N1HRV — broadcast 20261012 143000 UTC 527 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:11] TV watch all games of Croatian football and even [00:00:15] more content for lovers of sports, movies [00:00:19] separated, or how much that series. On the occasion of the birthday of Max TV, you get two years [00:00:21] as a gift. Max TV has been part of your [00:00:25] program for 20 years. Croatian [00:00:26] Telecom. [00:00:31] The best from Italy at super prices in Plodine for net [00:00:35] and Granapan for as little as euro99, Dečeko [00:00:39] pasta reduced by 20%. Cueg [00:00:42] selected jams for euro 99 Piccini [00:00:45] wines reduced by 25%, Plodine always on [00:00:49] sale. [00:00:53] how to get into a can of Podravka [00:00:56] Peas, well you have to be the best and you have to be [00:01:00] from Croatian fields, homemade in the main role [00:01:03] Podravka. [00:01:08] Let's [00:01:16] now go to the studio to analyze everything that is happening in [00:01:19] Croatia or in the Croatian political sphere, Tomislav [00:01:23] Klauški has joined me here for an [00:01:26] each voter or voting body in analysis, Tomislav, good morning, good morning and welcome, thank you, uh [00:01:29] Krodemoskop. So these are some new data for us, HDZ [00:01:32] 25, SDP also low, [00:01:36] somewhat less than 20, they are growing, we can also Most, that reminded me, the other day Nikola [00:01:40] Grmoja was here with me in Novi dan, and he said, the real fight will be fought [00:01:43] between Most and Možemo, those are two parties that will [00:01:47] grow, judging by Krodemoskop, for now it's not far from [00:01:51] the truth, well, several things can be seen from this poll, first [00:01:54] it is important for HDZ to enter the next elections as a relative winner, that is, [00:01:58] to come out of the elections as a relative winner, thereby gaining the right [00:02:02] to be the first to gather a majority, and when HDZ is the first to gather a majority, that means [00:02:05] then many are [00:02:09] ready to join that alliance, so from some liberal left [00:02:13] to the far right, second, it is important for SDP and Možemo [00:02:16] in the total sum, which [00:02:20] is not representative, it is a national sample, it is necessary to work by electoral units in [00:02:23] all these variables, all these variables still need to be important for them to [00:02:27] have more than HDZ together, and as for Most and Možemo, [00:02:31] they should be seen as two satellites, that is, larger [00:02:34] partners, so Most, however much it has anti-HDZ rhetoric, has recently switched to [00:02:37] anti-Plenković rhetoric, which [00:02:41] means that he positioned himself somehow to be HDZ's first partner [00:02:44] in forming the government, so we can expect, even if they persistently [00:02:48] deny it, every time I say it like this openly, no one will [00:02:52] do well in the elections if they enter as a future partner [00:02:55] of HDZ, meaning everyone goes to the elections on an anti-HDZ platform because that is [00:02:58] the platform on which votes are gained, and then [00:03:02] they are counted or, but you know, I just asked Nikola [00:03:05] Grmoja, then I reminded him of the Homeland Movement, of those posters, [00:03:09] Vukovar, criminal charges, today I remembered 2023, [00:03:13] the one who initiates the impeachment of Andrej Plenković, do you know who [00:03:16] the Homeland Movement is, it wasn't that long ago, then he [00:03:20] said to that yes, but it cannot be [00:03:23] compared to Most, those are all former HDZ members, they all [00:03:26] came from HDZ, we are not them, therefore. [00:03:30] Most, Most has always, Most, therefore, in 2015, appeared [00:03:33] on the political scene as a kind of [00:03:36] collective conscience or a torchbearer [00:03:39] of political morality or a corrector of others' [00:03:43] shortcomings, they entered as we will fix HDZ, we will [00:03:46] be a kind of fuse, that is, [00:03:51] evoke all those a corrector for HDZ, and today they probably think the same way, meaning they [00:03:53] will fix HDZ, that is, they will first [00:03:56] make sure that Karamarko is not too [00:04:01] selfish, that HDZ is not too much under Karamarko's [00:04:04] control, after that they tried with Plenković, but Plenković, with his secretary, quickly [00:04:08] solved that, as we all know, because HDZ does not [00:04:11] like to be corrected by anyone, but the math and [00:04:15] the whole pre-election calculation leads to [00:04:18] the fact that Most is, therefore, a competitor to DP as HDZ's first [00:04:22] partner, just as Možemo, therefore, well, they are already [00:04:25] practically solidified partners of SDP, [00:04:29] so all these polls should be viewed in that calculation, it is certainly important for HDZ [00:04:33] that as an individual party it be a relative winner because as [00:04:37] such, for now, it is and will get surplus mandates, but [00:04:40] it has the lowest rating in this season, but [00:04:44] on the other hand, well, HDZ always hovers around its [00:04:48] 25%, in its darkest times it had [00:04:52] a kind of senator, they never [00:04:55] fell below 30%, meaning they, in the elections, [00:04:58] always get the most... therefore the maximum, [00:05:01] that is, that we can call it a sect, [00:05:04] a cult, therefore party loyalty, everyone is tied to [00:05:08] HDZ, interested, emotionally and some capital [00:05:11] they count on. So, they don't start from scratch in elections, they start from [00:05:15] 25, well, others don't really start from scratch, but their springboard, [00:05:18] whatever HDZ did, well, Tomislav, do you think [00:05:22] these 25% can cause [00:05:25] some nervousness in HDZ itself, because it is true [00:05:28] that this is not a very high rating for their standard, well, that is [00:05:32] the question of how much it is, so [00:05:36] things have changed in the last 10 years, Plenković for a while [00:05:39] held that stumbling HDZ, he was the one who pulled HDZ. [00:05:42] with his charisma, new approach, persuasiveness, [00:05:46] he pulled HDZ which was burdened by Karamarko and [00:05:50] by the Josan verdict, this legacy and so on, but now the situation [00:05:53] has changed a bit, HDZ, however much it is also [00:05:57] marked by everything that is happening, uh, it feels [00:06:00] that Plenković is the one who goes from savior to [00:06:03] burden, he is the one towards whom dissatisfaction and [00:06:07] frustrations are channeled, so both with Gospić and other and other topics that their leader [00:06:10] becomes a kind of. a burden, for example, Most says we [00:06:14] will not go with HDZ if Plenković said before that the Homeland Movement, so [00:06:18] Plenković has used up all his ammunition towards other coalition partners, [00:06:22] he has betrayed, disappointed, and he has become the face of everything that [00:06:26] is going wrong in the country, and HDZ, as a party that has always [00:06:29] first looked after its own survival and preservation, has always thrown overboard [00:06:33] those who were a burden to it, so the question [00:06:36] is whether that desire for self-preservation of HDZ will tomorrow [00:06:39] condemn Plenković, just as they erased all previous presidents. [00:06:42] presidents, uh, there's another interesting thing, that's the number [00:06:46] of citizens of the Republic of Croatia who participated in this survey, of course, [00:06:49] who do not believe that Croatia is going in the right direction, so that deviates [00:06:53] from that land of honey, milk, GDP and success [00:06:57] that is being tried to be portrayed, [00:07:00] almost that percentage is even smaller than the percentage of people who vote for [00:07:04] HDZ, i.e., who still support HDZ, meaning HDZ 25% approximately, and [00:07:08] 17% of respondents say that they support the direction in which [00:07:12] HDZ's government and HDZ are leading the country, which means that a good part [00:07:15] of HDZ members are perhaps angry at Andrej [00:07:18] Plenković and the government, because we learned earlier [00:07:22] from the time of Ivo Sanader that when a more liberal [00:07:26] HDZ president comes, he takes the government cabinet [00:07:29] as his own and leaves HDZ to HDZ members, and then you [00:07:32] have that dichotomy of governing where [00:07:36] the prime minister governs from Banski Dvori, HDZ is on [00:07:39] the ground voting or governing. yes [00:07:42] through local sheriffs doing what HDZ does, right? [00:07:46] So now we have uh, this situation here, however, among [00:07:50] these, that's how much 83% [00:07:54] who do not support the direction in [00:07:56] which this country is going, that doesn't necessarily mean that all of them are liberal [00:08:00] left-wing dissatisfied HDZ members, so the government's behavior of HDZ, [00:08:04] those can be the right wing, they think that Plenković is [00:08:07] too much, so it depends on [00:08:10] the European Union, on Brussels, that... has too many human rights, that [00:08:13] we are learning wrong history, that the Ustashe should come to power, so that 83 [00:08:17] is not now the voting base of SDP and Možemo, so here [00:08:21] are the Homeland Movement, Ustashe, so Ustashe, blackshirts, [00:08:25] everything is here, right, so probably among those 83% [00:08:29] they would want that, so Plenković comes, but some other prime minister comes who [00:08:32] would be more to their taste, hmm, Zoran [00:08:36] Milanović in this whole story, which Zoran [00:08:39] Milanović, do we remember this. "we know [00:08:42] him and we fondly remember him m [00:08:46] well, I'm going to slowly introduce you to this story about soy and everything and [00:08:50] about waste, Zoran Milanović who [00:08:53] convened that session once [00:08:56] of the parliament regarding illegal waste and after [00:08:59] that he disappeared into the wilderness [00:09:03] of Berbinograd, uh, diplomatic verve, those [00:09:06] were the wildernesses at the time, joking aside, this is a [00:09:09] collegial comment, so let it be a bit like this," but [00:09:13] really, Zoran Milanović, where is he, well, Zoran Milanović, we [00:09:16] knew that would happen when he [00:09:19] therefore from a turbulent first term in which he fought for a second term, entered a second term [00:09:23] in which he behaves like Stjepan Mesić in his second term where he [00:09:26] let, therefore, Mesić let the country [00:09:29] to Ivo, Ivo Sanader, Zoran Milanović is now letting [00:09:33] the country to Andrej, not so much to Andrej Plenković, but he may have [00:09:37] even done what he should have done in his first term, let the [00:09:40] real political opposition, and Andrej Plenković, SDP, Možemo, so [00:09:44] that they are the ones who will wage war against Andrej Plenković, now the question [00:09:48] is why all those people voted for him, for what they got or perhaps for something else [00:09:52] and I think they voted for the HDZ government to have [00:09:56] a counterpoint, that is, a counterbalance, self-will [00:09:59] still rules, that belief that Zoran [00:10:02] Milanović will curb HDZ, however, Zoran Milanović did not curb HDZ [00:10:06] and Zoran Milanović did not save Croatia from HDZ, because wherever [00:10:09] you look there are some fingerprints of HDZ [00:10:13] and its affairs, bad governance, institutional [00:10:16] stagnation and so on, right? mm, so Zoran Milanović [00:10:20] behaves the way he behaves because he no longer has anything to fight for, he no longer wants to [00:10:24] go to... prime ministerial elections nor does he fight for that [00:10:27] presidential mandate and he actually behaves as [00:10:30] Stjepan Mesić behaved in his second term, who completely withdrew into [00:10:34] himself and no longer had any connection with [00:10:38] Ivo Sanader, except that they together caught Ante Gotovina, uh [00:10:41] so Zoran Milanović also gave small reminders, which is, for example, [00:10:45] interesting that Zoran [00:10:48] Milanović was a hindrance to that [00:10:51] SDP for a while, so it wasn't like that. [00:10:55] He was some kind of hindrance because all the eyes of SDP voters, [00:10:59] the left opposition, were turned towards Pantovčak, not towards [00:11:02] iblorov square, that is, towards Možemo, and that was a wrong [00:11:06] view, because instead of everyone voting for SDP, Možemo, [00:11:09] in this desire to replace SDP, [00:11:13] everyone voted, oh my God, HDZ, everyone voted for Zoran Milanović [00:11:16] to be the guard over HDZ, right? So [00:11:19] they went indirectly towards controlling HDZ, that is, [00:11:23] removing it, so Zoran. Onović, on the one hand, [00:11:27] it is good that he does not interfere, on the other hand, it is bad that he does not interfere, [00:11:30] because who will interfere if not him and when if not [00:11:34] now, that Gospić, that breakdown of institutions, that [00:11:38] horror that is happening, bursts out of every [00:11:41] pore, so strikes and those institutions, [00:11:45] secret services what they were doing, these are topics about [00:11:48] which Zoran Milanović, can speak, these are actually part of these topics are [00:11:52] exactly his topics, and Zoran Milanović only speaks about how... the European Union is undemocratic and [00:11:56] how the European Union is bad, so he repeats a mantra [00:12:00] that obviously has some deeper, deeper roots than what we now [00:12:04] perceive. [00:12:06] Well, secret services and what happened there, what [00:12:10] happened, at one point Ranko Ostojić comes out from that famous [00:12:13] committee and says, it is necessary to be really precise here, [00:12:17] that SOA informed the competent authorities [00:12:21] in 2022 that it had its own knowledge, then the [00:12:25] competent authorities were interpreted in the public space and through politics, it must be said, [00:12:28] and through the media, the Inspectorate [00:12:32] Dorch, and the MUP, they all in turn [00:12:35] denied it, Ranko Ostojić repeated yesterday that he did not [00:12:39] say that those were those bodies, that Grmoja is lying, that he only said competent authorities, [00:12:43] what are competent authorities, let's now go back to, I [00:12:46] don't know, first grade of high school and see what competent [00:12:50] authorities would be, [00:12:52] then it was expected that this week that committee session would be [00:12:56] called, but it seems it won't, [00:12:59] will people from SOA be invited, first it needs [00:13:02] to be voted on, says Ranko Ostojić, the ruling majority has [00:13:05] the majority, in short, to [00:13:08] summarize, such a topic that should still be [00:13:11] clear to the public and the media what, who, why, [00:13:15] when, if we are already opening questions of state functioning, [00:13:18] institutions and political responsibility, [00:13:21] do you and I agree that it should be much more transparent? [00:13:25] Less shrouded [00:13:28] in fog, that fight for transparency [00:13:32] always somehow leads to a war over secret services, that is, [00:13:35] when secret services enter the discussion, it means that the [00:13:39] degree of political corruption, that is, erosion, entropy has reached some [00:13:42] peak, because we fought for a long time after Tuđman's [00:13:46] time, through the council for civilian oversight and [00:13:50] so on and through the division of powers between [00:13:53] the president and the prime minister when appointing. that the secret services should still [00:13:56] be depoliticized, kept aside, professionalized, so that [00:14:00] they are not a topic of political discussions, however we now again have a situation [00:14:04] in search of where, where, I mean, how [00:14:07] did Gospić happen and what happened, we ask ourselves what happened with [00:14:10] SOA and it would be nice to believe that SOA did [00:14:14] its job and that it sends reports, so [00:14:17] uh, so certainly to the office of the president and [00:14:20] the office of the prime minister and the president of the state [00:14:24] as... as two addresses that are directly responsible for SOA's work [00:14:28] and for supervision and for appointments [00:14:32] uh and if such reports reached any address, [00:14:35] well, one would say if it reached the office of the president of the republic that it would [00:14:39] find its way to the opposition, to the public, we are now [00:14:42] further, so we are looking for a way where this [00:14:46] happened, no, we are generally looking for a definition of competent services, here [00:14:50] we are, maybe it seems trivial to someone, but everything [00:14:53] wants to, uh so that smoke is released so that [00:14:56] the right path is lost, how [00:14:59] the mafia came to Gospić and what is Gospić, so why [00:15:03] no one paid attention to Gospić all these years, [00:15:06] I, I would like to believe that SOA knew and I would like to believe that SOA [00:15:10] reported it to someone, that somehow those reports went to someone, [00:15:13] why are, I mean, we can understand why they stopped at some of those addresses [00:15:17] at the inspectorate, I don't know, the prime minister and so [00:15:20] on, maybe it's at that, but it certainly passes through [00:15:24] the parliamentary committee and through some institutional bodies, it [00:15:28] must have come out, that is, someone must have known about it, well, you want to say that great [00:15:31] effort is being made not to shed light on it, [00:15:35] so how much has the mafia entered the state? That is also a question, [00:15:38] so since the 90s, secret services were a hotbed [00:15:42] of mafia, part of the secret services were under the control of organized crime, criminal [00:15:46] organizations, people from that apparatus were [00:15:49] connected to some crime, as well as politics, secret services, mafia, it was [00:15:53] all mixed up, is it now [00:15:57] mafia, if we are talking about mafia, has access [00:16:00] to that, that is, and those institutions, not only the inspectorate [00:16:04] but maybe somewhere deeper in, that is, and that... [00:16:07] services and politics and party, yes, rumors and anonymous comments from [00:16:11] SDP itself appeared that Ranko Ostojić is not leading those [00:16:14] sessions in the best possible way, then [00:16:18] Siniša Hajdaš Dončić said on Friday no, no, he is doing it just like I would, [00:16:22] that is, his role as a former minister [00:16:26] as an opposition politician in the whole story was also problematized, [00:16:29] so if Zoran Milanović also bears part of the responsibility [00:16:32] for SOA, that is, for the appointment of the director of SOA, because his [00:16:36] non-appointment or non-appointment is also sought, [00:16:39] then is Ranko Ostojić then [00:16:42] perhaps Zoran Milanović's spokesman, or Zoran Milanović's quiet spokesman, if [00:16:46] he doesn't want to say anything, that some discussion is also stopped there, I [00:16:50] really don't know that now, we can discuss it from a political point of view, [00:16:54] but the fact is that part of the left opposition is also [00:16:58] not satisfied with how Ranko [00:17:01] Ostojić is doing it, so what will happen next is unknown. [00:17:04] that Andrej Plenković. at one point, [00:17:08] returning to the story from Gospić, and after [00:17:12] the ruling party slightly changed its rhetoric, so Branko Bačić was there [00:17:15] during the protests, Minister Vučković, the new chief state inspector who [00:17:19] slowly began to admit that [00:17:21] not everything went as it should have in the institutions, he says for [00:17:25] Gospić again after that Med9, perhaps, I don't know, carried away by the [00:17:29] atmosphere or what, that it is a locally generated [00:17:32] story that, well, the government is again to blame for everything, that now they have to [00:17:36] solve it. "So after a month of different communication [00:17:39] again it returns to the local level, perhaps [00:17:43] citizens do not honor it, because indeed regardless of the local [00:17:47] level, those trucks were entering for months and months, they were not [00:17:50] entering through a small door into Gospić, uh [00:17:54] yes, the fact that Andre Plenković, uh, so [00:17:57] for a while had the illusion, or wants to give the impression that [00:18:01] he will be the savior of what is happening there, so first he went from saying that nothing was [00:18:05] dangerous, then we will save it. all that, you are dramatizing, making [00:18:08] a problem, hysterizing and so on, that's right, so something that [00:18:12] the institutions discovered and so the findings were [00:18:15] published, then the opposition some forces invented it, [00:18:19] well, if that's the case, we'll fix it, now again we're going towards [00:18:22] that it's not that bad as [00:18:26] it was said, as if they want to [00:18:30] reduce the responsibility of HDZ, that is, the HDZ will perhaps be a smaller [00:18:33] savior if the threat in Gospić is smaller or not, in general... [00:18:37] Plenković obviously leads his own war against, therefore, [00:18:41] what is said about Gospić in there, it's not a local story, if we're going to forgive it, but [00:18:45] practically, that story is in Benkovac, that story is in [00:18:48] Senj, that story is in Varaždin, that story is a [00:18:51] big capillary spread story, even if we go that [00:18:55] way, that's right, then all those capillaries go to one center and that center [00:18:59] stubbornly ignores the fact that it is, therefore, widespread, he [00:19:02] wants to keep it at the local level, he wants to set up some [00:19:06] kind of sanitary... "it might cut off any connections that would go [00:19:10] to the government, to the office, [00:19:13] of the prime minister, perhaps if it came to some of those [00:19:17] institutions, he might throw them under the bus, but for him, it is certainly important [00:19:20] that he distance himself from all of that, so if [00:19:24] it's a local, it must be a local story so that he has nothing [00:19:27] to do with it, then some prefects will be asked [00:19:30] and actually the government, neither guilty nor innocent, is now in a position to again [00:19:33] clean up someone else's mess, so it's like falling out of the fire, so [00:19:37] some other rascals, his own, others' and so on, then the whole story is woven [00:19:41] into this, there's a little SDP, there's a little [00:19:44] HDZ, there are some independents and so on, but Plenković [00:19:48] generally wants to give the impression that he has nothing to do with it, [00:19:51] so he washes his hands, so he literally washes his hands of garbage, anywhere [00:19:55] in Croatia, tomorrow is the fourth [00:19:59] impeachment attempt, so if we passed the "third time's the charm" then I don't know if it makes [00:20:02] sense to talk about the fourth charm, uh, so [00:20:05] that's what the opposition does. "We as journalists or the public [00:20:09] can now have cynical comments or, well, especially HDZ can [00:20:13] have cynical comments about that, the opposition will again embarrass [00:20:16] itself and no one can remove this [00:20:19] prime minister anymore because we have, we control the majority and so on, which is [00:20:23] true, but the fact is that that majority is actually perfectly [00:20:26] stable, that's true, but as long as, well, that [00:20:30] steadfastness needs to be tested, so that each time it is seen how steadfast it is, so [00:20:34] the job of the opposition is to put pressure on that position, so [00:20:38] whether it will break or not break, maybe it will, maybe it won't, maybe tomorrow [00:20:41] they will say why didn't you remove the prime minister when you had [00:20:45] the chance, right? Uhm, so [00:20:48] uh, so especially... that political pressure is important, because it is again discussed [00:20:52] in public, so the position, so the opposition [00:20:56] again gets an opportunity and timing and time in the media and in Parliament [00:20:59] to present its arguments against Andrej Plenković, to formalize that [00:21:03] story of pressure on that prime minister, whether it will pass or not pass, that [00:21:07] is now less important, it is important for the opposition that it is again a topic and [00:21:10] that Plenković is not happy about it, that when [00:21:14] we are talking about the opposition, he says that uh the opposition wants [00:21:18] to politically profit. from crime, [00:21:21] uh yes, from corruption, from crime, from garbage, and [00:21:25] yes, but like, that's not our crime, that's the crime of some individuals, yes [00:21:29] it wasn't said, but it's clear what they want to say, that [00:21:33] uh yes, that's the narrative, tomorrow we have something [00:21:37] else, we will, of course, broadcast it live here, that's that famous speech, [00:21:41] we took that a bit from the United States of America, with which we will close this [00:21:44] story, the so-called state of the nation, [00:21:48] uh, what do you expect, Tomislav? [00:21:50] "Well, I expect two, two versions of the state of the nation, one, therefore, wonderful [00:21:54] and beautiful, and the other monstrous, terrible, [00:21:58] that, therefore, however much the prime minister will probably [00:22:02] sanctify and sprinkle flowers on that state [00:22:05] of the nation of his, the opposition [00:22:07] will uh throw mud at him, the public would then probably take both [00:22:11] truths as one and choose what suits [00:22:16] that whole story, outside, I mean, of course, the prime minister..." [00:22:20] and the SDP prime minister did that, no prime minister or ruling party [00:22:24] will come in the state of the nation and say, "Here, we are now to blame for Gospić, we are now to blame," [00:22:27] they won't, right? So they will always present their most optimistic [00:22:31] and most challenging, challenging [00:22:34] segment now, so in economics, you always have aspects of economics [00:22:37] that Andrej Plenković will surely mention, low unemployment, low unemployment [00:22:41] can mean that people no longer look for jobs at the employment office, that jobs are sought [00:22:45] outside the borders, that no one else applies to the employment office, there are no more [00:22:48] official data. Yes, uh there [00:22:52] are jobs, but those jobs are poorly paid, that people [00:22:56] therefore take jobs because they have to and even if they don't [00:22:59] want to, and so on, so there are various things, but Plenković will certainly [00:23:02] say we have record low unemployment, which may [00:23:06] sound good to people but they themselves know from their own [00:23:09] pocket how they are doing, so people themselves know if they can make ends meet, [00:23:13] if there is a chance for young people [00:23:16] to buy their first property [00:23:19] that... they have to go and work in Germany for 10 years and then pay it off, [00:23:23] so everyone has their own version of the story, especially regarding economics, [00:23:27] right, inflation and other topics, not everyone is equally affected [00:23:30] by the economy, some cope better, [00:23:34] some cope worse, but that [00:23:38] economy could be a story [00:23:40] of how much Andrej Plenković's promises and buying [00:23:44] voter favor from two years ago cost us, how much that will [00:23:47] cost now. The other day I was watching the budget rebalance, a huge [00:23:51] part goes to salaries and maintaining the system itself, [00:23:54] that's a huge amount of money, because that's HDZ's voter base, because that's [00:23:58] HDZ's social peace, right, just as social peace is bought with the tourist [00:24:01] season and, therefore, is bought [00:24:05] from this state budget that [00:24:09] there is no social unrest and social peace is bought by the fact that we are in [00:24:12] the European Union, so people go to look for jobs outside the borders [00:24:15] of Croatia instead of on the street in front of the Banski Dvori through a protest, is it [00:24:19] only who... "those who protest with us are public [00:24:22] unions, because they are the only ones who can organize and have [00:24:25] a chance to put political pressure, because politics [00:24:29] gives in or doesn't give in, as was the case in [00:24:33] Zagreb, but that kind of pressure is stronger than in the private [00:24:36] sector, because the public sector, politicians and mayors, prefects [00:24:40] are sensitive to that kind of pressure because they live off the same [00:24:44] voters and off the voting mass, [00:24:46] and workers are protected." "At [00:24:50] the moment when they go to protest, well yes, [00:24:53] they probably are, yes, I would also say that a question for the end, [00:24:57] something I would never want to miss, the Pentagon's [00:25:00] announcement that they will broadcast military executions [00:25:02] live, uh, we've come to [00:25:05] that, yes, the cradle of democracy is literally becoming [00:25:08] a firing squad of democracy, so not only this, but of the free [00:25:12] world, what's happening, that's so we don't go into [00:25:15] any depth of that, so that's a message to all citizens [00:25:19] of America, so those killings by immigration services on the streets, that's [00:25:22] a message to all citizens and this is a message to all citizens, and if [00:25:26] we watched the Handmaid's Tale, I don't know if you've seen that in one [00:25:30] season, so not only are people hanged in public places as [00:25:34] a message to everyone to shut up, but also, for example, in newsroom [00:25:37] walls there are holes from firing squads, so if [00:25:41] Trump's firing squad isn't already literally [00:25:44] doing that, as it will be publicly broadcast now, in all other ways [00:25:48] he tries to kill all elements. of American democracy, right? [00:25:52] So symbolically, financially, politically and in all other [00:25:54] ways, you know Tomislav, after that announcement, I looked for some [00:25:58] reactions from politicians in Europe, values, [00:26:01] democracy. "European [00:26:04] Union, humanism and so on, but [00:26:07] no one reacted to that information, [00:26:10] well yes, democracy dies in silent darkness, right? So no matter how much [00:26:14] silence there is and how much people turn their heads and ignore some [00:26:17] things, it opens [00:26:21] Nazism, how would we call these now Putinism, [00:26:24] Trumpism, new Nazism, right-wing in Germany and so on, right? [00:26:27] Yes, agreement with Putin, since we're talking about that, for now there are no [00:26:31] official ones yet." I don't know if there's [00:26:35] Trump is Putin's agent, meaning since 2016 it's clear that Russia has placed [00:26:39] its man at the head of America, not only to [00:26:42] open the way for Russia, so in foreign policy, eliminate America's foreign policy, [00:26:45] but also destroy America from within, we see it through stock exchanges, [00:26:49] crypto, so the destruction of the social elements [00:26:52] of the American state, through the destruction of American democracy, [00:26:55] the constitution, the conquest of courts, so through [00:26:59] all possible ways of favoring the oligarchy, today's Trump's. [00:27:02] America is turning into Putin's Russia, so [00:27:05] oligarchy, uh, so, every control [00:27:08] of information, this, these social [00:27:12] networks, crypto, so, [00:27:15] fake wars, that's, that's the same template [00:27:19] that is being used, that Putin used in Russia, Trump is now [00:27:23] using it in the US, now live shootings, and [00:27:25] shootings, [00:27:31] of course. that they were related to the work of the government, [00:27:35] the work of the Croatian Parliament, the preparation of the party congress, [00:27:39] the reporting one which will be on November 28th [00:27:42] in Šibenik, we also discussed, of course, [00:27:45] international activities, first of all, we expressed satisfaction [00:27:49] with the summit of the leaders of the group of nine [00:27:52] Mediterranean EU members which was held last week in Split, [00:27:56] we thanked our hosts, [00:27:58] Mayor Šuti, Prefect Boban and his deputy [00:28:02] Čogel, who was with us, the impressions of colleagues were very [00:28:05] good, excellent preparation for this week's meeting [00:28:09] of the European Council, which has a number of large, important topics, from [00:28:13] the continuation of negotiations on the multi-annual financial framework [00:28:16] to the security situation [00:28:19] in Europe, these new circumstances, the intensification, [00:28:23] unfortunately, of the conflict between, or rather [00:28:25] Russia's aggression against Ukraine and, of course, the energy [00:28:29] situation given everything further in the Near [00:28:32] East. We also discussed tomorrow in the [00:28:36] Croatian Parliament, it will be interesting, we will be there all day, [00:28:39] first thing in the morning the annual report on the work [00:28:43] of the government, the third in this mandate, where we will try to [00:28:46] summarize everything we have achieved in the past year, [00:28:50] and of course report to the members of parliament [00:28:53] and also the Croatian [00:28:56] public, and then another initiative [00:29:00] of no confidence, today... I asked my [00:29:03] associates to see the statistics, in our [00:29:06] modest 10 years of mandate there were a total of [00:29:10] 43 interpellations and questions [00:29:13] of no confidence, it even surprised me that there were so [00:29:16] many, uh 26 rejected, nine [00:29:19] discussions not held because the topic was absolved, one withdrawn, [00:29:22] seven in procedure, so it is [00:29:25] the instruments that the opposition uses, we are already [00:29:28] used to publicly responding [00:29:32] to them, all in all as expected, [00:29:34] mostly, I would like to [00:29:38] thank the Speaker of the Croatian Parliament for last week [00:29:41] for the important anniversary [00:29:44] related to October 8th, the Day of the Croatian [00:29:48] Parliament, it was truly very nice to once again [00:29:53] topics and see so many distinguished [00:29:57] people in the Croatian Parliament, we are also satisfied [00:30:00] with, the rating of Moody's agency, one of [00:30:04] the three credit rating agencies, investment credit rating confirmed, [00:30:07] stable outlook, confirmation of government [00:30:11] policy, that is responsible management of public finances, [00:30:14] continuous reduction of the share of public [00:30:17] debt in GDP, we expect by the end of the year [00:30:20] 55.5%, [00:30:24] less than it was last year, the budget rebalance has been sent [00:30:28] to parliament, the deficit will remain at... 9% which is [00:30:31] also within limits economic growth this year [00:30:35] we expect to be around 2.3 [00:30:38] 2.4%. What is particularly important, [00:30:41] excellent results for the tourist season in [00:30:45] the first nine months, so over [00:30:48] 20 million arrivals already, around [00:30:52] 100 and 10 million nights, [00:30:55] 105 million nights, all of this together [00:30:58] indicates that we will be better this year than.