N1BOS — broadcast
20261102 153000 UTC
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[00:02:09] about current events in Serbia as well as possible scenarios for forming government in
[00:02:13] Bosnia and Herzegovina and expectations from the next
[00:02:15] four-year mandate and some other topics. Next,
[00:02:19] we talk with political analyst Srećko Latalo. Good day to you and welcome.
[00:02:22] Good day. Glad to hear from you. I would like to follow up on what
[00:02:26] we were just watching. So Nenad Nešić,
[00:02:29] a colleague from Belgrade, reported on the events of the Alta Bank
[00:02:32] case. Do you expect that the Alta Bank
[00:02:36] case will spill over to Bosnia and Herzegovina, given that that bank cooperated with
[00:02:40] the Government of Republika Srpska and accredited some
[00:02:43] quite expensive projects
[00:02:47] near Jahorina? You see, this
[00:02:50] is what was expected,
[00:02:53] what was expected,
[00:02:56] this de facto immediately after the election night,
[00:03:00] that these information about what all was happening
[00:03:04] and what was being done by the authorities in
[00:03:08] Serbia
[00:03:11] will slowly start to come out
[00:03:14] into the public, because it is obvious that this system
[00:03:18] is faltering, although again I must emphasize that all of this that is
[00:03:22] happening now is still being done by
[00:03:25] the old structures of power, so these are not now
[00:03:29] some new powers, it is not a student list, but these are
[00:03:33] old powers, this
[00:03:37] way, so it is very possible that
[00:03:40] part of those institutions are now trying
[00:03:43] to do what should have been done long ago, perhaps because
[00:03:47] they were waiting for the moment, perhaps because
[00:03:50] they are trying to fight for a place in that new
[00:03:54] system that is being prepared,
[00:03:57] but to be honest, I expect... many more
[00:04:01] similar activities
[00:04:04] that we will yet see and I think much bigger than what is
[00:04:08] being talked about now regarding Alta Bank, not
[00:04:11] only regarding what the government
[00:04:15] in Serbia did, but also what they did
[00:04:18] and connected
[00:04:21] people from the government of Republika Srpska,
[00:04:24] because, as is known, they also had
[00:04:28] accounts in that bank
[00:04:32] and projects and loans and so on,
[00:04:35] there are all sorts of stories, but it's not right to talk
[00:04:39] without any, let's say, concrete
[00:04:42] confirmations of details, so
[00:04:45] maybe it's better to leave that for another day. Yes, for
[00:04:49] many in the world, the victory of the student list in Serbia was a surprise,
[00:04:53] and we saw those different reactions,
[00:04:56] we saw Milorad Dodik who participated in the autumn campaign.
[00:05:00] He sent different messages during that campaign, then on
[00:05:04] election night, after leaving the SNS election headquarters,
[00:05:08] he congratulated the student list. Milorad Dodik had similar
[00:05:11] endeavors before, but do you expect that
[00:05:15] his daring move will succeed, that he will manage
[00:05:18] to open doors somewhere with the future government in
[00:05:21] Serbia, that he will continue to be someone
[00:05:24] who will be viewed as
[00:05:28] an interlocutor and partner? Well,
[00:05:30] you see, it is impossible at this moment
[00:05:34] to answer that question or any similar question
[00:05:37] because the dismantling
[00:05:40] of Aleksandar Vučić's government
[00:05:44] has de facto not even begun yet. There are still
[00:05:48] many things that need to be done procedurally and
[00:05:52] first, the election results need to be confirmed, a
[00:05:55] new parliament needs to be convened, and then a new government needs to be formed. Only
[00:05:59] then, when a new government is formed, which will probably not be until
[00:06:03] December, maybe even January, the question
[00:06:06] is whether Vučić's party will try
[00:06:10] to slow it down, block it, stop
[00:06:13] it, and so on. So only when a new government is formed can we
[00:06:17] actually see who will be in that government
[00:06:20] and what they will
[00:06:24] do, first and foremost related to Serbia, and therefore
[00:06:27] related to Republika Srpska. However, what
[00:06:30] I think is evident from these first not only
[00:06:34] statements but also actions of
[00:06:38] student lists, their political representatives, but also those
[00:06:42] institutions of power in Serbia that seem to be waking up now
[00:06:45] and starting to do something they should have done long ago, it seems
[00:06:48] quite evident that
[00:06:51] Mr. Dodik and his government and his
[00:06:55] tycoons and all the people who were involved
[00:06:59] ovaj
[00:07:02] scrutiny very soon, because as is known,
[00:07:05] Mr. Dodik personally, his family
[00:07:09] have a lot of property, as far as I hear, some
[00:07:12] in Serbia, so I think
[00:07:16] we will, let's say, see that in some upcoming
[00:07:19] episodes. Yes, that student list structure is quite
[00:07:22] heterogeneous and sent different messages
[00:07:26] regarding the region, meaning different actors from
[00:07:30] the student list sent different messages, some of them
[00:07:33] scared voters from Republika Srpska who have dual
[00:07:37] citizenship. But when everything is considered, at least these
[00:07:40] first messages
[00:07:42] after the elections, what consequences can the election results in Serbia
[00:07:46] have on political relations in the region and here on
[00:07:49] relations between Serbia and Bosnia
[00:07:53] and Herzegovina specifically in the coming period? Well, you see, in my opinion, one should
[00:07:56] not be naive or hasty with any
[00:07:59] analyses. I don't perceive this
[00:08:03] as a victory of good over evil,
[00:08:06] but simply as the beginning of a process
[00:08:10] that, God willing,
[00:08:13] will lead to some democratization of
[00:08:16] Serbia, normalization, better functioning of their
[00:08:19] government institutions. If and
[00:08:23] when that happens, it will certainly have a great
[00:08:27] impact on the rest of the region, because Serbia is still the largest
[00:08:31] country, both politically and economically the strongest,
[00:08:35] so it will certainly
[00:08:38] have an impact on the situation in Bosnia and
[00:08:41] Herzegovina, primarily in Republika Srpska, but
[00:08:45] also on relations
[00:08:47] between the so-called political Sarajevo and Belgrade.
[00:08:50] But it must also be said that it will largely
[00:08:54] depend on our politicians, and I
[00:08:57] sincerely hope that they will recognize
[00:09:01] the opportunity that these election results provide
[00:09:04] them. On the other hand, I think it is also very
[00:09:08] important to say that these election results...
[00:09:13] the defeat of Vučić, who completely
[00:09:16] controlled the political scene, the media
[00:09:20] scene, the economic scene in Serbia,
[00:09:23] sends a very, very serious
[00:09:26] warning, I think to all
[00:09:29] politicians in the entire region, because let's
[00:09:33] be clear, Serbia, with
[00:09:36] Vučić in power, was de
[00:09:39] facto an autocracy.
[00:09:43] Let's be clear, Bosnia and Herzegovina is not much
[00:09:46] different, just a little more complicated, because we have three
[00:09:50] autocracies in combination,
[00:09:53] but what is one message that really resonated with me and which I think is
[00:09:56] very, very important, perhaps the most important of all at this
[00:10:00] moment for the beginning of this
[00:10:04] process, it was that message, that
[00:10:07] conclusion of some of the political representatives of the student
[00:10:10] list, that
[00:10:13] Vučić did not defend that, that is, that Serbia was not
[00:10:17] threatened by external enemies, but primarily
[00:10:19] by internal ones. I think that absolutely
[00:10:23] the same statement applies
[00:10:27] to Bosnia and Herzegovina and probably to the rest of the Balkans. From your
[00:10:30] answer, I have two additional questions.
[00:10:34] First, it concerns how, as a long-time political
[00:10:37] analyst, you explain that a group that actually
[00:10:41] emerged from student unrest
[00:10:44] managed to defeat a government that ruled for 14 years
[00:10:48] the way it ruled, and you say autocratically, which had
[00:10:51] all levers in its hands, control of the media,
[00:10:55] control of money, control
[00:10:57] of the police, how do you explain that? Well, you see,
[00:11:01] there are several explanations, that is,
[00:11:04] it is probably most realistic,
[00:11:07] most realistic, some combination of those solutions,
[00:11:11] from retrograde Mercury to
[00:11:14] the folk proverb, "the pitcher goes to the well
[00:11:17] until it breaks," meaning everything sooner or
[00:11:21] later comes to an end,
[00:11:24] so the big question was whether those
[00:11:27] results would really be as they turned out to be.
[00:11:30] Here, also, let's say, these
[00:11:34] elections in Serbia sent a message primarily, for example,
[00:11:37] to voters and citizens of Bosnia and
[00:11:41] Herzegovina, which is that the victory
[00:11:44] of the student list, that is, a political or
[00:11:48] the beginning of a political
[00:11:51] change, is the result of a very high turnout.
[00:11:55] And what my colleagues, for example, told me before those
[00:11:58] elections is
[00:12:00] that, in essence, the elections would be decided by turnout, and
[00:12:04] they told me that if the turnout was over 60
[00:12:08] to 65%, Vučić would surely lose, up to about
[00:12:12] 60%, the results would be close,
[00:12:14] and I think that is
[00:12:18] precisely that, again, a conclusion
[00:12:21] that is important and a message that is very important for everyone.
[00:12:25] us, if we want change,
[00:12:28] change is possible, no matter how impossible it may seem to
[00:12:32] us at this moment, but sooner or
[00:12:35] later everything changes,
[00:12:38] but for something to change, people must
[00:12:41] become active. My second question is precisely on that topic, it concerns
[00:12:45] the spillover of this unrest
[00:12:48] into the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We know that during that pre-election campaign in
[00:12:52] Serbia, in Banja Luka, it was not allowed for students from
[00:12:55] Serbia to come and present that, nor for professors to actually give lectures,
[00:12:59] and we know what happened to those students, cyclists who set out to
[00:13:03] enter Bosnia and Herzegovina, but we had
[00:13:05] on that election night not only young people,
[00:13:09] but also other citizens of Banja Luka in the streets, a clear
[00:13:12] message, one of them was, "Mile, you are
[00:13:15] next." Is there a possibility, given that we
[00:13:19] have finished the election process, that we will wait two years for the next local elections,
[00:13:23] and four years for general elections. That this dissatisfaction
[00:13:26] will spread to Bosnia and Herzegovina, or due to the fact that our
[00:13:30] elections are far away and that we have such a system as we have, we cannot
[00:13:34] experience something similar? Well,
[00:13:36] you see, on the one hand, as I
[00:13:40] said, the constitutional
[00:13:43] or administrative structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina
[00:13:46] makes the possibility of such
[00:13:49] processes a little more difficult, perhaps a little
[00:13:52] more complicated, because it makes it so.
[00:13:55] Yes, we are de facto a fragmented
[00:13:57] society that functions in
[00:14:01] three parallel universes
[00:14:04] of ethno-politics. It is perhaps difficult
[00:14:07] to expect all the cards to align at the same
[00:14:11] time in all three ethno-political universes,
[00:14:15] but on the one hand, it is not impossible.
[00:14:17] For example, we saw in 2014,
[00:14:20] then Milorad Dodik recognized
[00:14:24] the moment when, after the floods,
[00:14:27] when processes began in the Federation, that he very
[00:14:30] successfully stopped them
[00:14:34] from spreading to Republika Srpska. However, on the other
[00:14:38] hand, I think that precisely in Republika
[00:14:41] Srpska, specifically, there is a much greater danger of those processes
[00:14:44] from Serbia spilling over than perhaps in the Federation, so I would
[00:14:48] perhaps dare to say that it is possible
[00:14:52] that these processes will now start in Republika Srpska. Before,
[00:14:55] more strongly, will perhaps the Federation, that is, students in
[00:14:59] the Federation, catch up with their
[00:15:02] colleagues from Republika Srpska? I mean, you see, these are stories
[00:15:06] that have not yet been told, which in principle
[00:15:09] depend on all of us individually and collectively. Yes, in the end,
[00:15:13] the students in Serbia did not do it alone, that's right, but I think the
[00:15:17] key question is whether we, how long
[00:15:21] will we be satisfied living in a country that is
[00:15:25] with people who are, in my opinion, wonderful,
[00:15:28] the vast majority of them, but which, even
[00:15:32] today, means it has water reductions, where in Republika Srpska,
[00:15:36] for example, the question is how long
[00:15:38] their electricity system will be maintained without
[00:15:42] coal, where both entities are
[00:15:45] increasingly indebted, and
[00:15:49] where financial stability depends on new
[00:15:52] borrowing, which will, I think,
[00:15:55] very soon, I think, prove to be a problem for Republika Srpska, as they
[00:15:59] will no longer be able to count on that at least at this moment. So it's a snowball that
[00:16:02] keeps growing, that's right, so I think that's the key
[00:16:06] question. And here, Bosnia and Herzegovina, I think in a way,
[00:16:09] the war that was particularly brutal in
[00:16:13] Bosnia and Herzegovina has made us here in this country
[00:16:17] somewhat more resilient
[00:16:20] to these external or internal adversities. When I say external,
[00:16:24] I mean within our country, not outside BiH.
[00:16:27] So
[00:16:31] what is perhaps at the same time somehow
[00:16:34] an advantage for us Bosnians and Herzegovinians
[00:16:38] is that we, well, it's good as long as it doesn't
[00:16:41] shoot. We have become stubborn, but then
[00:16:45] perhaps because of that, we avoid the possibility of
[00:16:48] realistically making this country at least a little
[00:16:52] better, which I think is absolutely not difficult. And
[00:16:55] here, very concretely,
[00:16:58] now, we had our elections, now
[00:17:01] some new governments need to be formed. By the end of
[00:17:05] the year, we will lose 300
[00:17:08] million euros from non-refundable funds of the European
[00:17:12] Union just because our political representatives who are
[00:17:15] currently in power were not ready to pass
[00:17:19] two laws and one decision. I mean, in today's
[00:17:22] global crisis, even much richer countries
[00:17:26] will make sure
[00:17:30] to do what needs to be done so they don't lose
[00:17:33] 380 million euros. Yes,
[00:17:36] over the weekend, for us, afternoon, we had a meeting of the Security
[00:17:40] Council of the United Nations. Bosnia and Herzegovina,
[00:17:43] OHR, Altea mission, were discussed.
[00:17:46] After hearing those messages, what is your conclusion, does
[00:17:50] the position of the United States still dominate,
[00:17:54] which significantly shapes the messages coming
[00:17:58] from the Security Council? Well, yes, I mean, that's
[00:18:02] perhaps, let's say, a big slap for the European
[00:18:05] Union that this America,
[00:18:09] which realistically has a very
[00:18:12] chaotic policy, both internal
[00:18:15] and external, still
[00:18:19] has, I dare say, a more positive and
[00:18:22] concrete, much more concrete influence and engagement in
[00:18:25] Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkans than the European
[00:18:29] Union. I have heard from several sources
[00:18:32] what is now being written in the media that, for example,
[00:18:36] a message was sent to Vučić
[00:18:39] on Sunday afternoon
[00:18:42] not to embark on those
[00:18:46] activities that he allegedly planned. All of us who followed
[00:18:49] those elections in Serbia saw that special
[00:18:53] purpose units and vehicles were ready
[00:18:56] and deployed in the city center around the assembly and so on.
[00:19:00] So a call from Washington,
[00:19:04] whatever that Washington is today, is
[00:19:08] obviously still much
[00:19:10] more important and has a much greater effect
[00:19:13] in the Balkans
[00:19:16] than, unfortunately, the European Union.
[00:19:20] I think something similar is happening here in Bosnia and
[00:19:23] Herzegovina. We have seen in the past year,
[00:19:27] and even two years, despite the agreement that
[00:19:31] Milorad Dodik made with the American administration, because
[00:19:35] of which he, that is, after which
[00:19:39] they removed him and his family and their
[00:19:41] numerous companies from the list of American
[00:19:45] sanctions, that he still did not go
[00:19:48] further in that traditional process of
[00:19:52] initiatives for secession and so on and so forth,
[00:19:55] which, in my opinion, is perhaps the only
[00:19:59] potential cause of some more
[00:20:03] serious, bigger problems in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that is, these
[00:20:06] unilateral attempts
[00:20:10] to change either the constitutional
[00:20:13] order or borders. I think
[00:20:17] that Bosnia and Herzegovina is in a strange
[00:20:21] way stable in its instability.
[00:20:24] We heard messages regarding the OHR. Will
[00:20:27] the OHR get a new head, or will
[00:20:30] we watch this agony we have today with the Office
[00:20:34] of the High Representative? Until someone agrees,
[00:20:37] and we actually know who should agree,
[00:20:41] according to my information, that is not even a topic
[00:20:44] in international circles anymore. What was clearly
[00:20:48] told to me by my sources, both American and European,
[00:20:52] is that until these American mid-term
[00:20:56] elections, which are
[00:20:59] now in a day or two,
[00:21:03] or tomorrow, tomorrow,
[00:21:05] nothing will change, nothing will
[00:21:08] happen. So everyone is
[00:21:11] now focused on that, of course the American administration,
[00:21:15] that is, Democrats and Republicans,
[00:21:18] and without a clearer stance from America
[00:21:22] on that issue, Europe, unfortunately, has nothing to
[00:21:25] do, so I think that question
[00:21:29] will be resolved or
[00:21:32] addressed in December at
[00:21:34] the next Pika meeting, although again,
[00:21:37] I expect that in December,
[00:21:40] some concrete new initiatives and so on could already
[00:21:44] begin, because I think the Americans currently
[00:21:48] have what they want. And that is full control over
[00:21:52] the OHR through the deputy, that is, the acting
[00:21:56] official, and we will see what happens
[00:21:59] next. Yes, his report was
[00:22:02] quite merciless towards Milorad Dodik, so the question
[00:22:05] arises where are the results of Dodik's lobbying in
[00:22:09] the United States? That is, I think anyone who follows
[00:22:12] American politics, foreign policy, can clearly see
[00:22:16] that despite that
[00:22:20] speech, that numerous
[00:22:23] Republican and Democratic politicians in
[00:22:27] America take a very strong stance towards
[00:22:29] Dodik, that they constantly almost
[00:22:33] communicate with the White House to
[00:22:36] warn Trump that in their opinion, those sanctions
[00:22:39] should not have been lifted. According to my information, Dodik was
[00:22:43] warned several times by Washington that those
[00:22:46] sanctions could be reinstated if he
[00:22:50] again attempts some radical moves. So I think in any
[00:22:54] case, Dodik is in a not so simple
[00:22:58] situation, he lost
[00:23:01] most of his foreign partners
[00:23:05] from Orban to Vučić, regardless of the fact that he is now going
[00:23:09] to the Great Maga rally in Florida.
[00:23:13] Well, listen, I mean, when a person, let's say, enters
[00:23:16] that process, starts paying
[00:23:20] American lobbyists to maintain
[00:23:23] some kind of status with the American
[00:23:27] administration, then it's hard to get out of that. I mean,
[00:23:30] everyone likes money, especially when it
[00:23:33] comes from the budget of Republika Srpska, which the citizens
[00:23:37] of Republika Srpska pay for. So if
[00:23:40] they are satisfied and happy that they are paying
[00:23:43] their leader for his business successes,
[00:23:46] then why should we complain? Yes, since we've already
[00:23:50] started with Dodik, he said today that SNSD will not accept
[00:23:54] a partnership with a political bloc from the Federation that would include
[00:23:57] the Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina. How do
[00:24:00] you comment on this setting of conditions and
[00:24:03] how do you think the new government in Bosnia
[00:24:07] and Herzegovina will be formed in this atmosphere, if at all?
[00:24:11] Well, I think this was
[00:24:14] expected. SNSD and HDZ have
[00:24:16] de facto sent messages immediately after
[00:24:20] our elections, maybe just not as clear and concrete as
[00:24:23] Milorad Dodik's message today. But for example, HDZ previously
[00:24:27] sent messages that it does not want the Democratic Front in power, now Milorad Dodik
[00:24:31] says he does not want the Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina. What does that leave, or
[00:24:34] what kind of space does that leave for the Party of Democratic Action, which will
[00:24:38] obviously be part of that coalition? Well,
[00:24:42] you see, by all accounts, three parties without which it
[00:24:45] will not be possible, at least at the state level, are SNSD,
[00:24:49] HDZ, everything else
[00:24:53] is in question. As we know, I mean, we had
[00:24:56] situations before where we had different
[00:25:00] coalitions at different levels.
[00:25:03] I mean, in the Federation, it will also be very
[00:25:07] difficult to form a ruling coalition without
[00:25:10] the SDP. So I think Bakir
[00:25:14] Izedbegović is facing a very
[00:25:17] difficult choice. because I think most
[00:25:21] of these processes point to
[00:25:25] SDP as a better partner, according to my information,
[00:25:28] even in some meetings with
[00:25:31] Western diplomats, it was suggested to him that
[00:25:35] BSDP would probably be a better and more functional
[00:25:39] uh partner.
[00:25:42] However, I think two things: one
[00:25:45] thing is that the speed
[00:25:49] of forming the state government will probably again
[00:25:52] depend on the Americans. According to some
[00:25:55] information, American representatives are already
[00:25:59] in communication with all local officials.
[00:26:02] Especially with the election winners, they have clearly
[00:26:05] stated that they want a quick formation
[00:26:08] of government. It is also said that
[00:26:12] uh one of the reasons is uh the quick
[00:26:15] adoption of the law on state property, which is
[00:26:18] necessary for those various investments that
[00:26:22] American uh American companies, which are in agreement with
[00:26:25] Dodik, expect or need for
[00:26:29] starting those investments. Uh
[00:26:31] however, on the other hand, what I would also like to
[00:26:35] emphasize is that I mean, after all
[00:26:39] these years, I really wouldn't even uh analyze
[00:26:43] whether SDP or the Party for BiH or DF
[00:26:46] SNSD is better, or not. It's more about the position of the Party of Democratic
[00:26:49] Action, whose potential partners actually determine
[00:26:53] with whom it can and cannot work. So,
[00:26:57] however, what I want to emphasize is that
[00:27:00] uh... I think all of us, journalists,
[00:27:04] analysts, uh, and even citizens of Bosnia and
[00:27:09] who will be in power, not on what that government will do.
[00:27:13] And in a way, I think that more
[00:27:16] or less all these major political parties, meaning from
[00:27:19] SNSD, HDZ, SDS, SDA, SDP, and
[00:27:23] so on, have unfortunately become very successful
[00:27:26] in imposing topic,
[00:27:30] totally avoiding...
[00:27:32] the question of what and how those governments will de facto function. So,
[00:27:36] I'm saying all this precisely in the context of these events in
[00:27:39] Serbia. Honestly, as a citizen, and even as a political
[00:27:42] analyst who, you know, I've been doing this job for 30 years,
[00:27:46] 30 years, from the beginning of the war until today,
[00:27:49] I follow all important events in this country. I
[00:27:53] have to say that as an analyst, as a citizen of this
[00:27:56] country, I really don't care at all
[00:27:59] whether it will be SDA, whether it will be SDP, will it? Will it be our
[00:28:03] party, will it be the Party for BiH or IDF?
[00:28:06] So, what is important to me is that I have
[00:28:10] water in Sarajevo, that I have, that
[00:28:13] my child has a better education, has better prospects for
[00:28:17] employment, uh, that I don't think about
[00:28:21] whether we will have electricity, that we don't think about whether that
[00:28:24] wall on the highway that tilted
[00:28:27] after a few years of opening that section will collapse, whether it will fall
[00:28:31] on my head when I pass by there, and so on. So I think
[00:28:35] we have really let our political
[00:28:38] representatives have their way, so that
[00:28:42] they skim the cream off
[00:28:45] the milk, and give citizens very, very
[00:28:48] little for their very good salaries. Uh,
[00:28:52] with that message, we will end this conversation. Thank you very much for being our guest, for analyzing
[00:28:56] these political events in our country and in the
[00:28:59] region. Thank you for the invitation, Srećko. The political
[00:29:03] analyst was with us for the past 25
[00:29:05] minutes. Stay with us for live today. Here's what awaits us in the continuation
[00:29:09] of our get-together.
[00:29:16] We investigate the story of financial ties between Alta Bank, the Government of Republika
[00:29:19] Srpska, and projects on Jahorina. We are looking for an answer to the question of where the
[00:29:23] millions of amounts that have been attracting a lot of public attention in recent
[00:29:26] months ended up.
[00:29:29] While discussions are taking place in Republika Srpska about responsibility for the election
[00:29:32] result of the opposition, the Serb Democratic Party is going through one of its deepest
[00:29:36] internal crises in the last few years. Demands for changes
[00:29:40] in the party leadership are growing louder, and
[00:29:44] the opposition bloc, the case of Ljubiša Petrović, and the future of the SDS.
[00:29:47] About the situation in the oldest party in Republika Srpska,
[00:29:50] political circumstances and economic challenges, we will debate with a member
[00:29:54] of the SDS presidency, Nikola
[00:29:56] Zlojutro.
[00:29:58] Elections for Congress in the United States of America, the war in Ukraine, political
[00:30:02] turmoil in Israel, rising tensions between Washington and Tehran, and the increasingly
[00:30:06] pronounced rivalry between China and the United States mark the current
[00:30:09] international moment. At the same time, the European Union is trying
[00:30:12] to strengthen its security and defense capabilities while the world seeks
[00:30:16] a new phase of geopolitical
[00:30:19] realignment? All these topics will be analyzed by journalist and foreign policy
[00:30:23] commentator Milovan
[00:30:24] Jovanović.
[00:30:28] And all this announced after
[00:30:29] the commercials.
[00:30:39] This can only be 3D,
[00:30:42] great.
[00:30:45] Only at Fis, in the home textile departments, look for a blanket
[00:30:49] for 12.90, bedspreads from
[00:30:52] 14.90, towel 4 marks
[00:30:56] 40. Kitchen apron 6
[00:30:59] KM.