N1SRP — broadcast
20260917 100000 UTC
526 transcript segments
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[00:00:21] The Special Court for Kosovo, based in The Hague, found four former leaders
[00:00:25] of the Kosovo Liberation Army, Hashim Thaçi, Veselji,
[00:00:28] Rexhep Selimi, and Jakup Krasniqi, guilty of
[00:00:32] war crimes. We discuss what the reactions and
[00:00:35] consequences of this verdict are. Judiciary in focus in
[00:00:38] Serbia. I'm Tatja Aleksić, N1 Studio
[00:00:42] Live begins.
[00:00:49] The former head of the Belgrade police, Veselin Milić,
[00:00:52] against whom the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office filed an indictment
[00:00:55] more than two months ago in the case of the murder in
[00:00:59] Senjak, will appear before the First Basic Court. This
[00:01:03] information is brought to us by Ana Novaković. Ana, how
[00:01:06] did this happen and what is Veselin
[00:01:10] Milić currently charged with?
[00:01:13] Yes, Tanja, well, these are the morning's information that
[00:01:17] we published, which I received, uh,
[00:01:20] well, uh, what the First Basic Public
[00:01:23] Prosecutor's Office told me is that it received
[00:01:27] this case from the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office in Belgrade to
[00:01:31] state whether they accept jurisdiction and representation, and
[00:01:34] as they told me from the prosecutor's office, they accepted
[00:01:38] the representation of this indictment. I also received confirmation
[00:01:41] from the First Basic Court in Belgrade, where
[00:01:45] Veselin Milić will definitely be tried.
[00:01:48] Uh, they told me
[00:01:52] of the General Staff, that, uh, at this moment, that case is in the stage
[00:01:56] of examining the indictment against Milić, which was filed by
[00:02:00] the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office, but that they are in the process of obtaining
[00:02:04] evidence that has been proposed
[00:02:07] to be presented during the trial, and that
[00:02:10] the individual judge who will preside will be
[00:02:14] Judge Slađana Radojčić. By the way, I would
[00:02:17] like to remind you that Veselin Milić is charged
[00:02:21] with two criminal offenses, namely failure to report
[00:02:24] a criminal offense committed by the perpetrator, i.e., failure to report a murder
[00:02:28] by the perpetrator, but also for the criminal offense
[00:02:31] of forging an official document. Milić
[00:02:35] was charged based on a criminal complaint filed
[00:02:39] against him by the head of the UKP,
[00:02:42] i.e., the Criminal Police Directorate, Marko Kriček. He was charged
[00:02:46] with failure to report a criminal offense, and also with aiding
[00:02:49] the perpetrator after the criminal offense was committed. The Higher
[00:02:53] Public Prosecutor's Office has since dismissed that part of the criminal
[00:02:56] complaint, leaving him only with this
[00:03:00] charge of failure to report a criminal offense committed by the perpetrator.
[00:03:04] In addition, they added the forging
[00:03:07] of an official document, because, as the Higher Public
[00:03:09] Prosecutor's Office announced, Veselin Milić made some untrue claims
[00:03:12] in that official police note on May
[00:03:15] 13th, the day after the murder of Aleksandar Nešović,
[00:03:19] also known as Baja.
[00:03:22] Again, the prosecutor's office says more that he skipped
[00:03:26] some important claims to enter that official
[00:03:30] report.
[00:03:31] Ana, the investigation into the murder of Aleksandar
[00:03:34] Nešović was riddled with numerous controversies.
[00:03:38] Yes, you are absolutely right,
[00:03:42] Tanja, when you say that.
[00:03:44] Namely, this case was marked by the cover-up
[00:03:48] of the murder. So, we found out who was killed only
[00:03:51] days later. Then, the disappearance
[00:03:54] of the body, uh, then
[00:03:57] the search for the body, which lasted and was very intensive, for as long as seven
[00:04:01] days, then the discovery of the body in a barrel
[00:04:05] not far from Jarkovačko lake, the involvement
[00:04:08] of police officers, several of them, among them
[00:04:11] the first man of the Belgrade police,
[00:04:14] Veselin Milić. Also, the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office
[00:04:17] for days issued numerous statements,
[00:04:20] it seems to me, there were certainly over
[00:04:24] 20, I can't say the exact number now, but there were
[00:04:27] definitely more than 20 statements daily. In those statements, the Higher
[00:04:31] Public Prosecutor's Office, I must say, presented very
[00:04:34] contradictory claims, and also ones that quickly proved
[00:04:38] to be untrue, such as when the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office stated that
[00:04:42] all suspects, except Veselin Milić,
[00:04:45] remained silent before the prosecutor. This is not true.
[00:04:49] Nedeljnik Radar even published a total of six
[00:04:52] statements given by the suspects before
[00:04:56] the prosecutor, and one of them is the statement of Veselin
[00:05:00] Milić himself. So there were many controversies,
[00:05:03] then also the dismissal of the criminal complaint filed
[00:05:07] by Marko Kričak. And what is
[00:05:10] additionally important is the direction in which the investigation
[00:05:13] of the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office did not continue, namely that
[00:05:17] uh they did not question
[00:05:20] the actions of police officer Marko Kričak, head
[00:05:23] of the UKP, because it was precisely several
[00:05:26] suspects who stated that they were beaten
[00:05:30] and mistreated by police officers in the police station.
[00:05:34] One of them, the informal
[00:05:36] owner of restaurant 27 where the murder
[00:05:39] happened, recognized Marko Kričak. So these are all some
[00:05:43] details that happened during the investigation of this
[00:05:47] Senjak case, but also in the continuation when
[00:05:50] the indictment and the indictment proposal were filed, because the Higher Public
[00:05:54] Prosecutor's Office did file an indictment against those suspects,
[00:05:57] among others, including the direct perpetrator
[00:06:01] of the murder of Aleksandar Nenšić, Saša Vuković
[00:06:04] Boske, but on the other hand, a separate
[00:06:07] indictment was filed by the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office,
[00:06:10] and it is precisely against Veselin Milić
[00:06:14] for a milder criminal offense, only for
[00:06:18] failure to report a criminal offense.
[00:06:21] And I will remind you of one more important thing,
[00:06:24] that on the day when Veselin Milić was
[00:06:27] released from custody, Tanja, that is, when he was released
[00:06:31] to defend himself at liberty, he was released four days before the indictment proposal
[00:06:35] was filed against him by the Higher Prosecutor's Office. The next day, an
[00:06:39] information appeared on the Nova portal
[00:06:42] that the case would be forwarded to the First
[00:06:46] Basic Public Prosecutor's Office, and the Higher Prosecutor's Office
[00:06:50] immediately denied it, but now, two months
[00:06:53] later, a little more than that, it is
[00:06:56] clear to us that those completely logical assumptions
[00:07:00] of the Nova Portal proved to be
[00:07:03] true, that Veselin Milić
[00:07:06] will definitely be tried before the Basic Court,
[00:07:09] the First Basic Court in Belgrade, in front of which
[00:07:13] I am currently located. The trial will be scheduled in the coming
[00:07:17] days when the individual judge obtains these necessary
[00:07:21] items, so that she can start
[00:07:24] and lead the criminal
[00:07:28] proceedings. Thank you, Ana, Ana Novaković, for the new information in the case of Veselin
[00:07:31] Milić.
[00:07:39] And I am discussing the judiciary in the police with lawyer Sara
[00:07:42] Elsarag, who is also a candidate for a member of parliament on the student list. Good
[00:07:46] day, thank you for being here. Before we turn to these
[00:07:50] program points that are from your expertise. How does what we just
[00:07:54] heard from Ana, the Senjak case, sound
[00:07:57] to you? The involvement of Veselin Milić, the final decision
[00:08:00] is obviously that the process, at least in
[00:08:04] Milić's case, will be conducted before the First Basic Court. Well, it's interesting
[00:08:07] that the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office initiated the whole
[00:08:11] procedure against Veselin Milić, only for it to end up in the Basic Public
[00:08:14] Prosecutor's Office. So we have around us,
[00:08:18] behind us, situations where
[00:08:21] the prosecutor's office does not act ex officio or do anything at all.
[00:08:25] However, given the criminal offenses he is charged with,
[00:08:28] the penalties are lower, and therefore
[00:08:32] is competent for his procedure. Now, how does
[00:08:35] that whole case appear to you now, from this
[00:08:39] minimal time distance? And Milić, all
[00:08:43] the information that came out, the different twists, what
[00:08:46] state officials said, what the Higher Public
[00:08:49] Prosecutor's Office said? Well, I think that if I
[00:08:52] remember correctly, when what happened in Senjak
[00:08:56] happened, they were issuing
[00:08:58] statements almost every couple of hours, they even issued
[00:09:02] statements at night, probably to calm the public, because it
[00:09:06] was a scandal. But
[00:09:09] this one is simply unclear how Milić himself
[00:09:13] was exempted from the proceedings in this situation, given
[00:09:16] that there were several suspects arrested.
[00:09:19] Since there was allegedly a group, for which the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office
[00:09:22] is competent when a group is involved. Yes, well, and
[00:09:26] from a few days ago, you are in a completely different role,
[00:09:30] uh, did you have any doubts about whether
[00:09:33] to accept participation in the student list?
[00:09:37] You are stepping out of the framework where you are known to the public,
[00:09:41] which is as a lawyer who is engaged in various cases,
[00:09:44] defending activists, students, now in a different
[00:09:48] role. Well, I think that
[00:09:52] when you do your job, somehow you are an individual
[00:09:55] and you have the right to literally do what you want,
[00:09:58] to stand behind every word, uh, for me there was no
[00:10:02] dilemma in the sense that what I say, I might
[00:10:05] one day get into a situation where I do it,
[00:10:09] I mean not from the position of a lawyer,
[00:10:13] we have complete freedom there, but here
[00:10:16] we also have, I would say, the power to change as
[00:10:20] an independent profession. Now you are entering
[00:10:23] a system, from which we constantly say that we
[00:10:27] have a systemic problem, that this is not just a problem of,
[00:10:30] let's say, politics, but it is politics, and I had no
[00:10:33] intention of refusing. On the other hand, it was a great
[00:10:37] honor for me, I must emphasize that, especially because it is
[00:10:41] my alma mater. I hope that I will
[00:10:44] get into a situation where I can really change
[00:10:46] something and then return to my free
[00:10:50] law practice. So you see
[00:10:54] yourself as having a limited role in politics. Yes, very limited,
[00:10:58] as something that you might not even
[00:11:02] pursue later. Certainly not. Let's
[00:11:04] go over some of the points of the student program
[00:11:08] that are within your field of expertise.
[00:11:12] The first one is, for example, the liberation
[00:11:15] of courts and prosecutor's offices with the formation of a special
[00:11:19] prosecutorial police. What exactly
[00:11:21] would that entail? But here it should be noted
[00:11:25] that there would also be a special court of special jurisdiction
[00:11:28] for combating corruption. So that court
[00:11:32] and a public prosecutor's office that would deal with
[00:11:35] this, and a prosecutorial police
[00:11:39] is a chain that would have to cooperate.
[00:11:42] So it would not be of a temporary nature, it would be of a permanent
[00:11:46] nature. Individual cases would be handled,
[00:11:49] meaning I know people want us to arrest everyone
[00:11:53] and everything, but I think that is legally speaking
[00:11:57] a bit frivolous and, dare I say, irresponsible,
[00:12:00] so that we don't end up in a situation like Milorad Mišković's, where
[00:12:03] all of us citizens have to compensate
[00:12:07] for his damages due to illegal arrest. This is simply,
[00:12:10] given that the police reject the orders of the prosecutor's
[00:12:13] office, as we had in the case
[00:12:17] this prosecutorial police would be directly
[00:12:21] under the prosecutor who would deal with these
[00:12:25] corruption cases. They would not be accountable
[00:12:29] to the minister and the police director, as they are now, but directly
[00:12:32] to the prosecutor. What would a thorough control of the work
[00:12:36] of the MUP entail? Well, you know
[00:12:40] what, first let's see who got employed in the police,
[00:12:43] then let's go through certain checks on who that person is,
[00:12:47] whether he works privately, builds, whether he has his own cafes,
[00:12:50] what happens in those cafes. So a police officer
[00:12:53] should be a police officer, if he chose to be a protector
[00:12:57] of the constitution and laws of this country, he should do that, not have
[00:13:01] some 15, as they say, modern combinations besides that.
[00:13:04] Yes, let's move on to the second point, the law on the origin
[00:13:08] of assets and the confiscation of illegally acquired assets, which has been much discussed, that is
[00:13:12] the lustration of public officials. How would that
[00:13:15] look? Well, the law on the origin of assets
[00:13:18] and lustration cannot be separated. So they
[00:13:21] would have to put all public officials, and I would say
[00:13:24] persons, both natural and legal,
[00:13:27] connected with them, into some process
[00:13:30] of reviewing their assets. So we have almost
[00:13:34] a case recently, uh,
[00:13:36] I think it was the chief of staff of Macut's
[00:13:40] government who bought two apartments in the name of, one in the name of
[00:13:43] his father, the other in the name of his mother, who is in that Stajić's,
[00:13:46] uh, or Sajčić's, as it is called, group. So,
[00:13:50] where did you get the money? That's the first question.
[00:13:53] And after that, it comes down to whether you obtained that money
[00:13:57] through abuse of office, in which case you must be lustrated,
[00:14:00] i.e., you can no longer have access to state
[00:14:04] funds. So that's roughly the idea, to explain it
[00:14:08] in a simple way. There was a lot of talk
[00:14:11] about what lustration would look like. Well, according
[00:14:14] to the program that the students created, that is roughly
[00:14:18] the program, abuse of office and violation of
[00:14:21] human rights is what would be covered by lustration
[00:14:24] and... a possible ban for 10 years from holding
[00:14:28] public office. Who would decide on that, would it be after
[00:14:32] some court proceedings? Well, I would leave that for later,
[00:14:36] given that the draft of that law is in progress.
[00:14:39] That program is being worked on by people who are,
[00:14:43] let's say, experts and who have seen the flaws of the previous
[00:14:47] lustration law, which was not applied. So I wouldn't really,
[00:14:50] that would be my next question, we already had
[00:14:53] a law on lustration after the October 5th changes,
[00:14:57] and an intention to do that, but
[00:14:59] nothing happened, that law, or rather its implementation,
[00:15:03] never came into force. Well, that law
[00:15:06] was declared unconstitutional, if I remember correctly,
[00:15:10] at the initiative of some non-governmental organizations, and it is interesting
[00:15:14] that the Constitutional Court should have reacted
[00:15:17] very quickly then, because lustration was actually
[00:15:20] supposed to be initiated against the persons who
[00:15:24] appointed them.
[00:15:34] What were the flaws of that law, so I believe
[00:15:38] that this time there will be no such flaws. Yes, do you think it was just
[00:15:42] due to flaws then, or was there no will
[00:15:45] to enter into such a thing? Well, I don't know, because
[00:15:49] I wasn't in the structures to be able to say, but I can definitely say
[00:15:53] that political will must exist. I am sure that now there is
[00:15:57] both popular and political will, that we simply
[00:16:01] now have this list of the Serbian Progressive
[00:16:04] Party where we have Slobodan Milošević's grandson, where we have
[00:16:08] Šešelj's son. So I think it's really time to put
[00:16:12] an end to all that, that what
[00:16:14] was the student message from the very beginning,
[00:16:18] I assume for those of you on the list, is that
[00:16:22] the judiciary is often a topic,
[00:16:25] and that it's time for justice in
[00:16:29] Serbia. Do you think your program brings
[00:16:33] that? That program certainly brings that.
[00:16:36] It also brings people together
[00:16:39] by restoring faith in the judiciary and in institutions.
[00:16:43] Because today, for example, especially me who
[00:16:46] does this work, when I hear "I can't sue,"
[00:16:49] "procedures take too long," "there's no justice,"
[00:16:53] I have clients who died during proceedings,
[00:16:56] waiting for a first-instance verdict.
[00:16:59] So it simply has to be restored. That message means
[00:17:03] restoring faith and trust in institutions.
[00:17:07] Will these things from the program be explained
[00:17:10] in more detail? They will be on
[00:17:13] Saturday. On Saturday, the first 10 points will be
[00:17:17] presented to the public in Belgrade. In
[00:17:20] Vojvodina, it has already happened, but I believe that through
[00:17:23] our appearances, we will, so to speak, promote
[00:17:27] and present the points of the student movement.
[00:17:30] We all stand behind them, of course, there is no place here
[00:17:33] for ideology now, whether someone is left, right, center, or whatever.
[00:17:37] It doesn't bother me. I mean, it's great when I have
[00:17:41] a goal. So the goal is to fix the judiciary. Now, what I intimately
[00:17:44] think and how I feel, I think that should be completely
[00:17:47] put aside now, to fix this, as they say, to reset
[00:17:51] the system. And after that, let everyone be
[00:17:55] left and right and whatever they want. And from your experience, what is all
[00:17:59] needed to, as you say, fix the judiciary? Well,
[00:18:02] I think first we need, let's say,
[00:18:06] for people to understand, systematization, or rather rotation
[00:18:10] of staff. You have, I really can't be wrong,
[00:18:14] there are honest, fair
[00:18:16] judges and prosecutors who have been rotated
[00:18:20] through reallocation of cases, or you have civil lawyers
[00:18:23] who have been placed in criminal cases, and judges who have
[00:18:27] worked on enforcement cases placed in criminal cases.
[00:18:30] So all that goes according to punishment. So
[00:18:33] I believe that everyone who does their job and is placed
[00:18:37] where they naturally belong by knowledge and qualifications,
[00:18:41] that they do their job. I think that it can go
[00:18:45] very quickly. I am an optimist. Maybe none of this is true,
[00:18:49] but I believe that through some kind of so-called systematization,
[00:18:52] it can be nicely arranged. Yes, what kind
[00:18:56] of role should
[00:18:58] your basic profession, the legal profession,
[00:19:01] play in this?
[00:19:05] Well, I don't know how to place advocacy in the National
[00:19:09] Assembly, they seem incompatible to me, in this process, I don't know.
[00:19:12] Advocacy first needs a process of system change, you say.
[00:19:16] It is necessary to change the system, to reset the judiciary. Where
[00:19:20] is the role of advocacy here,
[00:19:23] do you see it at all? I think advocacy will always
[00:19:27] be a corrector, even for the best possible government. So, for me,
[00:19:30] that is the role of advocacy. Thank you very much for
[00:19:34] this conversation. That was Sara Elsarag, lawyer
[00:19:37] and candidate for a member of parliament on the student list.
[00:19:41] And the student movement launched a bicycle
[00:19:44] action "Guardians of the Constitution" which will continue in the coming days
[00:19:48] throughout Serbia with the message that the constitution must apply
[00:19:51] equally to everyone everywhere. That's why the Constitution
[00:19:54] travels through Serbia, from Belgrade to Vojvodina, from Belgrade to southern
[00:19:58] Serbia, through cities where citizens will meet, talk,
[00:20:02] and leave their signatures, said the students who set off
[00:20:05] on bicycles from Republic Square in Belgrade, carrying copies of the constitution
[00:20:09] through cities and university centers covered by
[00:20:13] the route of that campaign. One group headed towards Pančevo, the other
[00:20:16] towards Obrenovac. The final destination
[00:20:18] is Kragujevac.
[00:20:21] We have the opportunity, over these 10 days that we will be cycling,
[00:20:25] to pass through almost all places in Serbia, to cover as
[00:20:29] much area as possible, so that
[00:20:32] as many citizens as possible hear about us,
[00:20:36] but not just hear, but see us. So they can greet
[00:20:39] us, so they can get hope in the sense
[00:20:43] that they see that we really exist, that we are not
[00:20:47] just some kids from Instagram, some kids from
[00:20:50] television and so on, but we are really people
[00:20:54] here, students who are ready to make changes in this country.
[00:20:57] Why Kragujevac? Because the first Serbian constitution
[00:21:00] was adopted there. We, as guardians of the constitution, as this
[00:21:03] bicycle tour itself is called, believed that
[00:21:06] it was the best place for that symbolic
[00:21:09] large gathering, because, just as in
[00:21:13] every rule of law, the constitution should be
[00:21:16] respected, and all citizens should be enabled to truly
[00:21:20] have some basic and elementary rights that are, unfortunately,
[00:21:23] constantly violated under this government. We believe
[00:21:27] that the constitution should truly be something
[00:21:30] that is written in it, to be enabled for all
[00:21:32] citizens of that country.
[00:21:35] Representatives of the electoral list of the Party of Justice and Reconciliation
[00:21:39] USME Zukorlić, the Movement for Unity, submitted to
[00:21:42] the Republic Electoral Commission a list of 250
[00:21:45] candidates for members of parliament with about 700
[00:21:49] collected signatures of citizen support. Zukorlić
[00:21:52] stated that more than 50% of the candidates
[00:21:56] on that party's list are women. He stated that he expects
[00:21:59] the SPP to be the strongest Bosniak party that will bring
[00:22:03] results to all parts of Serbia where national
[00:22:06] communities live, and to all those who support the Party of Justice
[00:22:10] and Reconciliation.
[00:22:13] The Republic Electoral Commission rejected tonight as unfounded
[00:22:17] the objections of citizens regarding whether there is a conflict
[00:22:20] of interest related to the electoral list Aleksandar
[00:22:23] Vučić, United Serbia, whose holder is the President of Serbia,
[00:22:27] Aleksandar Vučić, who continues to hold that office. 17 out
[00:22:30] of 20 present members of Rika did not vote for
[00:22:34] the objections, two voted for them. The President of Rika, Vladimir
[00:22:37] Dimitrijević, claims that nowhere in the countries of the European Union
[00:22:41] is there a ban on candidacy,
[00:22:43] except in Croatia. Member of Rika, Sofija
[00:22:47] Mandić, pointed out that Rik was obliged to request
[00:22:50] an opinion from the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption,
[00:22:54] because the agency itself did not act ex officio when
[00:22:57] the president announced that he would give the list
[00:23:00] a name.
[00:23:03] Activists of the Serbian Progressive Party installed a prefabricated
[00:23:07] audio-visual container
[00:23:09] at the square near the fountain in the center
[00:23:12] of Kragujevac, with the inscription "Blockading Serbia,"
[00:23:16] so that we never forget. The container was installed
[00:23:19] during the night, and since this morning, police have been present
[00:23:22] in the immediate vicinity of this object. Enjede reporter
[00:23:25] Nataša Lazarović is reporting from this location. Nataša, have you
[00:23:29] managed to get an answer about what this container is for,
[00:23:32] can one go inside?
[00:23:36] Well, Tanja, we arrived here around 10 o'clock when we saw
[00:23:39] and received information from citizens who were sharing it on social
[00:23:43] media that this prefabricated structure was located
[00:23:46] in the strict center of Kragujevac at the square near the fountain.
[00:23:50] As you said, it was installed last night,
[00:23:53] and since this morning, a large number of police
[00:23:57] officers could be seen here. What we didn't know when we arrived
[00:24:01] was that the official opening of this installation,
[00:24:04] organized by the Serbian Progressive Party, was announced
[00:24:08] for today. That became clear to us only around
[00:24:11] 11 o'clock when Milenko Jovanov, a candidate
[00:24:15] on the Serbian Progressive Party's list for member of parliament,
[00:24:18] and former head of the Serbian Progressive Party's parliamentary
[00:24:22] group, appeared here. Several dozen
[00:24:25] sympathizers and supporters of the Serbian Progressive Party
[00:24:29] gathered with him in front of this box. He addressed
[00:24:32] the assembled citizens and gave statements to the media,
[00:24:36] saying that this is the beginning of activities within
[00:24:40] the pre-election campaign, and that this black box, as he
[00:24:43] called it, about everything that
[00:24:47] "Blockading Serbia" has done in the past 19 months,
[00:24:50] as written on this container behind us, will be a kind
[00:24:54] of part of the pre-election campaign.
[00:24:58] So we will remind viewers, and citizens of Belgrade
[00:25:01] probably already know, that before the Vidovdan rally
[00:25:04] of the Serbian Progressive Party in Belgrade, a similar
[00:25:08] box or prefabricated structure was installed near the post office
[00:25:12] in Belgrade, where citizens could see on video beams
[00:25:15] and on that audio-visual installation recordings of protests,
[00:25:19] riots, and everything that as the organizers from the Serbian
[00:25:23] Progressive Party say, marked the previous year
[00:25:27] something days, so, let's hear what Milenko Jovanov
[00:25:30] stated on this occasion before the official opening of this
[00:25:34] facility, besides violence and chaos, they
[00:25:38] offer nothing and that everything that the blockaders can
[00:25:41] offer is located in this black box and that is why they
[00:25:45] are like this black box, no one
[00:25:48] knows what... is inside, but
[00:25:52] when it opens, out comes violence
[00:25:55] chaos, because they actually have nothing
[00:25:58] else, because they have nothing else to offer, there is no plan whatsoever.
[00:26:02] there is no program whatsoever, you didn't see those 11 points that they
[00:26:05] presented some time ago, and of those 11 points
[00:26:09] the largest part refers to this, further persecution,
[00:26:12] further harassment, only now they would include state bodies in that harassment and
[00:26:16] persecution to persecute us legally and not illegally as they have done until
[00:26:20] now, so chasing us on the streets, only not now at their
[00:26:23] own expense, but at the expense of all of you taxpayers, that's roughly their
[00:26:26] idea,
[00:26:30] at this moment, so... To say that the opening ceremony around
[00:26:34] 11 o'clock lasted maybe half an hour, gathered citizens, sympathizers
[00:26:38] of the Serbian Progressive Party together with Milenko Jovanov
[00:26:41] and local officials of the Serbian Progressive Party here in Kragujevac, Nataša
[00:26:45] Jovanović, Biljana Ilić Stošić and Miroslav Petrošinović entered
[00:26:49] inside this facility to visit the exhibition
[00:26:53] after that they soon all left this area
[00:26:57] in the city center, here are the summer gardens of nearby
[00:27:00] cafes, we tried to talk to the city. No one was willing to
[00:27:04] speak on camera, but mostly they complained, they don't understand the
[00:27:07] idea, so why is this container here, what is
[00:27:11] its actual purpose, here for the end of this broadcast we will walk
[00:27:15] and approach this container which actually has two entrances and inside
[00:27:19] we can see that there are still some citizens who
[00:27:23] came either organized or individually to
[00:27:27] see what is inside this container, so you can see it's
[00:27:30] symbolically wooden slats. broken glass, stones, cans,
[00:27:34] eggshells, on this video beam there are constantly
[00:27:37] videos from protests in
[00:27:41] the previous period, it is extremely hot in this
[00:27:44] container, there is no, let's say, air conditioning, so
[00:27:48] citizens, we see some are even staying inside, maybe
[00:27:52] we can briefly approach and ask them, good day, can we ask you
[00:27:55] for N1, we are live on air, what do you think about this
[00:27:58] installation, this find someone who is responsible, let's say
[00:28:02] so. but you as citizens, maybe you came now to visit this exhibition, well, we also
[00:28:05] have this, you don't have us, okay, thank you very much, thank you
[00:28:08] very much, here let's just slowly exit, I say,
[00:28:12] it's very hot inside this container which is not
[00:28:15] air-conditioned, what we have the opportunity to see, is that
[00:28:19] there are citizens here who came,
[00:28:23] we assume, as part of the organization of this entire
[00:28:26] event, but around this plateau itself and on the plateau itself
[00:28:30] there are not many citizens and as far as I can
[00:28:33] tell, there is no longer that many police that were there when
[00:28:37] Milenko Jovanov came to open this installation, what we
[00:28:40] heard is that this black box, as Mr.
[00:28:44] Jovanov called it, will remain in
[00:28:46] Kragujevac for the next week and that the plan is for it to
[00:28:50] be open from 8 am until midnight, so for the next
[00:28:53] week, and then it moves to other cities in
[00:28:57] Serbia.
[00:29:00] Thank you Nataša, Nataša Lazarović, I... from
[00:29:02] Kragujevac.
[00:29:05] Students and opposition, the work concerning the elections should be done
[00:29:09] side by side, and fueling conflict between
[00:29:12] these two sides does not originate from the ranks of the opposition
[00:29:15] nor from the ranks of students. This is what the list leader European
[00:29:19] Serbia Zdravko Ponoš and the Serbia Center party told
[00:29:23] the new day of N1 television, speaking about the electoral activities
[00:29:26] of that list.
[00:29:29] How is the signature collection going, when is the list submission?
[00:29:33] "Signature collection is going the way we projected, my prediction
[00:29:36] was that we would need seven days, we will need a little less, in this situation
[00:29:40] it is quite expected that it goes at that pace, this is not a big
[00:29:44] coalition, this is a coalition that has two parties and one
[00:29:47] movement, uh, we are, we should finish that today, of course we have to
[00:29:51] collect some more numbers for reserve, we saw what happened
[00:29:54] to some who stumbled on those
[00:29:58] administrative issues, so we will submit it over the weekend, we..." "are
[00:30:01] realistically already in a way in the campaign,
[00:30:05] as much as it's possible when the list is not yet announced, so
[00:30:08] everything, everything is going regularly, part of that campaign is also what
[00:30:12] we are promoting, which we think is important, which
[00:30:15] also bears the name of our coalition European Serbia, that's what we
[00:30:19] propose, as I said, I don't think that these elections
[00:30:22] will be decided by whether we will be for Europe or not for
[00:30:26] Europe, but there are some citizens of Serbia for whom that is an important issue and who
[00:30:30] will not go to the polls if it is not offered. At that
[00:30:33] main board in May, we also said that this is a large field and that everyone should
[00:30:37] plow their own patch of land, it
[00:30:41] had to be set up that way, you know why, if the question of
[00:30:45] a referendum atmosphere arises, why it exists or not, whether we are destroying it, we are not
[00:30:48] destroying it, the referendum atmosphere died at
[00:30:51] birth, we already gave it a year of remembrance, meaning the moment you don't
[00:30:55] see that there is a referendum atmosphere, well, unfortunately,
[00:30:58] in the sense that we have one...