N1SRP — broadcast
20260917 200000 UTC
517 transcript segments
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[00:00:20] Good evening, you are watching N1 news, this is the news
[00:00:23] of the day.
[00:00:27] The campaign continues, the student movement carries the constitution around Serbia on bicycles and
[00:00:31] presents it to citizens. This evening, they were welcomed in two cities.
[00:00:34] In the meantime, the SNS launched its election campaign with an installation in a black container,
[00:00:38] condemning student protests in
[00:00:41] Serbia.
[00:00:46] Here are the other topics in
[00:00:46] the news.
[00:00:52] N1 confirmed that former head of Belgrade police Veselin Milić
[00:00:56] will be tried before the First Basic Court in Belgrade.
[00:01:01] I don't think that's surprising even for those who led the investigation against
[00:01:04] him. New
[00:01:08] reactions to the verdict of the KLA leaders. In Pristina, new
[00:01:12] protests and again stone-throwing at the government building. The court in The Hague
[00:01:15] also announces a process for compensation for damages
[00:01:17] to victims.
[00:01:21] The European Union has a plan on how to protect children online. The proposal goes
[00:01:25] to the European Parliament and the Council of the European
[00:01:27] Union.
[00:01:31] Tomorrow will be sunny and warm, with cloudiness in the afternoon, with possible
[00:01:35] showers and thunderstorms in some places.
[00:01:46] Students are back on bicycles, carrying the constitution from Belgrade, through
[00:01:49] Subotica, Novi Sad, Užice, Kraljevo, to Vranje and
[00:01:52] Kragujevac. In 10 days, they will visit 19 cities. This
[00:01:56] pre-election bicycle tour has two branches, one to the north,
[00:02:00] the other to the south of the country, and they will meet
[00:02:03] in Kragujevac on September 26th. They started this morning from
[00:02:06] Belgrade's Republic Square. Students say that the goal is to
[00:02:10] talk to citizens in as many places as possible and present their plan to them, but also, as
[00:02:13] they state, to show that they exist outside of social networks and television. They carry
[00:02:17] three copies of the constitution with them, and it is planned that
[00:02:20] other citizens will join them
[00:02:22] it remained a dead letter on along the way. They finished the first day of riding in Vršac, that is, in
[00:02:25] Valjevo. The students who were riding north were met by citizens
[00:02:29] in Vršac after 80 km, with applause, ovations and
[00:02:32] chanting, and the group will continue to Zrenjanin tomorrow. The other
[00:02:36] group that went south arrived in Valjevo, also with a welcome from
[00:02:39] citizens. The students stopped during the ride to talk.
[00:03:08] A big round of applause for our people.
[00:03:28] As part of the pre-election campaign, the Serbian Progressive Party set up a modular container
[00:03:32] in the center of Kragujevac, a black box called
[00:03:35] "Blockaders' Serbia." The exhibition in the box was opened
[00:03:38] by Milenko Jovanov, a candidate on the list of the Serbian Progressive Party. He says
[00:03:42] that it represents a reminder of, as he said, the blockading violence
[00:03:46] during the previous year or so. With this exhibition, students are
[00:03:49] presented as violent enemies, but police brutality during
[00:03:53] the protests was not mentioned.
[00:03:56] The black box arrived in Kragujevac without prior announcement. It was assembled during the night
[00:04:00] in the square in the city center. Inside is a unique exhibition of
[00:04:03] stones, wooden slats, eggshells, as well as
[00:04:06] video footage on LED screens depicting violence at protests in Serbia,
[00:04:10] from the perspective of government representatives. "Blockaders are like a black
[00:04:13] box, no one knows what's inside, and when it
[00:04:16] opens, violence pops out,
[00:04:19] violence is shown, chaos is shown, blockades are shown. Everyone who enters
[00:04:23] that black box, let them see for themselves and let them
[00:04:27] conclude what the blockaders offered. So,
[00:04:30] when you don't have a plan, when you don't have a program, you
[00:04:34] offer what's in the black box, which is violence."
[00:04:38] The exhibition in the black box, together with Jovanov and local SNS officials,
[00:04:42] was visited today by gathered supporters of this
[00:04:45] party, but they did not want to comment to N1.
[00:04:48] What do you think about this installation? Can you find someone who is
[00:04:52] competent, so to speak? Okay, but as citizens, you might have just come to visit
[00:04:56] this exhibition, well, we are also, we don't have a mask. Okay, thank you very much.
[00:05:00] But the citizens of Kragujevac whom we found nearby today were not
[00:05:03] very interested in this exhibition.
[00:05:06] Do you think Vučić's container will never send us
[00:05:10] this, and I don't understand the first thing.
[00:05:12] A classic raid. Well, let those who are interested go and
[00:05:16] see, I'm not interested. It is presented as
[00:05:20] part of the campaign, but the exhibition actually aims to present
[00:05:23] students as enemies, says Professor Nikola Vujčić from
[00:05:26] Kragujevac, a candidate on the student list. I would say that in
[00:05:30] the coming period we will encounter a large number of such morbidities
[00:05:34] that should not deserve the attention of our citizens.
[00:05:38] That is, as I said, some of their last attempts to change
[00:05:41] something. to do something, but I think
[00:05:45] it is completely pointless and
[00:05:48] without any goal, because it is clear that students
[00:05:51] are winning. The black box, guarded by private security and
[00:05:55] police, will remain at this location for the next seven days.
[00:05:58] N1 sent an email to the city administration's relevant inspection with
[00:06:02] a question about whether and for what period a permit was issued for the occupation of another
[00:06:05] area in the city, bearing in mind that a container of the Serbian
[00:06:09] Progressive Party has already been standing in another location for a month, in the middle
[00:06:13] of the sidewalk on Kraljice Marije Boulevard. We did not receive
[00:06:17] an answer, just like the residents of the nearby building who filed a report
[00:06:20] with the authorities for usurping the space. Nataša
[00:06:23] Lazarević, N1,
[00:06:25] Kragujevac.
[00:06:28] The European Serbia coalition is not giving up on participating in the elections and continues to collect
[00:06:32] signatures of support for its list. The leader of the Serbia Center party, Zdravko Ponoš,
[00:06:35] claims that giving up on participating in the elections in the name of a referendum atmosphere makes no sense
[00:06:39] because, he says, there is no referendum atmosphere. "If
[00:06:43] the question of a referendum atmosphere is raised, why there is
[00:06:47] or isn't one, whether we are destroying it or not, the referendum
[00:06:50] atmosphere died at birth, we have already commemorated it for
[00:06:53] a year. So, from the moment you don't see that there is a referendum
[00:06:57] atmosphere, unfortunately it is not in the sense that we have one
[00:07:00] opposition political actor, that would be a referendum atmosphere. So,
[00:07:04] the attempt to create a referendum, this is now agitation
[00:07:08] for single-mindedness that some people are doing. I have never been for single-mindedness, and I am not
[00:07:11] now." "I am for us to get rid of this government and preserve
[00:07:15] the multi-party system in Serbia."
[00:07:18] And Aleksandar Vučić says that many people have jumped in his eyes
[00:07:22] with their decision to go to the elections. For Informer, he stated that he is happy to
[00:07:26] see that there are opposition parties that have some courage, some
[00:07:29] personal dignity and will not allow some people to forbid
[00:07:33] them from running. He accused the student movement of pressuring all political
[00:07:36] parties not to participate in the early parliamentary
[00:07:38] elections.
[00:07:42] After confirming that he had not disappeared, Branimir Nestorović publicly stated that he had received the green light
[00:07:46] from the Russian embassy to go to the elections with whoever
[00:07:50] he wants, and while former diplomats assess that this is a diplomatic scandal,
[00:07:53] the authorities in Serbia are silent, and the Russian embassy itself is silent.
[00:07:57] They did not answer N1's questions, and the questions were whether
[00:08:00] Nestorović's claims are true, as well as whether they violated the rules
[00:08:04] of diplomacy and interfered in the elections in Serbia.
[00:08:07] The search for him did not last long. After he appeared and
[00:08:11] revealed that... he didn't mysteriously disappear, Branimir Nestorović
[00:08:15] said that he was in Moscow, and besides, he says
[00:08:18] he was received at a high level, and it was there that he decided
[00:08:21] that his movement would participate in the elections. We are now starting the campaign,
[00:08:25] we will start
[00:08:27] with a
[00:08:30] safari, right?
[00:08:33] Since he went to Russia as the president of a movement that is a
[00:08:36] strategic partner of the Russian Federation, Nestorović said
[00:08:39] he received a request in Serbia to gather all Russophiles
[00:08:42] before the elections. And I received
[00:08:46] confirmation from the Russian embassy that
[00:08:49] I absolutely have the right
[00:08:52] to dispose of anything,
[00:08:54] including whether I will even
[00:08:57] go beyond Vulin, he even gave up, the man.
[00:09:01] The fact that Russia decided how Nestorović's movement would participate in
[00:09:05] the elections is, to say the least, a diplomatic scandal, assesses
[00:09:08] former diplomat Srećko Đukić. Such
[00:09:11] a thing does not happen
[00:09:14] in Lukashenko's
[00:09:16] Belarus, there is no
[00:09:19] politician of any
[00:09:22] kind who can go from Belarus
[00:09:25] to the Russian embassy or to Russia
[00:09:28] to arrange
[00:09:31] a political bloc, a pro-Russian political bloc that would
[00:09:34] appear in parliamentary or other
[00:09:38] elections in Belarus.
[00:09:40] Foreign policy commentator
[00:09:42] Jakšić says that it is also a scandal that the Serbian authorities are silent about
[00:09:46] Russia's open interference in the electoral process in Serbia.
[00:09:50] He also reminds that President Aleksandar Vučić has personally stated many times
[00:09:53] that he will not allow foreign embassies to form a government in
[00:09:57] Serbia. This is undoubtedly a direct
[00:10:00] confirmation of unacceptable,
[00:10:03] cheeky, diplomats would probably say, blatant
[00:10:07] interference in the affairs
[00:10:10] of a foreign state, and... and as for Professor Nestorović,
[00:10:14] I would recommend him to change the name of his party and that
[00:10:17] instead of "We, the Power of the People," in the future,
[00:10:21] he and his friends be called "We, the Power of Russia."
[00:10:25] And the fact that Serbia is immune to Russia's interference in the elections clearly
[00:10:29] shows the extent to which Moscow is involved in issues and
[00:10:32] arrangements on the domestic front, concludes N1's interlocutor,
[00:10:36] adding that this explains why the authorities are silent. This
[00:10:39] shows two things: first, their
[00:10:43] absolute dependence on Moscow, and
[00:10:46] second, their fear, their
[00:10:49] fear that the Russians cannot, must not
[00:10:53] say anything. Nothing is being said at the Russian
[00:10:56] embassy in Belgrade. To N1's questions about whether Branimir
[00:11:00] Nestorović's claims are true and whether they violated the rules
[00:11:03] of diplomacy and interfered in the elections in Serbia, we did not receive
[00:11:07] an answer, and it seems that Nestorović has disappeared again,
[00:11:11] because he also did not answer our questions. Jelena Mirković,
[00:11:14] N1, Belgrade.
[00:11:18] The lustration of public officials is the second point of the student list's plan. It
[00:11:22] clarifies that the actions of public officials and the responsibility of all individuals
[00:11:25] who abused their position, were deeply involved in corruption, or violated human rights,
[00:11:29] the constitution, and laws
[00:11:31] will be reviewed.
[00:11:34] Lustrare, in Latin, means purification.
[00:11:37] Students promise that if they win the elections,
[00:11:40] they will purify society by reviewing the responsibility
[00:11:44] of all public officials involved in corruption.
[00:11:47] Abuse of power and violation of human rights is what would be
[00:11:50] covered by lustration, a possible
[00:11:53] ban of 10 years from
[00:11:56] holding public office. It represents the removal from
[00:12:00] political life of people who were in positions in an authoritarian
[00:12:04] regime, says the professor of constitutional law. It is not
[00:12:07] a punitive-corrective measure, but a measure for the protection
[00:12:11] of democracy. I think that the citizens of Serbia
[00:12:13] expect that
[00:12:16] trust in institutions, in state
[00:12:19] institutions, will be restored, and in this
[00:12:22] way, that is, by prohibiting
[00:12:26] actors who held functions in an authoritarian
[00:12:30] regime, by prohibiting them from performing those functions, from appearing in
[00:12:33] political life. Lustration was carried out in various ways
[00:12:36] in Germany after the fall of the Berlin Wall, in most
[00:12:40] countries of the former Eastern Bloc, in Serbia after the fall of
[00:12:44] Slobodan Milošević,
[00:12:47] paper because due to the lack of political will, it was never
[00:12:51] implemented. On the student list, they say they have learned
[00:12:55] from the past, but they are not revealing details yet about how they would
[00:12:59] approach it differently. Well, I would leave that for
[00:13:02] later, given that the draft of that law is underway. That
[00:13:05] program is really being worked on by people who are, so to speak, experts, and
[00:13:09] who have seen the shortcomings of the previous lustration law, which was not
[00:13:12] applied. This measure can easily slide into a purge,
[00:13:16] says Professor Beširević, but it is a valuable lever when
[00:13:20] democracy is still fragile, because
[00:13:23] a balance must be found between
[00:13:27] the demands for achieving justice,
[00:13:30] which the citizens of Serbia expect, and political
[00:13:33] revanchism. So that's the one, that
[00:13:37] fine balancing that needs
[00:13:40] to be found in
[00:13:43] some law or some other legal
[00:13:47] act that would enable this
[00:13:51] protection of democracy at all. The candidates on
[00:13:54] the student list state that the goal of lustration
[00:13:57] is the prosecution of specific individuals based on
[00:14:00] proven actions. They say there will be no mass
[00:14:04] dismissals or automatic
[00:14:06] disqualification. Miodrag Sovilj, N1
[00:14:09] Belgrade.
[00:14:19] Students of Ovina Gymnasium in Novi Sad, their parents and professors
[00:14:22] organized a protest march in support of professors who lost their contracts
[00:14:26] in that school. The column started from the vocational mechanical engineering high school to Trg
[00:14:29] Slobode, where students left 56 letters for as many
[00:14:33] professors, among whom are those who were suspended, fired, or whose
[00:14:36] contracts were not extended. After that, the march continued to the gymnasium
[00:14:40] itself. The protest proceeded without incidents, with police
[00:14:43] security. Students send a message: "We won't give up our professors, we won't
[00:14:47] give up Jovina." Since the beginning of the school year, more than 15 professors have
[00:14:51] lost their jobs, while the school director states that professors who stopped working
[00:14:55] in support of the students
[00:14:57] will also be punished.
[00:15:03] I want to show my students by example that you should never
[00:15:07] be silent and observe injustice, but always
[00:15:10] fight against discrimination, and for truth, honesty and
[00:15:14] collegiality, which we need more than
[00:15:16] ever.
[00:15:25] The professors of this gymnasium were true examples of responsible,
[00:15:28] dedicated, hardworking, and competent professors who showed
[00:15:32] genuine care for the upbringing and education
[00:15:35] of students.
[00:15:37] Ever since the public learned about the murder in an elite restaurant in Senjak, in which the former
[00:15:41] head of Belgrade police, Veselin Milić, was involved, the case has constantly been in the public
[00:15:45] eye. Although more than two months ago, the indictment proposal against
[00:15:49] Milić was filed by the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office, he will be tried before the
[00:15:53] First Basic Court, and the indictment will be represented by the prosecutor of the First
[00:15:56] Basic Prosecutor's Office. These findings were confirmed to N1.
[00:16:00] Ana Novaković has details.
[00:16:03] The day after the former head of the Belgrade
[00:16:06] police, Veselin Milić, was released from custody, Portal
[00:16:10] Nova announced that the case against him was forwarded to the
[00:16:14] First Basic Prosecutor's Office. The Higher
[00:16:16] Prosecutor's Office, which led the investigation in the Senjak case,
[00:16:20] immediately denied this, but two months later, those
[00:16:24] logical assumptions proved to be true,
[00:16:27] because he was charged with a milder criminal offense within
[00:16:31] the jurisdiction of the Basic Court. The First Basic
[00:16:35] Public Prosecutor's Office in Belgrade accepted... the indictment filed
[00:16:38] by the Higher Public Prosecutor's Office in Belgrade
[00:16:41] against the accused Veselin
[00:16:44] M. For all other questions we had
[00:16:47] regarding the scheduling of the trial during
[00:16:50] the proceedings, they referred us to the First Basic Court
[00:16:54] which provided us with its answer. The criminal
[00:16:57] proceedings are currently in the phase of reviewing the indictment by the
[00:17:01] individual judge and in the phase of obtaining the necessary documentation
[00:17:05] proposed as evidence, after which... all conditions will be met for
[00:17:08] scheduling the main trial, about which the public will be informed
[00:17:12] timely and promptly. And so the Higher Prosecutor's
[00:17:15] Office separated Milić from the accused
[00:17:18] in the same case, who will be tried before a higher court.
[00:17:22] Ever since the moment when in Milić's case the prosecution
[00:17:25] dropped the charge of prosecuting him for aiding the perpetrator
[00:17:28] after the murder, and continued to charge him only
[00:17:32] for failing to report the murder of the perpetrator, it was
[00:17:36] clear that the case... would fall into the hands of a lower
[00:17:38] prosecutor's office. I think that's not surprising even for those
[00:17:42] who led the investigation against him, I mean the Higher
[00:17:46] Prosecutor's Office, which did indeed charge Milić, but it knew
[00:17:49] how it would end. It's not the first time for that
[00:17:53] prosecutor's office to do such a thing. The murder case in
[00:17:56] Senjak was marked by the cover-up of the murder in an
[00:17:59] elite restaurant, the disappearance of the body,
[00:18:02] the discovery of the body in a barrel after seven days of
[00:18:05] searching, the involvement of police officers, one of whom
[00:18:09] was the third most powerful man in the police. From the start,
[00:18:13] the investigation was full of shortcomings. The prosecution
[00:18:16] published conflicting and false claims
[00:18:19] in its statements, and then it dropped part of the criminal
[00:18:23] complaint that Marko Kričak, head of
[00:18:26] the UKP, had filed against Milić. Some things
[00:18:30] that happened that fall within the scope of criminal law,
[00:18:34] that is, who beat them, how four of them
[00:18:37] spoke about being beaten by someone from the restaurant owners, one even
[00:18:41] recognized Kričak, what
[00:18:44] the prime minister and the president of the ruling
[00:18:47] party were doing in that restaurant only a day after
[00:18:51] they had lunch after that murder. In this
[00:18:54] complex case, criminal charges poured in
[00:18:58] from all sides, and the accused Milić retaliated
[00:19:01] with a criminal complaint against Kričak and his colleague that
[00:19:05] they abused their official position by
[00:19:08] presenting the collected evidence against Milić selectively, incompletely,
[00:19:11] and falsely, as reported by the weekly Radar.
[00:19:15] Ana Novaković, N1 Belgrade.
[00:19:19] Beograd.
[00:19:23] The day after the verdict, Chief Prosecutor Kimberly West welcomed the verdict against the former
[00:19:27] KLA leader Hashim Thaçi. She states that it is important for the rule
[00:19:31] of law in Kosovo and that it brings delayed justice for the victims.
[00:19:34] The verdict and the reactions after it in The Hague were followed by our reporter
[00:19:37] Sanja Sovrlić. International reactions to
[00:19:41] the verdict against former KLA leaders Hashim Thaçi, Kadri
[00:19:45] Veseli, Jakup Krasniqi, and Rexhep Selimi are
[00:19:48] diverse, ranging from those who say that the court's
[00:19:51] decision must be respected to those who are dissatisfied
[00:19:55] with such a verdict. The European Union Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos
[00:19:58] stated that the Kosovo Specialist Chambers are an independent and impartial
[00:20:02] body and that their decisions must be respected. She emphasized
[00:20:06] individual responsibility, justice for victims and their families
[00:20:09] of all communities in Kosovo, as well as the need for confronting the
[00:20:13] past, healing wounds, and reconciliation. The United
[00:20:16] States respects the verdict and supports the rule
[00:20:20] of law and the right of victims and their families to justice. They call on
[00:20:23] all parties to respect the court's decision. The French Ministry
[00:20:27] of Foreign Affairs also issued a statement, taking note of the decision
[00:20:30] of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and reiterating
[00:20:33] support for the court in the fight against impunity, as well as
[00:20:36] support for the independence of Kosovo and its
[00:20:39] institutions. Esther Major, Deputy Regional Director of Amnesty
[00:20:42] International for Europe, said that the verdicts give hope to thousands of war victims in
[00:20:46] Kosovo who have been waiting for justice for more than two decades,
[00:20:50] and that they show that even high-ranking officials are not
[00:20:53] above the law. She emphasized that the court confirmed that no one,
[00:20:57] regardless of their rank or political standing, is above the law
[00:21:01] or immune from responsibility for serious international criminal
[00:21:04] acts. Former NATO General Wesley Clark
[00:21:08] told Albanian media that he was shocked and angry about the
[00:21:11] verdict, saying that he had not seen evidence that, in his opinion,
[00:21:15] would justify such a decision. Let's recall that
[00:21:18] Clark was a witness during the proceedings.
[00:21:23] Specialist Prosecutor Kimberly West welcomed
[00:21:26] the verdict, stating that individuals exploited wartime circumstances to commit
[00:21:30] serious crimes and that the responsibility of these individuals is
[00:21:33] important for the rule of law and the victims. She emphasized that the court
[00:21:37] confirmed that no one, regardless of their rank or political standing,
[00:21:40] is above the law. Thaçi's chief
[00:21:43] lawyer, Pierre-Richard Prosper, was shocked by the verdict, called it
[00:21:47] a wrong decision of justice and said that the court,
[00:21:51] in his view, rewrote history. He said that the legal battle does not
[00:21:54] end here and that the defense will appeal. Appeals
[00:21:58] were also announced by the defenders of the remaining three
[00:22:01] convicted KLA leaders. The deadline for appeals is
[00:22:04] 30 days from the written delivery of the
[00:22:07] verdict. Sanja Sovrlić, N1,
[00:22:11] The Hague.
[00:22:13] Many questions regarding the verdict are also being raised by experts. Why was the subject of the proceedings not
[00:22:17] the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Kosovo at the very beginning of the war? Will
[00:22:21] the prosecution start collecting new evidence, since the crime against humanity
[00:22:25] was not proven? Will the appeal of the defense result in a reduced
[00:22:28] sentence?
[00:22:30] Two sets of crimes, let's put it that way, were not the subject of
[00:22:34] this case. The first thing is that whole story about organ
[00:22:38] trafficking, which was actually, if you remember, the impetus
[00:22:42] for the establishment of this special court. Also, the subject of that
[00:22:45] case was not the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Kosovo,
[00:22:49] since it was done. So, since the armed conflict
[00:22:52] ended, which was on June 20, 1999,
[00:22:56] most of the crimes that happened against Serbs were committed in that
[00:23:00] period. One of the differences here is, of course, between organized state
[00:23:04] forces, whether it is the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the Yugoslav Army, and less
[00:23:07] organized armed groups, such as the KLA with regional
[00:23:11] commands. This could be one of the reasons why they believed that
[00:23:14] the charge of crimes against humanity was not proven,
[00:23:18] but there is still the possibility of an appeal. So, it is possible, the prosecution said
[00:23:22] they are studying the verdict and that they will return to say that they want to
[00:23:25] reopen the issue of the decision on crimes against humanity
[00:23:29] with new evidence. Now it is expected that the Kosovo authorities
[00:23:32] will adopt a clear strategy and policy which will, of course, be aimed
[00:23:36] exclusively at the
[00:23:40] appeal procedure in which, of course, both the Government of Kosovo and
[00:23:43] all others who were in charge of the defense
[00:23:46] process will actively participate, so that, in essence, that initial
[00:23:50] verdict would actually be overturned in favor of
[00:23:54] the convicted.
[00:23:57] The Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague will conduct a special procedure to decide
[00:24:00] on compensation for victims in the proceedings against the convicted
[00:24:04] KLA leaders. The trial panel decided that instead of referring victims to
[00:24:08] civil lawsuits in Kosovo, it would itself conduct
[00:24:11] the reparations procedure after the first-instance conviction of
[00:24:14] the four KLA leaders, writes Cos
[00:24:17] Sev. That decision was made on the same
[00:24:21] day as the verdict. The court states that Kosovo courts, in this specific case, do not
[00:24:25] provide protection or the possibility of compensation to victims, nor protection to
[00:24:28] potential witnesses. The court, after an acquittal, or rather a conviction,
[00:24:32] can directly order the convicted person to compensate the victims
[00:24:36] individually or collectively, and to make restitution. In certain
[00:24:38] circumstances, it is also possible to seize assets and means related to
[00:24:42] the commission of criminal
[00:24:43] acts.
[00:24:47] In Pristina, after the verdict of the specialized chambers, there were
[00:24:50] sporadic protests near the Eulex building and the Kosovo Government. Windows were broken
[00:24:54] on the government building, and pyrotechnic devices were thrown. The KLA
[00:24:58] Veterans' organization announced a national protest. The Democratic Party of Kosovo
[00:25:01] announced its support for a possible initiative to dissolve the specialized
[00:25:04] chambers if such a proposal comes before
[00:25:08] parliament. At the same time, discussions with other political parties
[00:25:11] on, as stated, the seriousness
[00:25:14] of the situation were announced. Observers of the political situation, however, believe that the dissolution
[00:25:17] of the specialized chambers is practically impossible, because it would require
[00:25:21] constitutional changes, for which a two-thirds majority in the Kosovo Assembly
[00:25:25] is needed, including a two-thirds majority of MPs from minority
[00:25:28] communities. In the public, yesterday's verdict is generally considered
[00:25:31] unfair, but it is also pointed out that it is not
[00:25:34] final. The parties have the right to appeal, so it is expected that in
[00:25:37] the second-instance procedure the verdict could be changed, including the possibility
[00:25:41] liberation.
[00:25:45] We are not talking about dissolving the special court, but about
[00:25:48] adapting to a new situation. We are not running away from the obligations we have undertaken
[00:25:52] for the court to investigate, present and establish all the facts from
[00:25:56] Dick Marty's report, which is why it was founded, and everything
[00:26:00] in that report that refers to organ trafficking and other
[00:26:03] issues, including the Yellow House and other facilities that were
[00:26:07] the subject of that report and the basis for the formation of this special
[00:26:11] court, we are not running away from that.
[00:26:14] The Assembly of Albania adopted a declaration expressing deep resentment and
[00:26:18] complete disagreement with the verdict of the specialized chambers in The Hague,
[00:26:21] by which the former leaders of the KLA, Hashim Thaçi, Kadri Veseli,
[00:26:25] Rexhep Selimi and Jakup Krasniqi were sentenced to 81
[00:26:28] years in prison. The declaration states that the verdict cannot
[00:26:32] change the history of Kosovo, nor equate, as claimed, the aggressor and
[00:26:36] the victim. The Albanian parliament describes the war as a struggle for freedom
[00:26:39] and the liberation of Kosovo. Without war and sacrifice of the Kosovo Liberation Army
[00:26:43] against the bloody Serbian occupation, the history of liberation cannot be
[00:26:47] understood. The KLA was the decisive force of the resistance of the people of
[00:26:50] Kosovo, part of the path that led to its liberation of freedom
[00:26:54] and independence, states the declaration of the Albanian parliament.
[00:26:57] At the same time, Serbia was criticized for, as it states,
[00:27:01] honoring those convicted
[00:27:04] of war crimes, including Ratko Mladić, and assessed that such an attitude makes reconciliation
[00:27:07] difficult.
[00:27:13] The United Nations fact-finding mission announced that there are
[00:27:17] grounds to conclude that the United States of America
[00:27:20] is responsible for the attacks on a school and sports complex in Iran
[00:27:23] on February 28, and that these attacks could constitute war
[00:27:27] crimes. In the Tomahawk missile attack on the elementary school in
[00:27:31] Minab, 156 civilians were killed, including
[00:27:34] 120 children. The United Nations states that the school
[00:27:37] was a clearly recognizable civilian object. On the same day,
[00:27:41] sports complexes and a residential area in the city of
[00:27:44] Lamerd were also hit. The Pentagon conducted its own investigation, but
[00:27:48] its results were not publicly
[00:27:49] released.
[00:27:53] The European Union unveiled its plan to protect children online. The proposal
[00:27:56] now goes to the European Parliament and the Council of the Union, i.e., member
[00:28:00] states.
[00:28:02] For a long time, Brussels has been discussing how to protect children
[00:28:06] online. Today, the European Commission presented
[00:28:09] a plan. No social networks for children under
[00:28:13] 13, no personal accounts for those under
[00:28:16] 15. This means that children from 13 to
[00:28:19] 15 years old will be able to have only limited accounts that
[00:28:23] are opened and supervised by parents or guardians. These accounts
[00:28:27] will have limited functions, and usage
[00:28:29] time will be limited to a maximum of one hour. Recent
[00:28:33] research shows that children aged 13 to
[00:28:37] 18 spend an average of 4.5
[00:28:40] hours a day on weekdays in front of screens, phones, computers,
[00:28:44] tablets or games, and six hours on weekends.
[00:28:47] Half of the children surveyed aged 9 to 16 in
[00:28:51] Europe say they do not feel safe when they are online,
[00:28:55] more than a third have trouble falling asleep, and 33%
[00:28:59] feel stress or anxiety due to social
[00:29:03] media. Therefore, the draft law now contains a very clear list
[00:29:06] of what digital services are allowed to do and what they are not
[00:29:10] allowed to do. For example, unknown persons will not
[00:29:14] be able to send messages to children. Children will not be able to be targeted by
[00:29:17] personalized ads or algorithms based on
[00:29:21] their previous activities. Social
[00:29:24] networks, video sharing platforms, as well as
[00:29:27] online video games, will have to fulfill obligations related
[00:29:31] to safety. For large companies like
[00:29:34] Meta, X, TikTok and others, this law means much
[00:29:38] stricter responsibility for the protection of minors.
[00:29:42] Social networks have for years denied the harm they
[00:29:45] caused, they tried to avoid strict rules and
[00:29:49] set them themselves. With this law, we are changing that,
[00:29:52] instead of the authorities having to subsequently prove that harm occurred, the largest
[00:29:55] platforms will have to
[00:29:59] submit detailed plans for child safety in advance.
[00:30:02] Parents still have a crucial role in supervision, but the
[00:30:06] law should make their job easier.
[00:30:09] We want to give parents back their parental role, and children
[00:30:13] their childhood. However, the law could come into force
[00:30:17] at the earliest in 2028. But
[00:30:20] it could undergo certain changes by then. With this, the European
[00:30:22] Union would follow other countries that have
[00:30:26] already introduced certain bans. Australia
[00:30:30] was the first to introduce a complete ban on social
[00:30:33] media for children under 16 at the end of
[00:30:36] 2025, with millions in fines for
[00:30:39] platforms that do not comply with the rules.
[00:30:43] Duša Mlađenović,
[00:30:44] N1.
[00:30:48] At the end of the news and weather forecast, we listen to Sara
[00:30:51] Botić. Real summer weather these days, temperatures
[00:30:55] above average, from Friday evening we expect more clouds,
[00:30:59] local showers.