N1SRP — broadcast
20260917 190000 UTC
525 transcript segments
Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking
Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive.
Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record.

[00:00:00] "I think that those people who were awakened
[00:00:03] by that wave that students caused
[00:00:06] with that small snowball that turned into an avalanche,
[00:00:10] I think that those people are now forever
[00:00:13] awakened and are just waiting for the moment when that
[00:00:16] energy that existed a year ago or during that year,
[00:00:20] this one that is now accumulated
[00:00:23] somewhere, when it will reappear, because I think that the
[00:00:27] changes that happened are really permanent. And as I
[00:00:30] said before, I think there's no, no turning back, this
[00:00:34] country is deeply divided and I think that
[00:00:38] uh, probably no government before this one, neither Slobodan
[00:00:41] Milošević's government nor his regime managed to
[00:00:44] divide the citizens of Serbia so much, so I think
[00:00:48] that we are now in that situation of some waiting in which I have
[00:00:52] the impression that this
[00:00:54] energy that students awakened
[00:00:58] is really something that... has enormous or the greatest power in
[00:01:02] this society, uh, now when you say that the government with the return
[00:01:06] of faculties and that normalization of work, although it's still not
[00:01:09] completely normal and we still see students at
[00:01:13] different protests that they organize, but when you say
[00:01:16] that they create an illusion that everything is normal, today when we are filming this
[00:01:19] show, it's the first time since the collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad
[00:01:22] that the president, Aleksandar Vučić, went to Novi Sad and
[00:01:26] those videos appeared on social media, he's eating a sandwich, an index sandwich in Novi Sad,
[00:01:30] then he went to open uh this
[00:01:34] homeland fair or whatever it's called,
[00:01:38] uh what does it tell you that for a year he didn't go to Novi Sad and
[00:01:41] then he went in this way in the early
[00:01:44] list and there are many different opinions, who should be on morning he appeared there in front of that sandwich shop and
[00:01:46] ate that, you know how they constantly create an illusion of some reality and they
[00:01:50] constantly create those Potemkin villages and this Cacakland was
[00:01:54] one big Potemkin village and a metaphor
[00:01:58] for what they are actually doing. Today we saw that video with those
[00:02:01] Former current ones on extras around him who are like some citizens who are surprised
[00:02:05] that they saw this president in front of
[00:02:08] the sandwich shop, which means everything is very controlled, just the other
[00:02:12] day there was the opening of an elementary school in Mladenovac
[00:02:16] where there wasn't a single student, not a single professor, this, so these are
[00:02:19] very controlled images that his media
[00:02:23] machinery actually sends to its voters, no longer
[00:02:26] to the citizens of Serbia, because a large part of the citizens of Serbia know... that
[00:02:30] these are all staged events,
[00:02:33] but he continued actually and continues to
[00:02:37] exclusively address his voters, so
[00:02:40] uh the first part of your question uh how I interpret
[00:02:43] the fact that someone, that the president of the country didn't come to Novi Sad for a year, well that
[00:02:47] uh your question itself is already the answer, this
[00:02:51] is it possible that after such a terrible tragedy that the president of the country
[00:02:55] doesn't appear for a year at the place where that tragedy happened and
[00:02:58] then in a... cynical way he actually appears in front of some
[00:03:02] sandwich shop where with the former prime minister he eats
[00:03:05] a sandwich, I think that that's that
[00:03:08] cynicism, uh a characteristic of
[00:03:12] this government, this regime, on the other hand, that terrible
[00:03:15] need to, from that Parizer, and then I don't know
[00:03:19] Sava Hleb and so on, to make it seem that these
[00:03:23] deeply rich people who completely destroyed this
[00:03:26] country, that they are ordinary people.
[00:03:30] And now we hear more and more often from the Serbian Progressive
[00:03:34] Party itself, for example, the former prime minister, the prime minister of the government that fell due to the collapse
[00:03:37] of Nastrašnica Miloš Vučević, who says that Aleksandar
[00:03:41] Vučić should lead the list in the next elections and be
[00:03:44] a candidate for prime minister, what would it mean for Serbia if
[00:03:48] Aleksandar Vučić continued to rule for another four years after the elections
[00:03:52] that will be sometime at the end of this year, in the spring of next year, or whenever
[00:03:55] they are announced? Well, I think that would be a complete dead end for
[00:03:58] Serbia. That would be the end of the road beyond
[00:04:02] which there is nothing, I don't believe that's possible,
[00:04:05] of course, all options exist and I think that's the only
[00:04:09] option for them at this moment, his presidential term expires in
[00:04:12] 2027, they will do everything
[00:04:14] to actually get another four
[00:04:17] years of their power, uh,
[00:04:21] but what would that mean for Serbia, Serbia is a privatized,
[00:04:24] robbed country, when I say robbed, I don't only mean
[00:04:28] resources and what... "that is literally robbed, above all
[00:04:32] I mean robbed and stolen institutions,
[00:04:35] this, that is much worse to me, so we
[00:04:39] live in a hijacked, privatized country, I
[00:04:42] think that one year is a lot for us, four
[00:04:46] years would be this
[00:04:49] terrible, you see that the foreign policy position
[00:04:53] of Serbia is changing, four or five years ago it
[00:04:56] was much better than it is now, so I think that is..."
[00:05:00] that is going into some complete isolation,
[00:05:03] some political dead end from which I am afraid that
[00:05:06] Serbia will not be able to get out for a long time, I think that these
[00:05:09] elections for the next one are really crucial. I mean, we live
[00:05:13] in a country where every election is crucial, but these next
[00:05:17] ones will certainly be crucial and in a
[00:05:20] truly, as they say, referendum-like way, because here it is not
[00:05:23] a question of whether we are for a certain political option
[00:05:27] or for some other, here it is a question of returning the stolen
[00:05:30] state, of returning the stolen state, so that
[00:05:34] some new government, I hope uh gathered around
[00:05:37] the student list, in fact uh, restores
[00:05:41] the institutions that are... privatized, so that
[00:05:44] in two years we can live in a country that has an independent
[00:05:48] judiciary, which has independent media, which has
[00:05:51] institutions, independent police, which has institutions of the system that actually
[00:05:55] work as they should according to the constitution, this, so that is
[00:05:59] our main problem now often when
[00:06:02] some opponents of the student list talk about
[00:06:05] ideological uh
[00:06:07] ideological
[00:06:10] differences of people who are... close to that student list,
[00:06:14] I think that's good and I think that we now need to
[00:06:17] have one, we need to have a very broad front of very
[00:06:21] different people of ideological views who will
[00:06:24] actually do everything to return that hijacked,
[00:06:28] stolen, privatized state to the citizens,
[00:06:31] so that then some independent institutions will be created through which
[00:06:35] in two or three years we will be able to
[00:06:38] have some fair elections, fair
[00:06:41] elections through the media, judiciary, through
[00:06:44] voter lists, this, that is surely something that in a normal
[00:06:48] country would be a minimum of
[00:06:51] civic dignity of a society, now you mention the student
[00:06:57] it, who should not, where is the place
[00:06:59] for the opposition, what is your opinion, we now have this
[00:07:03] new idea that the opposition should somehow participate,
[00:07:07] but that there should be no opposition leaders on that student list,
[00:07:10] students said they don't want politicians.
[00:07:14] that list, how do you think that should look, when you say broad front, now
[00:07:18] I assume you mean those who are left and right oriented and we see
[00:07:22] different symbols that students wear at those protests,
[00:07:25] uh, how should it look to achieve the best possible result, well I
[00:07:29] think, when I said that I think there should be a referendum atmosphere, I think it would be
[00:07:32] best if there was one list, probably that's impossible, but
[00:07:36] if that's impossible, then at most two lists, I'm
[00:07:40] afraid that if there are three lists, that's already some space for
[00:07:44] manipulation to which this government is very prone,
[00:07:48] this, I would like it to be one list, that under
[00:07:52] that, under that umbrella would be everyone left, center and
[00:07:55] right, this, if not a student list and
[00:07:58] the opposition on one list, I say everything beyond
[00:08:02] that, actually uh is space for creating
[00:08:05] some phantom lists that are under complete
[00:08:09] control uh of Aleksandar Vučić's regime. and
[00:08:13] it seems to me that if an agreement is not reached
[00:08:17] and at most two lists, this,
[00:08:20] I think it will be very difficult to this regime, which is very
[00:08:24] capable, if it is capable of anything, it is
[00:08:27] that kind of media manipulation, election
[00:08:31] election fraud, this, if they have learned something, they have
[00:08:34] learned that, so I think that what the regime uh
[00:08:38] Vučić's fears, he fears that student list which.
[00:08:42] will be supported by, I don't know, Novak Đoković,
[00:08:45] Bodiroga, Nemanja Vidić, Emir Kusturica, Goran
[00:08:49] Marković, the most diverse people
[00:08:51] who truly have uh professional credibility, who
[00:08:55] are respected, who are successful, who
[00:08:59] simply uh, have not been involved in
[00:09:03] politics so far, this, and whose name means something
[00:09:06] to citizens, yes, let's go
[00:09:09] now into what is your narrower field, that is culture and art.
[00:09:13] Is it even possible now, in recent times, in the last couple of years, to shoot
[00:09:16] a film, uh, the state practically doesn't provide
[00:09:20] money except for projects of production
[00:09:22] companies that are close in one way or another to the authorities,
[00:09:26] how difficult is it to even be involved in film in Serbia today, not to mention
[00:09:30] some independent film, art house film, we'll talk about that of course, but
[00:09:34] how difficult is it? Well, you know, in the last year,
[00:09:38] not a single competition of the Film Center
[00:09:40] of Serbia has been announced, I think that... in the last 14 months
[00:09:44] in fact it has not been announced, meaning the Film Center which should
[00:09:48] have as its primary activity the announcement of elections,
[00:09:51] the announcement of competitions for
[00:09:54] co-financing films, it does that, on the other hand, for
[00:09:58] some longer period, four or five years, people
[00:10:01] who are critically inclined towards the regime, who speak
[00:10:05] uh against this regime practically cannot get
[00:10:08] this money for film production.
[00:10:13] Uh, I say, before four or five years ago, it happened that someone
[00:10:16] slipped through, but now that thing is completely
[00:10:19] controlled, this, that's not just in
[00:10:23] film, you know, it's in publishing, it's in fine
[00:10:26] art, you saw the scandal surrounding the selection
[00:10:30] of candidates for representatives at
[00:10:33] the Venice Biennale, you know what is happening around the book fair and
[00:10:36] the purchase of books from publishers, so the entire
[00:10:39] culture is actually now under
[00:10:42] the control of the ruling party, but that's not strange
[00:10:46] this if you see for me the most interesting thing
[00:10:50] at this moment is actually this
[00:10:53] government considers its biggest enemies
[00:10:56] knowledge and justice, meaning it
[00:10:59] primarily deals with culture, with artists, and even
[00:11:03] more so with this with professors, what bothers
[00:11:07] them, for example, why would cultural workers bother
[00:11:10] anyone, why would someone be bothered by for example Goran Marković who, here
[00:11:14] he sat in one of the first shows and talked about how he was convinced that he would not
[00:11:18] shoot another film in this country, well Goran Marković has not received money for more
[00:11:22] than 10 years, this, I think he hasn't... received money even once
[00:11:25] in the competition of the financial center of Serbia this since the
[00:11:29] Serbian Progressive Party has been in power
[00:11:33] this and I think he has applied more than 10 times in
[00:11:37] fact this well you know how culture
[00:11:40] and people who are involved in culture are a cultural
[00:11:43] and social group that is actually most against this regime
[00:11:46] and they perceive all of us as their
[00:11:50] biggest enemies, among our
[00:11:53] colleagues there are very... few, really very few who support
[00:11:57] this regime, you saw yesterday at this
[00:12:01] meeting of the Film Center of Serbia in Zlatibor there were not
[00:12:04] more than five or six people who are involved in
[00:12:07] film, while at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts
[00:12:11] there were over 300 people from nine
[00:12:14] associations representing over a thousand film
[00:12:18] professionals, is that also a counterpart, now I wanted to ask you about that situation
[00:12:21] when you are doing that at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, when there is talk...
[00:12:25] uh about film, about the film center, about competitions and so on, immediately we have a
[00:12:29] meeting in Zlatibor, this of a different kind where we see, I don't know, Laza
[00:12:33] Ristovski singing in a kafana, Gaga Antonijević sitting there next to
[00:12:36] him, or it doesn't even matter, those videos that were published, how does that look to you then, is this again
[00:12:40] what we talked about, that they always create a counterpart to something else, well you know, the meeting
[00:12:44] of the NFDU was a response to their invitation, the Film Center
[00:12:47] of Serbia invited all associations
[00:12:51] to, in Zlatibor, within the festival in Zlatibor, to hold
[00:12:55] a discussion about the problems of domestic cinematography, we
[00:12:58] considered it hypocritical
[00:13:01] and that it was something that could not be accepted, because all our
[00:13:05] associations, from the Association of Film Artists of Serbia to all
[00:13:08] professional associations, last year in September
[00:13:11] boycotted the festival in Zlatibor, the national festival in Zlatibor
[00:13:15] and we thought that our house, the Film Center
[00:13:18] uh by the fact that such a discussion, an important discussion, is being held
[00:13:22] at a festival that we all boycotted. That it was
[00:13:25] actually an invitation that they know we won't
[00:13:29] respond to, then it happened there that five or six people gathered
[00:13:33] there, this, when I saw the photos yesterday, I know
[00:13:36] five or six people who are really involved in film
[00:13:40] this, I don't know the other people, that in fact
[00:13:43] originally in the Cinematheque this meeting
[00:13:46] organized by nine professional associations was to be held, meaning
[00:13:50] the Association of Film Artists of Serbia, the Association of
[00:13:53] Directors, uh the Association of. Producers, the Association of
[00:13:56] Screenwriters, now not to list further, cinematographers,
[00:14:00] animators, this, acting
[00:14:02] organization, the Association of Film Actors of Serbia,
[00:14:05] this, that meeting was supposed to be in the
[00:14:08] Cinematheque, however, the Cinematheque, the director of the Cinematheque,
[00:14:11] banned it, i.e., cancelled the hospitality, and what is
[00:14:15] important to me and I think it is natural,
[00:14:17] this meeting happened at the Faculty of Dramatic
[00:14:20] Arts, in fact, it's interesting
[00:14:23] how this regime... does everything to make
[00:14:27] symbolically every gathering of people who actually
[00:14:30] want to fight for the dignity of their profession become an act
[00:14:34] of political resistance,
[00:14:37] uh, and is film
[00:14:40] creativity threatened in Serbia today by all this we
[00:14:43] are talking about now? Well, film creativity is terribly threatened for quite a
[00:14:47] long time, uh, I already told you that for some time it happened
[00:14:50] that in the last five or six years, some
[00:14:54] of the esteemed talented directors
[00:14:57] received money in the competition of the Film Center of Serbia,
[00:15:01] but that was more and more a rarity, it more and more became
[00:15:05] in fact, the Film Center of Serbia, a facade for
[00:15:08] producers and directors who are close to
[00:15:11] the regime, this, however, what is interesting, films are being shot,
[00:15:15] our films travel to festivals and win
[00:15:18] awards, because I think we have great talent, we have
[00:15:22] a lot of talented actors and screenwriters.
[00:15:25] directors and people simply have a tremendous
[00:15:28] need to make films, that
[00:15:31] need brings an authenticity and sincerity that
[00:15:34] manages to break through some barrier, because those
[00:15:38] films live and travel, on the other hand, if we look at the example
[00:15:41] of Croatia, Croatia has had a very well-organized
[00:15:45] film fund for about 15-20 years, uh,
[00:15:48] the Croatian audiovisual center and
[00:15:51] stable funding and continuity
[00:15:54] of funding, we already see in fact
[00:15:57] uh that that continuity leads to great
[00:16:01] successes, unfortunately they are slowly catching up with us and
[00:16:05] Fest was last year, right? it was held, we immediately
[00:16:09] got a new director
[00:16:11] of Fest, do you think that that it's possible to replace
[00:16:15] all people, if people of reputation and integrity leave
[00:16:19] various institutions, leave certain festivals,
[00:16:22] uh, certain festivals are boycotted, then a solution is always sought to
[00:16:26] replace them with someone else who will be obedient, who will uh
[00:16:30] listen to what they are told and work that way, will
[00:16:33] culture be able to survive that way or not? Well, culture is...
[00:16:37] in complete, complete decline, you said,
[00:16:41] you mentioned Fest, there was no Fest last year, there was no
[00:16:45] Bitef either, however, thanks to the people who run
[00:16:48] Bitef and Miloš Lolić, the artistic director,
[00:16:51] that non-Bitef happened, which was really
[00:16:55] fantastic and again an incredible
[00:16:58] act of uh vitality and resistance,
[00:17:02] but real civic resistance, this
[00:17:05] culture is completely... I tell you, I mean, no
[00:17:09] social group has so many people, artists,
[00:17:13] cultural workers who are against this
[00:17:16] undemocratic regime and that is punishment, I mean, for us it is punishment
[00:17:19] and Minister Nikola Selaković, he is a man
[00:17:23] who does not like culture, who has no
[00:17:26] connection with culture, who cannot stand contemporary art, he
[00:17:29] was probably appointed there as a punishment
[00:17:33] because he could not get a higher position,
[00:17:37] however. however, I see him as some kind of receiver of culture,
[00:17:40] someone who actually came to destroy the whole thing,
[00:17:44] this, because I say, it is unbelievable that
[00:17:48] knowledge, that is, professors this
[00:17:50] university professors and high school professors, you see what is
[00:17:54] happening in the Fifth Belgrade High School where I went,
[00:17:58] this, the biggest enemies of this
[00:18:00] regime along with justice, with people from the judiciary,
[00:18:04] the legal system, so these are two uh... segments
[00:18:08] of society that are at this moment absolutely
[00:18:11] the biggest enemies of Aleksandar
[00:18:14] Vučić's regime, and then again, despite such pressures, we have
[00:18:18] many actors, directors who speak uh publicly,
[00:18:21] they don't give up, they don't deviate from their views, they are not intimidated in some way, uh
[00:18:25] where does such courage come from, for example in uh in actors, in
[00:18:29] directors, in people who are involved in culture who, despite all the pressures,
[00:18:33] despite the fact that some lost their jobs, that they couldn't make films, where their existence
[00:18:37] was practically threatened, right, in some way, but they didn't back
[00:18:40] down from it, well I think that student protests and
[00:18:44] blockades completely changed the blood picture of the country
[00:18:47] and there are many of our colleagues, actors and directors who
[00:18:51] were quiet, quietly against this regime,
[00:18:55] however, all this that happened in those twelve months completely
[00:18:59] awakened people and I think there is no, no
[00:19:02] stepping back, no more gray areas and we are truly
[00:19:06] as a society... divided into black and white, this
[00:19:10] there are no longer people who are undecided,
[00:19:13] who are neutral, no, there
[00:19:16] is no, you can't be neutral anymore, when simply
[00:19:19] society is boiling in the way it is,
[00:19:22] this there is no more neutrality,
[00:19:25] this, so actors are prominent, people
[00:19:28] like to hear what they think, this
[00:19:32] and their voice is heard, on the other hand, I say
[00:19:36] us... "when it comes to film
[00:19:38] theater, we are all practically on the same side, there are very
[00:19:42] few people this whom
[00:19:45] the Serbian Progressive Party has under its wing, I'm telling you
[00:19:48] now in Zlatibor there were five or six of them, when it comes to
[00:19:52] theater, it's a similar thing, so they have few people,
[00:19:56] they rotate them in circles, this through various functions, administrative
[00:20:00] boards, councils and so on, this,
[00:20:03] but that circle is really small, now let's
[00:20:07] somehow..." to round off this story we're talking about an example is also
[00:20:10] the series you made, the series "Absolute 100" after the film, right, and we'll talk about
[00:20:14] your career in the second part of the show, uh that
[00:20:17] series was never broadcast here in foreign countries, why
[00:20:21] not? Well, uh the series was shown last
[00:20:25] year, the series was filmed two years ago, two and a half years ago in fact
[00:20:28] and this for a very long time it stood finished
[00:20:32] in some drawer, last year I got
[00:20:35] stubborn and insisted that the series
[00:20:39] be shown at one of the big film festivals and we were lucky
[00:20:43] enough to receive an invitation from the Karlovy Vary festival,
[00:20:46] one of the biggest festivals in the world. Uh,
[00:20:50] the people from Telekom were against the series being
[00:20:54] shown there, but I was persistent and
[00:20:57] stubborn, the series was shown there, which I think is very
[00:21:01] important, because it is a big festival, as a
[00:21:04] consequence of that, the series was sold all over
[00:21:08] the world, uh, primarily two or three
[00:21:11] of the most important television channels that deal
[00:21:15] with artistic content, that is Arte France, Arte Germany and
[00:21:19] Channel 4. Great Britain and Ireland and they bought the series
[00:21:22] three days ago, February 2nd, the series started on
[00:21:26] the Arte platform in Germany and
[00:21:29] France, it will be on the platform until February 2nd,
[00:21:33] 2027. This, it was important for me that some people see
[00:21:36] it, first at a festival which is always, how can I say, a
[00:21:40] springboard for both film and series, and this
[00:21:44] well, people in Europe will watch it, when people in Serbia will see
[00:21:47] the series, I don't know, this. "I'm not in
[00:21:51] contact with the people from Telekom, it's obvious, there are some of their
[00:21:54] reasons why they won't show it, in my opinion those
[00:21:58] reasons are, perhaps above all my political
[00:22:02] affiliation and the loudness of what I say,
[00:22:05] some revenge on all of us who actually
[00:22:09] say what we think, although it is
[00:22:12] completely absurd, you know, a television series of
[00:22:15] six episodes costs somewhere between
[00:22:18] 800,000 and a million." Euros that Telekom invested
[00:22:22] in that product which now serves no purpose and
[00:22:25] gathers dust this in some
[00:22:28] drawer, yes thank you for this part of the conversation, we are taking a short
[00:22:31] break, we continue the conversation, stay with
[00:22:33] 360°,
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[00:28:42] You are watching 360°, director Srdan Golubović, my interviewee
[00:28:46] tonight, Srdan, Absolute 100, here we have just finished this story
[00:28:49] about the series that has not yet been broadcast here, uh,
[00:28:53] by Telekom's decision, 2001, that was your first feature
[00:28:56] film, right, Absolute 100 was filmed and it participated in
[00:29:00] over 30 festivals worldwide. It won 10 international and 19
[00:29:04] domestic awards uh and was that at
[00:29:07] that moment when you were working on Absolute 100 somewhere your
[00:29:11] stance uh anger or stance regarding the time
[00:29:15] we lived in and and your stance towards the system after all
[00:29:18] we lived in and quite bold, right? For musicians, the first album
[00:29:22] is always important, it's always somewhere what will come of it
[00:29:26] if it doesn't turn out well, then it's hard for anything else to happen after that.
[00:29:29] How difficult was it to make such a film and
[00:29:32] for it to be the first? Well, yes, well, I think it was completely some
[00:29:36] anger of mine, some cry in that time
[00:29:39] of the 90s and Milošević and somehow, I was
[00:29:43] 28 years old when I was filming, when the film came out,
[00:29:46] 29, uh, we started writing the film a couple of years
[00:29:49] before that and it is indeed some
[00:29:52] generational feeling of powerlessness at that moment
[00:29:56] and the need to change that whole world around us, this,
[00:30:00] I was, there was no funding for the film at all then, so
[00:30:04] I lived by making music videos, at
[00:30:07] one point I even thought I would make music videos my whole life,
[00:30:11] commercials, so that this,
[00:30:14] what I enrolled in college for, I wouldn't do then the idea of
[00:30:18] Absolute 100 happened, luckily
[00:30:21] we managed to finance that film, we started filming it during
[00:30:25] Milošević's rule, actually filming
[00:30:28] was underway during October 5th.
[00:30:32] So when it was October 5th, we had three days off and then
[00:30:36] continued filming,
[00:30:39] so during that filming, that
[00:30:43] event happened which actually changed our lives, which we had been waiting for
[00:30:46] for so long, but that film is really angry
[00:30:50] somehow and reflects not only my, but
[00:30:54] above all my uh
[00:30:56] entrapment, some feeling of claustrophobia.