems at home, and he will be
[00:25:45] a so-called lame-duck president who is actually
[00:25:48] limping and uh, who cannot have
[00:25:52] full political power. Now, one more question for the end,
[00:25:55] professor, this is more of a human question, how do Americans
[00:25:59] live today with these incredibly... high
[00:26:02] prices, especially at gas pumps? I know how important it is
[00:26:06] for Americans to have a full tank,
[00:26:10] but now a gallon costs $6. Donald Trump
[00:26:13] didn't expect that. Now he's trying to solve that price through
[00:26:17] Putin, but how much does that change the way
[00:26:21] Americans look at politics today, and is it
[00:26:24] more important for them to think about what
[00:26:28] they will put on the table for their family to eat tonight
[00:26:31] than what is happening in the Gulf,
[00:26:34] for example, or in Ukraine, or anywhere else
[00:26:37] in the world at this moment? First, President Trump came to the head of America
[00:26:41] promising that there would be no American
[00:26:44] wars or involvement of America in world
[00:26:47] affairs, and he is now the president who has been most
[00:26:51] involved in the last 20 something years if
[00:26:54] we exclude, for example, our wars in the 90s and
[00:26:58] the intervention of the then presidents in
[00:27:02] "in the early 90s, I apologize,
[00:27:06] so first he failed those expectations, as a consequence of that
[00:27:10] failure and
[00:27:13] all, no, this is not a show about that, those wars, actually everything
[00:27:16] he has done so far, uh, at least
[00:27:19] as far as the views of experts are concerned, actually
[00:27:22] did not show American power,
[00:27:26] but everything he did actually contributed to people
[00:27:30] realizing uh the limits of that American power, whether
[00:27:34] it's Iran, whether it's Gaza, whether it's Ukraine, look now
[00:27:37] how Zelensky reacts, remember how it was the first time
[00:27:41] in the Oval Office, look how Canada reacts
[00:27:44] now, tariffs are no longer a bogeyman,
[00:27:47] and so on, so he showed the limitations of power
[00:27:50] everywhere, not at the end of the
[00:27:53] proud America again, or how should we say, Great America
[00:27:57] again, he came to a situation where he had to beg Russia for help to
[00:28:01] get that. so that he has
[00:28:04] this diesel, yes, that is a very important question for
[00:28:07] Americans, it is important because it directly affects
[00:28:11] the economy of every household, but it is important because
[00:28:14] it affects farmers in the Midwest,
[00:28:17] that is Trump's voting base, and
[00:28:21] because they use diesel, and these huge
[00:28:24] price increases actually affect them not being able to
[00:28:29] how they will uh express their... satisfaction
[00:28:33] by voting for that, if you now follow these events
[00:28:36] in the Midwest, the surprising support for candidates
[00:28:40] coming from Democrats in in states where
[00:28:44] Republicans had been continuously winning,
[00:28:47] I don't know and so on, actually indicates
[00:28:51] the depth of the problems that Republicans are
[00:28:54] facing at the moment, and all thanks to Trump who
[00:28:58] is the president of the country,
[00:29:01] Professor, thank you. Thank you for this conversation, thank you for this comprehensive
[00:29:04] analysis of everything we have seen
[00:29:08] not only in the Western Balkans, but
[00:29:11] also regarding the international
[00:29:38] Watch a new day with Minela Jašaropardić
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