N1BOS — broadcast 20261029 213000 UTC 506 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:11] that antagonized, and I [00:00:14] don't see that, but something could happen to a part of society, we saw that on that [00:00:18] election night, uh, when it comes to when it comes to elections in [00:00:22] Serbia, numerous citizens of Banja Luka came out [00:00:24] into the streets, although it's been less than [00:00:27] a month since the elections." We heard messages addressed to Milorad [00:00:31] Dodik, to the ruling structure, [00:00:34] uh, so there is that dissatisfaction that was actually [00:00:38] suppressed during the campaign for the elections in Serbia, but that evening was [00:00:41] used for people to come out and say what they think. [00:00:45] Well, a little, look, [00:00:47] I think Dodik was saved by the fact that his elections were [00:00:51] before Vučić's, if it had been the other way around, he would [00:00:55] surely have fared badly. We will see when it comes to the Republic of [00:00:58] Srpska specifically, how things will. how things will unfold in [00:01:02] a situation when that entity was ruled by father and son, look, and [00:01:05] it's all likely that they will rule, then it is possible that [00:01:08] some some [00:01:11] different interest, social groups can arise that can lead to [00:01:15] some things, in any case, that expect, if you ask me [00:01:18] and you don't ask, I mean expect that [00:01:21] any government in the Republika Srpska entity and any [00:01:25] political party only follows that follows the policy from [00:01:28] Belgrade, that is mine. Yes, but Milorad Dodik, with his messages [00:01:32] in the campaign a few days before the elections [00:01:36] in Serbia in Serbian, that is, Belgrade [00:01:39] media, really destroyed that bridge with [00:01:42] the new government in Belgrade. What will be the relationship between Belgrade [00:01:46] and the republic? [00:01:47] Srpska to act together at the Look, uh, uh, the relationship of any government [00:01:51] in Belgrade, any government in Belgrade regarding [00:01:55] key strategic issues at this [00:01:58] moment in relation to Vučić's. "The government will not significantly change, look, when it comes [00:02:02] to, say, Republika Srpska, [00:02:05] the Dayton Peace Agreement, the genocide in Srebrenica, [00:02:08] the situation in Montenegro, the status of Kosovo, [00:02:11] is it to be expected that the new government will interfere, say, in [00:02:15] the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically Republika Srpska, as we [00:02:18] had in previous periods, of course, it was not publicly [00:02:22] stated, but certainly in gloves, not in that way, not in [00:02:25] that way, look, look, look, not in that way, we [00:02:29] are, we are... All of us, all of us generally, and I think [00:02:32] that's important [00:02:35] Serbia, uh, in my opinion, with this victory, with this change of government, we [00:02:37] all, as a region, we all, as a [00:02:40] region, have conquered a new [00:02:43] step towards building a more [00:02:46] normal, more civilized society, [00:02:49] this is a step forward, it is not radical [00:02:53] or revolutionary, but believe me, I am deeply convinced [00:02:57] that, knowing the history of the dynamics of relations, we are moving [00:03:00] in the right direction, in the right direction, it [00:03:04] is gradual, but we are moving [00:03:07] in the right direction, such, such forms [00:03:10] of interventionism, [00:03:12] such ideologies as the Serbian world, [00:03:15] such impositions of will, [00:03:19] political agendas, national unity, [00:03:22] symbolic, none of that will be on that form anymore, [00:03:26] of course, those people are not, will not stop being Serbs, they have not stopped [00:03:29] being. Serbia, the relationship between Banja Luka and Belgrade [00:03:32] will not be divided in any [00:03:36] way, but we have gained [00:03:39] a greater degree of fairness, [00:03:43] normality, civilization, [00:03:46] regardless, regardless of what the moves will be, of course, [00:03:49] in politics, actions are important, not words, [00:03:53] actions are important, we will see when their government is formed, what [00:03:56] our Council of Ministers will actually do, and it will be formed [00:04:00] at some point, how it will establish relations, whether there will be, say, [00:04:04] sessions, whether we will initiate, that will now depend on [00:04:07] our side, because we are totally passive there, whether we will initiate [00:04:10] a session of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina and [00:04:14] the Government [00:04:16] think that is a basis on of the Republic of Serbia which, instead of it being [00:04:20] sessions between the Government of the Republic of Serbia and the entity of the Republic of Serbia, will we [00:04:24] insist, I would insist or suggest to people to [00:04:27] insist on an interstate agreement on borders [00:04:30] between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, that would be the first test, what kind of government it is, [00:04:34] we will see, let's define the border between the two countries, I mean, [00:04:38] nice words are nice words, that movement is [00:04:41] heterogeneous, there are ugly words too, look, it's a heterogeneous [00:04:44] structure, many people are actually in that whole spectrum, of course, of course, [00:04:48] but what's important are actually the parts, and that now depends actually on [00:04:52] the new Council of Ministers on our side, how it will [00:04:55] position itself towards Belgrade now that [00:04:59] Vučić is gone, he was an excuse that nothing could be done, [00:05:03] I mean, well, since we're talking about forming a government, here too [00:05:06] yes, actually the formation of a government follows very quickly, the CIK has confirmed mandates when it comes to [00:05:09] that state level. "Uh, [00:05:13] we will have, as things stand now, an old new government, not, of course, [00:05:16] this one that we had for the previous four years, but the one we had in some earlier [00:05:20] period, and what new can we expect from [00:05:24] the old coalition that actually showed its [00:05:28] reach, its capacities, and if we take into account that [00:05:31] those inter-party relations are significantly [00:05:34] worse than they were 8 or 12 [00:05:37] years ago, [00:05:41] well, I wouldn't... I don't want to sound pessimistic, I mean [00:05:45] it's not, it's not fair to, to, to young [00:05:48] people, I mean, who expect a bright future, they rightly [00:05:52] expect a bright future, but objectively, from our [00:05:55] existing actors, look, that now goes back to that [00:05:58] story about political representation, we [00:06:01] take actually all the parties that are, all the parties, all of them are not [00:06:05] important now who is who, look, we actually have one [00:06:09] very established party... very [00:06:13] established party oligarchies, one [00:06:16] group of people at the head, at the head of parties and their satellites [00:06:20] who hold [00:06:23] executive power and these parliamentary positions [00:06:27] that do nothing, they have a lot of money, from those [00:06:30] structures that have been more or less two or three decades [00:06:34] here, objectively, it is not to be expected that there will be any [00:06:38] new moves, what is perhaps [00:06:40] positive, well, these changes are conditionally, conditionally [00:06:44] speaking, changes are still changes in the region, so the situation [00:06:48] in Serbia has changed, that opens up a new space, it opens up space for [00:06:51] initiative, look, you can now knock on the door of the Serbian government [00:06:55] and ask, let's define an interstate agreement on [00:06:58] borders, uh, the situation is more positive in Montenegro, [00:07:02] that European wind, European actually [00:07:05] we are now an isolated island that is anti-European [00:07:09] in the very heart of Europe, that wind is positive. [00:07:12] Look, we have, we have in the neighborhood a powerful Plenković, [00:07:16] objectively a powerful European figure who, whether he is at [00:07:19] the peak of his political career or on the decline, it doesn't matter now, but when it comes [00:07:23] to Brussels, he can help us a lot, the position [00:07:26] of the Croatian political factor in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the elections for [00:07:30] a member of the presidency is significantly more favorable, [00:07:33] some new possibilities are opening up that were perhaps [00:07:37] closed with Komšić until now, so these external circumstances, in my opinion, [00:07:41] are in favor [00:07:43] of some normal, smart, responsible domestic people, if there [00:07:47] are any in power, I am not optimistic, that [00:07:51] some things here here [00:07:54] will change, meaning our micro-regional environment [00:07:58] is favorable for this government, regardless of the fact that these are old [00:08:01] people, it is only expected that someone, that someone starts doing their job, that someone has [00:08:05] the will to work, Mr. Filandra, thank you very much for your time and this commentary on current topics, [00:08:09] thank you. Tacir [00:08:12] Filendra, professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences [00:10:08] focus in recent days, due to his sharp views on the government in Republika Srpska [00:10:12] after... political changes in Serbia, but also on the relationship between Banja Luka and Belgrade [00:10:15] and the possibilities of post-election opposition gathering [00:10:19] on this side of the Drina, the president of the PDP of Republika [00:10:22] Srpska, the old new member of parliament in the National Assembly. of Republika Srpska, [00:10:25] former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Igor Crnadak, is with [00:10:29] us. Mr. Crnadak, good evening first [00:10:31] of all. Good evening, greetings to you, greetings [00:10:34] to the viewers of your television. We will talk [00:10:37] about developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but let's start with what [00:10:40] is perhaps most important these days in the region. The student list won [00:10:44] the elections in Serbia. Uh, what do you think will be [00:10:48] the first concrete consequences of these changes, for example, for Republika [00:10:52] Srpska? [00:10:55] "Well, it's too early to say, I can only say that the first [00:10:59] things I hear, I see, are [00:11:02] encouraging, so there was a [00:11:05] big, there was a big, uh, [00:11:08] dilemma, there was some fear, it was even attempted [00:11:12] to be instilled that this structure would give up on Republika [00:11:15] Srpska, that it would simply put it somewhere [00:11:18] as a last resort, but what we heard [00:11:22] is that Serbia remains with the Republic. of Srpska, that [00:11:26] when it comes to the Dayton Agreement, its constitutional and legal [00:11:29] competencies and all that makes [00:11:31] it, uh, actually, uh, Republika [00:11:35] Srpska, will continue to stand by us, that cooperation [00:11:39] will intensively continue in accordance with the constitution, [00:11:42] laws and the agreement on special ties in practically all [00:11:46] segments, so I think that is a very [00:11:49] important, a very important position at the beginning, the second thing that [00:11:53] is for me, uh, really... I was extremely happy to hear that, [00:11:56] uh, I think, for example, that when it comes to the very victory [00:12:00] of the student list, the only person in, not only Republika [00:12:04] Srpska, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina, who has the right to completely say that [00:12:07] it is his victory, who participated in [00:12:11] it, quite participated, was very directly [00:12:14] involved, that is, that is Nebojša Vukanović, I think that part, [00:12:18] uh, of the glory, if I may say so, as [00:12:21] someone who advocated for months. that [00:12:25] story should rather belong to him, but also I [00:12:28] want to say that there is a [00:12:31] quite large circle of people, [00:12:34] uh, voters, if you want, ultimately, [00:12:38] and, uh, people in politics who [00:12:41] have ideas, who advocate and fight for years [00:12:44] precisely for those things that the student list [00:12:47] is talking about today, and that is what is encouraging for me, so [00:12:50] in the first statement, Mr. Serdanović, the list [00:12:54] holder. "When asked about Banja Luka, [00:12:58] Sarajevo, the region, he said one, one [00:13:01] sentence that I really think is extremely important, he [00:13:04] said, we will look for, of course, besides the first part that I already [00:13:08] explained, which concerns Republika Srpska, after that he said: "We will [00:13:11] look for regional partners, uh, [00:13:14] therefore - how much congruence [00:13:17] with, uh, our fundamental social values, [00:13:21] he cited as main elements..." [00:13:26] "the rule of law, equality of all before [00:13:29] the law, freedom of media, attitude towards [00:13:32] corruption, and I think that is something that everyone who is well-meaning [00:13:35] in this country should accept and mark as something optimistic [00:13:39] and something that is in its announcement very, very [00:13:43] positive, that Milorad Dodik was among the first from Republika Srpska [00:13:47] to congratulate the students on their victory, how do you [00:13:49] view that primarily in the context of Dodik's [00:13:52] participation in the SNS campaign and the ugly [00:13:56] words expressed in the Belgrade media [00:13:59] a few days before the elections precisely at the expense of that same [00:14:03] student list? [00:14:06] Well, I've talked about it many times, I wouldn't want to repeat it too much, [00:14:10] and I myself was once a target, and we saw [00:14:13] many, many others, uh, his [00:14:17] arrogant behavior, [00:14:19] completely inappropriate behavior, he is a person [00:14:23] who has no, no real, so to speak, [00:14:26] value vertical, he has no, I have a feeling he [00:14:30] has no thing that he would be ashamed of, so [00:14:33] it was no problem for him to congratulate the students while he was still, [00:14:37] it seems to me, in the SNS headquarters, so [00:14:40] that's, that's simply a phenomenon and I wouldn't spend [00:14:43] too many words on it, what is, uh, what [00:14:47] is interesting is that now we will see how things [00:14:50] will develop between Serbia, us and... [00:14:52] Because now there is a serious danger that Republika Srpska itself will [00:14:56] jeopardize these relations, which would not be [00:15:00] good at all, uh, [00:15:03] we will see if, uh, people [00:15:06] from Republika Srpska, i.e., from the leadership of this [00:15:09] SNSD coalition, have heard, do they understand the messages from [00:15:13] the other side and we will see how they will enter this [00:15:17] process of forming a government, [00:15:20] because we had not only harsh [00:15:23] words from Dodik towards the students, but... many many others, [00:15:26] and we will see who will be at the head of parliament, [00:15:29] we will see who will be ministers in the government, I sincerely [00:15:32] hope that SNSD will not [00:15:35] drag us into conflict with the new authorities in Serbia, that [00:15:39] they will not go into such, uh, [00:15:42] adventures and such thoughtless things as [00:15:47] people to important positions who were just yesterday [00:15:50] spitting on the student list, but [00:15:53] we will see, that's it, that's all up to them, I think that [00:15:57] uh that it would be good if all those who [00:16:01] spoke ill of the student list, their [00:16:04] representatives, these days, as soon as possible, in... send [00:16:07] apologies, to repent, to simply not [00:16:11] be an obstacle to establishing even [00:16:14] better relations between Republika Srpska and Serbia, that will not [00:16:17] be possible if people who launched the most disgusting [00:16:21] attacks against students, now [00:16:24] insist on being in some important positions in [00:16:28] Republika Srpska, if they mean well to their people, if they mean well [00:16:31] to Republika Srpska, uh, that ruling coalition will [00:16:35] push aside the most aggressive people, [00:16:39] as someone with long-standing political experience, I want to ask you, [00:16:43] can the wave of student revolt spread to the surrounding [00:16:46] areas, for example, to Republika Srpska, or what we [00:16:50] have seen in the last two years in Serbia, which ultimately [00:16:53] resulted in that change of government, uh, the removal [00:16:57] of Aleksandar Vučić, is it related only to that area and to that momentum [00:17:01] that happened there? [00:17:04] Of course it can, but it's not that [00:17:07] simple, first, let's not [00:17:10] forget the student list and this [00:17:13] magnificent triumph [00:17:16] did not happen on the eve of the campaign, it's something that has been going on for [00:17:19] two years, so you have a serious group, these [00:17:23] are thousands and thousands of young people who have risen up, who [00:17:27] have said enough, who [00:17:30] have started to, [00:17:33] uh, to crisscross [00:17:35] the Republic of Serbia. Uh, from [00:17:39] Vranje to Subotica, [00:17:43] with various performances, various events, gatherings, [00:17:46] big, uh, big events, like the one on [00:17:50] March 15th, traveling to Strasbourg, to [00:17:53] Brussels, attracting attention in various ways, motivating [00:17:56] people, mobilizing [00:17:58] people, various actions, so all of that lasted [00:18:02] for two years, and the result of that was this, uh, [00:18:06] student list, so... So, that's how it can be [00:18:09] done, for it to fall now from the sky and just because it happened in [00:18:13] Serbia, it happens here too, that unfortunately doesn't work that way, it can't [00:18:17] work that way, but what is, for me, [00:18:20] really encouraging, that's what I [00:18:24] sincerely believe, you can see and [00:18:28] feel and hear, that, uh, that kind [00:18:31] of change when it comes to topics like [00:18:34] justice, freedom, the desire for those who [00:18:38] stole from the people to be held accountable, the desire for those who were [00:18:41] arrogant, who abused their subordinates, [00:18:44] who abused power, [00:18:47] to be held accountable, you have that here too, you definitely have that [00:18:51] here too, and I expect that [00:18:54] that domino effect will happen, it will surely happen, it's just [00:18:58] a matter of time and method, but well, I wouldn't [00:19:01] go into that any more at this moment, [00:19:05] because, uh, I am convinced that... it feels [00:19:08] that after this uncovering in the previous [00:19:12] period in Republika Srpska where we saw that [00:19:15] simply uh you didn't have a clear [00:19:19] picture of who was in power and who was the alternative, not to use the word [00:19:23] opposition anymore, I think that is slowly crystallizing, that [00:19:27] from that one political swamp in Republika [00:19:30] Srpska, an articulated force will emerge [00:19:34] that will be, uh, [00:19:36] an alternative. that will finally remove [00:19:39] the SNSD regime, yes, but young people came out, and [00:19:43] not just young people, there were people of different ages on [00:19:47] Sunday evening on the streets of Banja Luka, some [00:19:50] said, Mile, you are next, uh, [00:19:53] you said Banja Luka is next, when you say Banja Luka, [00:19:57] who exactly do you mean, whether local or just [00:20:00] government, at the level of Republika [00:20:02] Srpska, [00:20:05] well, I was at that, at that. of course, and - [00:20:09] yes, that was one of the most common chants, [00:20:12] Mile, you are next, I think that people have shown [00:20:16] that they somehow feel that after all [00:20:20] those events that have been happening since August 30th and the departure [00:20:23] of Milo Đukanović, through what is now the latest [00:20:27] departure, uh, of Orban and the collapse of power [00:20:31] in Serbia, they somehow feel that that [00:20:34] one, uh... "the autocracy we have [00:20:38] here is actually the longest-lived, because [00:20:41] it, it, well, has reached 20 [00:20:44] years, it must end, because people, the way [00:20:47] institutions are captured here, the way [00:20:51] public RTV service [00:20:54] sows hatred, the way it [00:20:57] is a factory of lies, the way it is, uh, [00:21:01] a cancerous tissue in Republika Srpska, that is, [00:21:05] that is unsustainable, these are simply things that [00:21:08] must be stopped and you can see in people [00:21:11] that they expect that to happen, [00:21:15] it's just a question of when and how, for example, because of that, [00:21:19] I believe... "that positive effects will come from [00:21:22] Serbia because uh on [00:21:26] those value bases they are talking about now, if [00:21:29] they continue that way, it will be something that will have to spill over [00:21:33] here, because they simply will not [00:21:36] imagine what they could talk about today, [00:21:40] for example, this new victorious [00:21:43] student list with the government in Banja Luka, I [00:21:46] don't see a single common topic they have. except [00:21:50] the Dayton Agreement and the need to protect [00:21:53] Republika Srpska in that Dayton sense, [00:21:56] everything else regarding the functioning of institutions, [00:22:00] uh, issues of freedom, issues of justice, issues [00:22:03] of legality, issues of corruption, [00:22:07] there are no, there are no common topics, so, uh, [00:22:10] simply that context will create, I'm sure, [00:22:14] conditions for change here too, yes, but you say when and [00:22:17] how, that is a question that will certainly... who [00:22:20] uh which arises on its own, even if some revolt [00:22:24] and wave of dissatisfaction occur, there are two years until local, [00:22:27] four years until general elections, would such [00:22:31] a revolt actually be a shot [00:22:32] in the dark? [00:22:35] We will see, I don't want to say anything in advance, uh, some [00:22:38] things I know, I wouldn't want to reveal them so as not to jeopardize what [00:22:42] follows, on the other hand, we must [00:22:45] also consider the possibility of having [00:22:49] early elections. "Because, to be honest, I, [00:22:52] for the third time in a row, received support from the citizens of Republika [00:22:56] Srpska to be a member of parliament, and I am ready to return [00:23:00] my mandate tomorrow if we go to new elections, I think [00:23:04] that, for example, uh, realistically speaking, now when [00:23:07] you see how much influence Serbia had on the elections [00:23:10] uh in Republika Srpska, how much [00:23:13] uh all parties in power were directly [00:23:16] connected there, all parties in power had their patrons [00:23:20] in in [00:23:25] in what way [00:23:28] did it even happen that the opposition had two candidates for the presidency, in what [00:23:31] way did it happen that Branko Blanuša was completely [00:23:34] discredited until election day, I think [00:23:38] when all that is considered, it would now be fairest for the [00:23:41] new President of the Republic to dissolve the National Assembly [00:23:45] and call new elections when he takes [00:23:48] office, i.e., to dissolve new elections, but [00:23:52] no, I don't believe the government is ready for that, it could happen that [00:23:56] a kind of pressure, a serious [00:23:59] pressure, for us to achieve the liberation of our [00:24:03] institutions, for us to breathe again, that it might create [00:24:07] conditions for that, so we will see, I wouldn't be [00:24:10] so sure that we will wait four years for changes here, and [00:24:14] local elections will go according to their own [00:24:18] dynamics, and you could already see, uh, [00:24:21] well, I won't even go there so as not to spoil some conversations that [00:24:25] are already in progress, I won't reveal too [00:24:28] much there either, but you already saw the results in Banja Luka hinted [00:24:32] that there is a strong core, a serious, [00:24:36] serious uh structure [00:24:39] that can be [00:24:42] precisely that, that one change, a value change, [00:24:46] to change the philosophy of governance, to change the way [00:24:50] of thinking that, uh... that you actually don't rule in a way that you bring yourself [00:24:53] benefits, but you are, if you want to do good for your people, some kind [00:24:57] of servant to the people, and [00:25:01] I, I, I I feel, I am convinced, that is my [00:25:04] personal opinion now, that things in the Republic of Srpska will go in that direction, in that [00:25:08] way, but we'll see, I think we shouldn't, as our [00:25:12] people say, rush things, a big change has happened, a major [00:25:16] change, and we need to give some time for events. [00:25:20] that will follow, to do their part, yes, but for any change, [00:25:23] a united opposition is necessary. You say you expect [00:25:26] opposition members from the Republic of Srpska to say who [00:25:29] is truly ready for changes. Did you [00:25:32] get an answer to this question relatively recently, say less than [00:25:36] a month ago when there were elections in the Republic of Srpska? We saw how [00:25:40] unfortunately the opposition performed. [00:25:44] The opposition is mostly to blame for having such a result, even though the [00:25:48] government had enormous. enormous amounts of dirty money, even though [00:25:52] the pressure on public sector employees was unprecedented and [00:25:55] terrifying, but the greatest responsibility still lies with the opposition. I said [00:25:59] that before and I'm saying it now. How will the... [00:26:03] It will go in two phases, in my opinion. One phase is to first see who the [00:26:06] opposition is at all, and the second phase is those who [00:26:10] are the opposition, or rather I would use the term [00:26:13] alternative more, because the opposition can be someone who wants to [00:26:17] remove the government to do the same thing the government is doing, they can be [00:26:21] the opposition, but we need to use the term [00:26:24] alternative, because that indicates [00:26:27] that you are committed to values which are actually, here, the values [00:26:31] that the student list talks about, [00:26:34] uh, that in that way you want to change the way [00:26:38] of governing in the Republic of Srpska, that's it, because if you [00:26:41] have, uh, if you have one of the [00:26:44] key officials and the main [00:26:47] candidate, who sits with Milorad [00:26:51] Dodik, makes agreements, about money, about I don't know what [00:26:54] else, how can you, how can you [00:26:58] simply, how do you expect to be able to create a serious, [00:27:02] compact, opposition and alternative story with such people, [00:27:05] if you have another [00:27:08] official who in the middle of [00:27:10] Banja Luka, in the middle of the campaign 15 days before the elections [00:27:14] has lunch with Igor Dodik, what kind of [00:27:17] message is that? So, we have to, we'll see how the [00:27:20] voting for the House of [00:27:23] Peoples goes and we'll see how the formation of government [00:27:27] in Sarajevo in Banja Luka goes. I think after all that we will have a clear [00:27:31] picture of who that core of that alternative [00:27:34] is, on the basis of which people and [00:27:37] which policies that alternative for [00:27:41] the Republic of Srpska will gather around, let's say. Yes, since you're [00:27:44] mentioning the formation of government, Milorad Dodik offered the opposition from the Republic of [00:27:50] level of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From [00:27:53] certain opposition structures, uh, [00:27:57] they view that offer positively. What is your opinion on all [00:28:00] that? [00:28:04] "Well, you know my opinion, I will repeat it once more, both I personally [00:28:08] and the PDP of the Republic of Srpska, will certainly not [00:28:11] participate in such things, and if [00:28:14] anything has shown us what happened in [00:28:18] Serbia, then it is that finally [00:28:22] everyone here needs to understand, with the regime you can only pursue a [00:28:25] policy of either us or them, if you don't make [00:28:29] a big, big kind of [00:28:32] uh..." "No changes, it's not possible, it was seen, [00:28:35] it's not possible on the principle of cooperation, [00:28:38] common plans, common projects, common [00:28:41] embraces, with a regime that has already for 20 years here [00:28:46] entrenched its roots in all institutions as deeply [00:28:49] as possible, there are no negotiations there. So, uh, [00:28:53] that is a matter that I hope now, I hope it is [00:28:57] clear to everyone now, and that's why it's very important that [00:29:00] uh that..." "simply that kind of line [00:29:04] is drawn so that [00:29:06] on that, on that somewhat clear division which is not [00:29:10] artificial, we know exactly [00:29:13] all this that we are talking about when it [00:29:16] comes to the functioning of the system, when it comes to [00:29:19] an incredible corruption, an [00:29:22] incredible occupation, party dominance over [00:29:26] institutions, that it is something that can no longer be tolerated here, something that [00:29:30] must lead to changes, so..." Uh, [00:29:34] it is primarily important that [00:29:37] the people who will be performing, who [00:29:40] will be leading that, that process of change, [00:29:44] regardless of whether they are people you already [00:29:47] know who are already active or there will be some completely new people, I [00:29:51] hope there will be as many as possible, but that they [00:29:55] repeat exactly the same story, it is [00:29:58] a story about governing through institutions, it is a story about... [00:30:03] uh the need to end corruption, it is [00:30:06] a story about the fact that the money that until now in hundreds of millions [00:30:10] went towards corruption, should be [00:30:13] used to improve the living standard of all citizens. I [00:30:18] which we need to work and finally I want to [00:30:21] ask you one more thing, at the United Nations Security Council [00:30:25] tomorrow the OHR report will be read which contains a series of criticisms [00:30:28] against the authorities in the Republic of Srpska. [00:30:32] "Do you think lobbying in Washington will succeed in amortizing [00:30:36] the messages of Louis [00:30:37] Krishuk?" [00:30:41] I'm not very optimistic, it made more sense to me that if they already have some [00:30:44] influence, they would have done it by now, but look, two [00:30:48] days, already two full days they are [00:30:51] silent, uh, isn't it illogical [00:30:54] precisely the report written by an [00:30:58] American.