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20261012 183000 UTC
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[00:00:22] And that would be all that we have prepared for you today, until our next meeting on the small
[00:00:26] screens, let's follow each other on our social networks, goodbye!
[00:01:07] build a campaign for new
[00:01:28] The global situation is very.
[00:01:30] difficult at the moment, and the main player who is meddling in
[00:01:34] this whole situation is the American president Donald
[00:01:37] Trump did not let his tentacles and his fingers interfere only
[00:01:41] in the Gulf or Ukraine or Gaza or the West Bank or
[00:01:44] Israel or threaten Greenland, but
[00:01:48] he stuck his fingers into the Western Balkans through
[00:01:52] Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina, through his son-in-law and
[00:01:55] daughter in Albania in Serbia, but also
[00:01:59] through a... son also in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also
[00:02:02] through some associates in Bosnia and Herzegovina in
[00:02:06] other countries. However, what is also
[00:02:09] interesting is that we see certain progress in the
[00:02:13] Western Balkans, it's not all that black anymore, some things are
[00:02:17] happening in a positive field when it comes to
[00:02:20] the European Union. Exactly about that in the next
[00:02:23] few minutes, I will discuss with the former Montenegrin
[00:02:27] diplomat, and now university professor. Vesko Garčević
[00:02:31] who joins me from Boston, professor, welcome to N1
[00:02:34] program, uh, good day, Sarajevo, thank you for
[00:02:38] the invitation, I'm glad to be with you today, professor, very often
[00:02:41] you comment on what is happening in the Balkans, especially
[00:02:45] you comment on your Montenegro,
[00:02:47] to what they were 15 you are a former ambassador of Montenegro to several
[00:02:51] destinations, I won't list them now, and now also a
[00:02:54] university professor, Montenegro is making exceptionally
[00:02:58] good progress on... that European
[00:03:02] scene, so to speak, so I would
[00:03:05] like to first hear the Montenegrin Prime Minister Milojko
[00:03:08] Spajić, and then after that
[00:03:11] to comment on how Montenegro is currently going
[00:03:15] towards the European Union.
[00:03:28] count on profit, it will affect last couple of miles will
[00:03:31] definitely be uh as always very
[00:03:34] challenging, but we are we are ready for
[00:03:37] that, we have we have sent most of
[00:03:41] the chapter member states and we
[00:03:44] are ready to to be assessed, to take the critics, to
[00:03:47] be obviously that is in the in in the
[00:03:51] montenegran interest that we get the best possible
[00:03:53] reforms, montenegro's rule of law,
[00:03:57] media landscape and other factors. human rights
[00:04:01] and so and so forth have immensely improved over the last
[00:04:04] couple of years, that's not only in the in the rule of
[00:04:08] law field, economic field as well
[00:04:11] has performed very well, we've done a lot of throughout
[00:04:15] the uh process of joining European Union, throughout the process
[00:04:18] of closing the chapters on competition, state aid and so on and
[00:04:22] so forth, we have done a lot of structural reforms
[00:04:25] and some of the dividends are starting to pay off as evidence
[00:04:29] by the... great report from the
[00:04:32] progress progress on the on the growth
[00:04:35] plan, so we intend to continue this way, this
[00:04:39] is not for us, it's just a
[00:04:42] milestone that we
[00:04:44] recognize, but we are our eyes are fully
[00:04:48] ahead, what's comes next, we are also very
[00:04:51] optimistic with all the support from the European commission that we
[00:04:55] had so far, so thank you so much, it
[00:04:57] is really that... commission has done a lot to
[00:05:01] us, but also uh the member states, all the 27 member
[00:05:05] states that eventually have to vote and support
[00:05:08] all of our uh reform uh uh steps that.
[00:05:42] "former Montenegrin diplomats, someone who knows how
[00:05:45] both the negotiation with NATO and how the negotiation with the European Union
[00:05:48] is going, you assess this
[00:05:52] progress, today another three chapters are closing
[00:05:54] and it seems that
[00:05:58] 28 for 28 is not exactly
[00:06:00] excluded,
[00:06:02] first I would say that
[00:06:05] uh that for years it doesn't matter if it's
[00:06:08] 2028, 2029" or 30, that at this moment
[00:06:12] at least for me it doesn't play a key role, that might play a key role
[00:06:16] for some politician who will probably
[00:06:20] elections on it, it's important that Montenegro enters the European Union, and
[00:06:23] a year or two doesn't mean anything, especially for us who have
[00:06:26] uh practically gone through or been in that process not only in Montenegro but in
[00:06:30] the region as a whole uh almost since our youth and
[00:06:34] now we've grown old and we're still waiting for it to happen,
[00:06:37] therefore uh... that a year or two means nothing to us,
[00:06:41] we can remember back to 2003, which was so long
[00:06:44] ago when it was decided in
[00:06:48] Thessaloniki that the Balkans would be part of the European
[00:06:52] Union, when I say this, when we focus a little on Montenegro,
[00:06:55] definitively here, as I would say, two very
[00:06:59] good things met,
[00:07:03] one thing is that Montenegro is working exactly or
[00:07:06] progressing at a certain pace which is positive
[00:07:10] towards the European Union, but also the climate
[00:07:13] in the European Union has changed after the invasion
[00:07:17] of Ukraine and now Montenegro has a tailwind
[00:07:20] which, when you're sailing somewhere, definitely helps to
[00:07:24] speed up your sailing towards that goal. In that regard, when
[00:07:27] I would compare this time with some time in which I participated
[00:07:31] in those processes, I could say that then it was often
[00:07:35] sailing against the current, and now it is sailing
[00:07:39] with the current, meaning towards that goal. Montenegro, as you said, has
[00:07:42] closed today or will close three new
[00:07:45] chapters, however, that is not the end and
[00:07:48] we must be, if I were to speak on behalf of Montenegro, very careful how
[00:07:52] to proceed, not only because of the need to show your political
[00:07:56] will to carry it through to the end, but also because of open bilateral
[00:07:59] issues at this moment with Croatia, I think that is
[00:08:03] one of the biggest challenges for Montenegro that the government should
[00:08:07] seriously approach that to avoid. any
[00:08:11] unwanted reactions or statements by certain ministers who
[00:08:14] come from some pro-Serbian parties and so on and so forth in order to
[00:08:17] keep that path open and to find
[00:08:21] some solution uh uh for with Croatia,
[00:08:25] I'm not in the government now, I can't say anything, but I think that is definitely
[00:08:28] one of the biggest challenges in this current
[00:08:32] upcoming period. And professor, you just
[00:08:35] mentioned that uh Croatia,
[00:08:39] you mentioned. "that which comes from
[00:08:43] Croatia, here is what Grlić Radman, the Minister
[00:08:46] of Foreign Affairs of Croatia, said on that very topic a few days ago,
[00:08:50] so let's listen to him, many vessels under the cover of night, for example, a
[00:08:53] submarine found its way across one state to another state,
[00:08:57] a military hospital and so on, we have all that recorded, it's about
[00:09:00] property worth more than 2.7 billion
[00:09:04] dollars. The glorification of war criminals is incompatible with European
[00:09:08] values. Ratko Mladić began his bloody path in
[00:09:11] Croatia, remember Škabrnja, Knin, the attack on
[00:09:15] Šibenik. That is something that does not contribute to the stability of the region.
[00:09:18] Look, chapters cannot just be closed like that, because
[00:09:22] there are some geopolitical reasons, here
[00:09:25] it must be precisely seen what it is about, and in
[00:09:28] chapter 14 the real reasons must be established, so go into the essence,
[00:09:32] into the substance. It is not about closing the chapter, but
[00:09:35] it should be thoroughly studied. That is our recommendation. and
[00:09:39] to others, professor, he is talking here
[00:09:42] about submarines and
[00:09:45] about military property, about the ship Jadran
[00:09:48] about some property worth 2.7
[00:09:52] billion dollars, you participated in those negotiations,
[00:09:54] you participated in those processes, how much
[00:09:58] political game is there here, how much
[00:10:01] reality is there when it comes to Radman's
[00:10:04] statement? Uh, I must say, I would say, some attitudes are definitely.
[00:10:08] actively justified by the attitude towards Ratko Mladić
[00:10:12] and the glorification of crimes and
[00:10:16] criminals in the
[00:10:19] way it was done recently by the
[00:10:22] President of the Parliament. of Montenegro and so on
[00:10:25] and so forth is definitely incompatible with
[00:10:29] the idea and desire of Montenegro to enter the European Union.
[00:10:32] Uh, some other attitudes uh are a
[00:10:36] product, as I would say, of a
[00:10:39] political moment, when we were
[00:10:42] negotiating, I participated in those negotiations with Croatia regarding
[00:10:46] Prevlaka, at that time these figures were not mentioned at all, nor
[00:10:49] did anyone tell us, I was a direct participant in that for several
[00:10:53] years and that... speech was then concluded by
[00:10:56] signing a temporary agreement on Prevlaka which is still in
[00:11:00] force today, meaning from 2002 to
[00:11:03] 2026, 24 years have passed
[00:11:06] and that agreement is in force, never has either side of that
[00:11:09] agreement, meaning Croatia and Montenegro, filed a
[00:11:13] protest due to the violation of the agreement, and the agreement is
[00:11:16] deposited with the United Nations, at that time when we were negotiating
[00:11:20] the situation and dynamics were different, Croatia was supposed to join the European
[00:11:23] Union and it was supposed to uh uh how can I
[00:11:27] say uh I would say put
[00:11:31] its relations with uh neighbors on some, so to speak,
[00:11:34] healthy foundations and based on those principles
[00:11:38] we arrived at that solution which was then put on paper
[00:11:42] and from which both sides benefited uh when I say this,
[00:11:45] I certainly don't think I need to absolve
[00:11:49] Montenegro for something that happened in the 90s or if some
[00:11:53] equipment was taken for some... long known and Croatia has already
[00:11:56] signaled that to us several times, just like it
[00:11:59] was equipment from Ćilipi airport that ended up
[00:12:02] in Podgorica and so on and so forth, that was
[00:12:06] signaled a long time ago.
[00:12:09] - The ship Jadran was also a subject of dispute
[00:12:12] and so on and so forth uh
[00:12:16] I would say that such situations or such
[00:12:19] issues would be best resolved through the right channel
[00:12:23] when we talked about Prevlaka uh...
[00:12:25] and the resolution or separation on Prevlaka, the demarcation on
[00:12:28] Prevlaka, we have long during the time of
[00:12:32] Sanader believed that it should be resolved before
[00:12:36] the court, because both sides have
[00:12:39] a different approach to it, that it is ultimately in the
[00:12:43] spirit of good neighborly relations, uh
[00:12:46] uh we will see what happens with this, I
[00:12:49] certainly believe that the ball should be calmed down and that
[00:12:52] legal solutions should be sought, not political solutions in such
[00:12:56] situations, on the other hand other countries in the
[00:12:59] region, I must be free, because now I am an academic, I am no longer uh,
[00:13:02] I am no longer, they should think about
[00:13:05] observing this behavior of Croatia, because they too
[00:13:09] may in five or ten years find themselves in a situation where they are joining the European Union uh
[00:13:12] then certain problems will be delivered
[00:13:16] about which one is now silent or not talking about and so on
[00:13:20] and so forth will be delivered on
[00:13:24] uh uh... for overpayment, so to speak, uh, at
[00:13:28] the end I just wanted to say this, that the difference
[00:13:31] between the Slovenian and Croatian dispute, which was then
[00:13:34] a problem for Croatia when it was supposed to join the European Union and the Montenegrin and Croatian
[00:13:38] dispute is precisely that there is a temporary
[00:13:41] regime here, which is that uh that regime is actually
[00:13:45] canonized, so to speak, by the very fact that the two sides agreed
[00:13:48] on it, that it is deposited with the United Nations
[00:13:52] and that the creation of that regime actually. "finished
[00:13:55] the UN mission on Prevlaka, that is a big difference
[00:13:59] between these two from a legal and if we want to look at it from an international legal
[00:14:03] perspective, so you practically
[00:14:06] say, let's play it bilaterally
[00:14:09] neighborly, so that it doesn't become a problem for us when we go towards
[00:14:13] the European Union, uh, naturally we need to
[00:14:17] do some things, we did some things wrong and many things can be
[00:14:21] corrected very easily, and Serbs, Montenegro has..."
[00:14:25] made a few wrong moves, I mean this government
[00:14:28] now, I have now stated why, uh, in
[00:14:32] relation to the past and in relation to what happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
[00:14:36] certain members of the government, I'm not saying that all who sit there are the same, that
[00:14:40] is also one, one perhaps a challenge, an internal challenge of
[00:14:43] Montenegro itself, that in this government sit people who sincerely advocate
[00:14:46] European integration, people who have suddenly changed for
[00:14:50] various reasons and whom I personally do not trust, because they would
[00:14:54] have to prove themselves for a long time to prove that they have
[00:14:57] truly changed, and statements like the statements about Ratko Mladić
[00:15:01] show that those changes were not uh that those
[00:15:04] changes are only cosmetic, meaning there are various things that we can
[00:15:08] agree on or that we can accept, I am not going into
[00:15:11] whether it is two billion or I don't know how much property,
[00:15:14] but definitely there is some property in Montenegro and that should be
[00:15:18] discussed, a commission can be set up to list that.
[00:15:21] and implement it and so on and so forth, meaning there are ways if
[00:15:25] countries want to solve these problems to solve it
[00:15:29] in bilateral agreements, there are ways similar to this
[00:15:32] Jadran ship. where countries used that ship jointly
[00:15:36] and so on and so forth, there are ways like Denmark and Norway solved
[00:15:39] the problem about their uh about
[00:15:43] the demarcation at sea the use
[00:15:46] of those, how shall I say, gas fields
[00:15:50] by sharing the profit and so on and so forth, meaning where there are neighbors
[00:15:52] who want to agree there is
[00:15:56] an agreement professor when we talk
[00:16:00] about the wider region of the Western Balkans at this... moment
[00:16:03] almost nothing is working when we look
[00:16:07] at the overall situation, relations, as we just talked about, between Zagreb and
[00:16:10] Podgorica are not very good, between Belgrade and
[00:16:14] Podgorica are not good, there is no dialogue between Belgrade
[00:16:17] and Priština, Sarajevo and Belgrade in very bad
[00:16:21] relations, part of Sarajevo and
[00:16:24] Zagreb are in lukewarm
[00:16:27] relations, it seems that Sarajevo and Podgorica currently have
[00:16:30] the fewest problems, somehow they... don't argue about anything,
[00:16:34] but we can, precisely on the basis of what we just
[00:16:37] talked about, somehow make that change
[00:16:41] and start that Balkan to move
[00:16:44] towards the Union, because now Marta Kos is talking about two
[00:16:48] countries that have moved far ahead towards the European Union, Albania and
[00:16:51] Montenegro, and that already in two or three years
[00:16:55] we can expect that Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Kosovo could
[00:16:59] remain, so to speak, that kind of plug that would be...
[00:17:02] outside both NATO and the European Union,
[00:17:05] many things are at play here, and the European Union bears
[00:17:09] responsibility as well, meaning it's not only our responsibility who are here in
[00:17:12] the Balkans, because we are what we are and we were like that before,
[00:17:16] I hope we have changed for the better, but as far as I can see, you yourself
[00:17:20] mentioned what you mentioned, the experience from the past
[00:17:24] and the 90s, practically as if it has been
[00:17:27] forgotten, uh and we have the same patterns in
[00:17:30] the behavior of the rhetoric
[00:17:33] of certain leaders in the region uh which
[00:17:37] were actually the basis of what led to the breakup
[00:17:41] of Yugoslavia and the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and so on
[00:17:45] and so forth, meaning those of us who remember can easily recognize that,
[00:17:48] but I must also say that many things that the
[00:17:52] European Union started here at the beginning of the 21st century
[00:17:56] uh institutions or forms of
[00:17:59] cooperation in the region that were established then uh
[00:18:02] they are uh... in crisis, just as global
[00:18:06] uh, multilateralism and cooperation at a
[00:18:09] global level are in crisis, uh, meaning, look at those
[00:18:12] institutions, forms of cooperation that were then various,
[00:18:14] various, various types of regional integration and so on, they
[00:18:18] are now more or less on paper, they exist,
[00:18:21] but uh, their content compared
[00:18:25] years ago is very questionable, that opens up space for all those
[00:18:28] who uh implement different policies, you mentioned.
[00:18:31] "You mentioned Serbia and
[00:18:35] the problem with Montenegro, in fact Serbia has a problem with almost all
[00:18:39] its neighbors uh around itself uh this
[00:18:43] more so speaks about those who are in power in Belgrade, again
[00:18:46] or about the continuity of a certain kind of policy which had a brief
[00:18:49] period of questioning which lasted uh only a few
[00:18:53] years and then actually
[00:18:57] continued the policies we saw from the late '90s
[00:19:00] throughout the 2000s. Montenegro, on the
[00:19:03] other hand, has no problems with other neighbors except, as you yourself
[00:19:07] said, with Serbia and now this, I wouldn't call it
[00:19:11] Prozen with Croatia, it's just an open question because in other
[00:19:14] issues we are not in in some, so to speak,
[00:19:18] fundamental conflicts or
[00:19:21] differences uh uh many
[00:19:24] things need to be changed uh I hope the European Union will continue
[00:19:28] the accession process seriously uh uh
[00:19:31] the process of opening
[00:19:34] doors for the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries, because that is the only
[00:19:37] way. Professor, you spoke about those
[00:19:41] other actors, and now we've seen a situation where
[00:19:45] we have interference from one team, that
[00:19:48] team is Donald Trump's team.
[00:19:52] We saw that his associates are also interfering,
[00:19:55] in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Albania,
[00:19:58] in Montenegro, in Serbia. We also saw
[00:20:01] "in the past few
[00:20:04] days with Donald Trump that we also saw the daughter of his chief of staff
[00:20:08] who took a picture with a long
[00:20:12] weapon in Bosnia and Herzegovina, how do you, as
[00:20:15] someone who uh has long worked
[00:20:18] in the United States, but also knows the Balkans,
[00:20:21] view this situation, how dangerous can Trump's
[00:20:24] fueling of those uh..."
[00:20:28] players who don't always have the best intentions when it comes to
[00:20:31] the Balkans, it can be very dangerous, it can be
[00:20:34] dangerous for two reasons, and this, I wouldn't call it dangerous, but
[00:20:37] I would call it destabilizing for
[00:20:41] the Balkans, which can slow down other processes, the first
[00:20:43] thing is that with Trump
[00:20:47] uh a kind of synergy in the approach to
[00:20:50] the Balkans between the United States and the European Union disappears, from that
[00:20:53] 2001 or 2002 or from the end of the war
[00:20:56] and the fall of Milošević in the
[00:20:59] Thessaloniki agenda that they told us, actually there is a
[00:21:03] continuity of cooperation between the European Union
[00:21:05] and the United States when the Balkans are concerned in... in which there is
[00:21:08] a division of roles, where the European Union
[00:21:12] plays a leading role, and the United States often supports, except for
[00:21:15] a few issues they consider urgent when they need to
[00:21:19] intervene directly, which was Bosnia or Kosovo, now that policy
[00:21:22] has been abandoned, meaning that continuity no longer
[00:21:25] exists, now a different
[00:21:29] approach is being introduced which is based exclusively on
[00:21:33] uh in that regard it can be similar and
[00:21:36] understandable for many leaders of the Balkans. personal uh, your personal, your personal
[00:21:40] interest, the interests of your
[00:21:42] family or group of people you are
[00:21:46] surrounded by, are actually much more important than the strategic interests
[00:21:49] of your country, where profit uh
[00:21:52] outweighs everything else and I would add Greece here, you have now mentioned Greece, Bulgaria,
[00:21:56] the Wall Street Journal recently wrote about that, recently there was
[00:22:00] writing about a project in Bosnia and Herzegovina and so on, global
[00:22:03] media follow that because it's about projects that are worth.
[00:22:07] several billion dollars, and
[00:22:11] and and open the door for for corruption, meaning
[00:22:14] that's one thing, another thing is that, as I said
[00:22:17] earlier, it opens space for those forces and those
[00:22:21] people who we know haven't had support from the
[00:22:25] United States until now, it was unimaginable that Dodik or some
[00:22:28] people in Belgrade, nationalists, extreme
[00:22:32] nationalists uh who nurture
[00:22:36] xenophobic pro-fascist policies and so. so forth would be
[00:22:39] supported by by
[00:22:42] America, it doesn't matter if they are some marginal, non-marginal
[00:22:46] influential or non-influential senators whom they meet
[00:22:49] when they travel to America, whether they are some, so
[00:22:52] to speak, peculiar personalities in their views,
[00:22:56] but they are senators, they are also part of American politics, part
[00:23:00] of the American milieu and in that regard uh
[00:23:04] meeting with them or the possibility of meeting
[00:23:07] with them actually represents an exception that did not exist before, in that
[00:23:11] regard these forces in the Balkans consider themselves as if
[00:23:15] they are supported and are starting to be louder, because suddenly
[00:23:18] it's not only Russia that can stand behind them, but
[00:23:22] suddenly it can also be America, however long this
[00:23:26] policy lasts, which is currently in
[00:23:29] Washington. And professor, when we talk
[00:23:33] about Washington, uh,
[00:23:37] very soon we expect something. that is
[00:23:40] uh called midterms, i.e. elections in the middle of the term. At
[00:23:44] this moment, when we look at the congressional estimates, here are some
[00:23:47] of them right on our screen which say that Democrats
[00:23:50] have a 65% chance of winning the Senate and that
[00:23:54] they have even a 93% chance of winning
[00:23:58] the House of Representatives. Can this very
[00:24:01] change that we see, which is being announced, both in terms of the Senate and
[00:24:05] in terms of the House of Representatives, be the
[00:24:09] key factor in stopping these for
[00:24:12] whom you say they are now becoming louder when it comes to
[00:24:16] both Milorad Dodik and some other people
[00:24:20] in the Western Balkans? That will
[00:24:23] certainly, first we need to see what will happen and we need to see how
[00:24:26] President Trump will react, because I wouldn't rule out
[00:24:30] internal destabilization, I mean, I don't think I'm
[00:24:33] some kind of pessimist, an ultimate pessimist, but there were some
[00:24:36] announcements that he could again
[00:24:40] uh uh question the elections if
[00:24:43] the elections are negative for him and that he is trying
[00:24:46] to mobilize certain segments of American society to
[00:24:50] protest. My personal opinion is that considering
[00:24:54] the initial experience in this case and the current
[00:24:57] quiet uh uh how can I say redistribution within
[00:25:00] the Republican party uh I don't know what all could
[00:25:04] be the realization of that but uh
[00:25:06] definitely uh these... forces
[00:25:08] you mentioned in the Balkans that we talked about would be
[00:25:12] weakened because uh then it would
[00:25:15] come, if uh Democrats
[00:25:18] won the Senate, for the House of Representatives it is certainly considered
[00:25:22] that they will win, even Republicans no longer question that in their latest
[00:25:24] statements, they no longer question that at all, but if they
[00:25:28] take 52 seats that are now being talked about, 51 is enough
[00:25:31] but now it's about 52 even 53 seats in the
[00:25:35] Senate, that would... be such a strong turnaround, practically
[00:25:39] what they would call it a blue surge or
[00:25:43] some big wave, a blue wave that will
[00:25:47] sweep everything away, uh, that would put Trump. "in a very
[00:25:50] difficult situation because with a majority in
[00:25:54] the Senate they could uh exert constant
[00:25:57] pressure on him, which would politically weaken him
[00:26:01] and actually turn America towards
[00:26:04] internal uh internal issues
[00:26:07] uh that would weaken or affect American
[00:26:11] presence uh abroad including the Balkans uh and these forces that we
[00:26:15] have
[00:26:19] uh time bi oslabilo ili uticalo na američko
[00:26:22] prisustvo uh vani uključujući Balkan
[00:26:25] they would not be able to count anymore
[00:26:29] on such support as they have supported until now or..." "if that
[00:26:33] support was even sent, it would be
[00:26:36] clear that it is something that lives short,
[00:26:39] because the time of that administration is definitely
[00:26:42] questionable and they have big problems at home
[00:26:46] and he will be a so-called lamduck, a president who
[00:26:49] actually limps and uh who
[00:26:52] cannot have full political power. Now one more
[00:26:55] question for the end, professor, this is more of a human question,
[00:26:59] how do Americans today live with..." these
[00:27:03] incredible prices, especially at gas stations,
[00:27:06] I know how important it is for Americans to have
[00:27:09] a full tank, but now a gallon costs
[00:27:13] 6 dollars, Donald Trump did not expect that, now
[00:27:16] through Putin he is trying to solve that price, but how much does
[00:27:20] that change the way Americans look
[00:27:24] at politics today and is it more important for them
[00:27:27] to think about what they will put on the table
[00:27:31] for their family tonight than what is happening
[00:27:34] in the Gulf or Ukraine or anywhere else
[00:27:38] in the world at this moment? First,
[00:27:41] President Trump came to the head of America promising
[00:27:44] that there would be no American wars or involvement
[00:27:48] of America in world events, and he is now the president who
[00:27:51] has been most involved in the last 20 something
[00:27:54] years, if we exclude, for example, our
[00:27:58] wars in the 90s and the intervention of the then
[00:28:01] then presidents in the early 90s,
[00:28:05] early 90s, I apologize, so first he
[00:28:09] betrayed those expectations, as a consequence of those
[00:28:12] of that and all, no, this is not a show
[00:28:16] about that, those wars actually and everything he has done so far
[00:28:19] uh, at least as far as the views of
[00:28:22] experts are concerned, he actually did not do it
[00:28:26] to show American power, but everything he did actually
[00:28:29] contributed to people realizing...
[00:28:33] the limits of that American power, whether it is Iran, whether it is Gaza, whether
[00:28:37] it is Ukraine, look now how Zelensky reacts,
[00:28:40] remember how it was the first time in the Oval Office, look
[00:28:44] how Canada reacts now, tariffs are no
[00:28:47] longer a bogeyman and so on, so he has shown
[00:28:50] everywhere the limitation of power, not
[00:28:53] in the end of America again proud or how shall
[00:28:57] we say great America again came to a situation where
[00:29:00] it begs Russia for help so that it would give it
[00:29:04] that, so that it would give it - this diesel, yes, that is a very
[00:29:08] important question for Americans, it is important
[00:29:10] because it directly affects the economy of every
[00:29:14] household, but it is important because it affects
[00:29:17] farmers in the Midwest, that is Trump's voting
[00:29:20] base, and because they use diesel
[00:29:24] and these huge price increases actually
[00:29:27] affect them not being able to
[00:29:31] how they will... express their dissatisfaction
[00:29:34] by voting exactly that, if you now follow these developments in
[00:29:38] the Midwest, surprising support for candidates
[00:29:41] coming from Democrats in states
[00:29:45] where Republicans have continuously won,
[00:29:49] I don't know and so on, actually points
[00:29:52] to the depth of the problems that Republicans
[00:29:55] are facing at this moment, all
[00:29:57] thanks to Trump who is the president
[00:30:00] of the country. Professor, thank you for this
[00:30:04] conversation, thank you for this comprehensive analysis of
[00:30:08] everything we have seen not only in the
[00:30:11] Western Balkans, but also when it comes to the international
[00:30:14] community. Thank you for the invitation, it was a pleasure.
[00:30:44] With years, movement gets a different meaning, it's no longer
[00:30:47] about speed, but freedom, freedom to
[00:30:50] move without thinking, enjoying every step,
[00:30:54] every moment. Artro support, advanced complex for
[00:30:58] joints.