NDTV — broadcast
20261011 143000 UTC
200 transcript segments
Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking
Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive.
Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record.

[00:00:18] of your leadership.
[00:01:41] to them is
[00:02:17] Foundation for the Navy,
[00:02:30] We will die. We will bring revolution, we will die.
[00:02:33] would be child's play We will bring revolution. The government of Pakistan
[00:02:36] from those who used to promise us
[00:02:39] that we have gathered armies for you,
[00:02:43] we know when a bullet is fired,
[00:02:46] it does not come out of you. We know
[00:02:49] that these soldiers do not come forward,
[00:02:52] and our people protect
[00:02:56] you, and this people, in the crime of the hospital matter,
[00:03:00] in the crime of asking for schools, in the crime of asking for education,
[00:03:03] in the crime of asking for employment, in the crime of declaring
[00:03:07] these people murderers, and after killing
[00:03:10] more than 100 people in three months,
[00:03:14] even today, the government of Pakistan,
[00:03:17] the institutions of the government of Pakistan,
[00:03:20] are still insistent on not only silencing me and you,
[00:03:24] but also for the rest of our lives.
[00:03:28] There's
[00:03:47] The ceasefire
[00:03:51] of the ceasefire line,
[00:05:14] a person above them. So I tell
[00:05:18] him not to talk here and there.
[00:05:22] Tell me why the caravan
[00:05:25] returned. I have no complaint with the robbers,
[00:05:28] it's a question
[00:05:30] That
[00:05:33] Pashtuns have always been brave and fearless.
[00:05:37] If they
[00:05:39] think that we will be scared
[00:05:43] by their threats, then go
[00:05:46] and ask the Britishers whose skulls are still
[00:05:50] lying on the land of Khyber.
[00:05:53] Do you people approve
[00:05:57] of the operation? But as soon as this black map
[00:05:59] came out of the military headquarters, the gunpowder of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
[00:06:03] exploded.
[00:06:04] ہے۔
[00:06:07] The fearless commanders of Imran Khan's party, Tehreek-e-Insaf,
[00:06:10] and
[00:06:42] they have held the parliament hostage. Those because
[00:06:46] of whom this fake government is not obeying
[00:06:50] court orders. My message
[00:06:53] that they should still come to their senses. Pakistan
[00:06:57] is sinking. Pakistan is going towards destruction.
[00:07:00] This is in tribal youth, in Pashtuns,
[00:07:04] in Baloch, in Punjabis, in Sindhis,
[00:07:08] in Kashmiris, in Gilgitis, against you
[00:07:12] that
[00:08:43] BOJK has broken the chains of Islamabad's economic slavery.
[00:08:46] They will hold programs
[00:08:50] in every village and we Kashmiris
[00:08:54] do not accept this ceasefire line. We demand
[00:08:57] the end of this ceasefire line.
[00:08:59] should end, and for the end
[00:09:04] should it be or not?
[00:09:08] It should be or not.
[00:10:12] is done in. General Asim Munir also
[00:10:16] has the same official argument, according to The Economist report,
[00:10:19] Asim Munir and his commanders
[00:10:22] believe that Pakistan's current
[00:12:25] reason for Pakistan's plight is not the geography of the provinces, but
[00:12:29] the policies of Rawalpindi. In a country where
[00:12:32] the defense budget soars year after year and
[00:12:35] the budget for basic facilities keeps decreasing, where
[00:12:39] the country's treasury is empty and Asim Munir's generals have
[00:12:42] immense wealth, how much change
[00:12:46] will simply drawing new lines on the map bring to the lives
[00:12:50] of ordinary citizens?
[00:12:52] If these people leave power tomorrow, they will get sick quickly.
[00:15:25] Stuck in the room all day, can't go out
[00:15:28] a little, no communication with anyone, they say Asim
[00:15:32] Munir is responsible for the ranger
[00:15:35] chains.
[00:15:39] But the reason for the army's trouble is not just this, because
[00:15:43] Pakistan with four provinces has been a witness to the grassroots politics of big leaders.
[00:15:47] In Sindh, the People's Party has been strengthening
[00:15:50] its hold for decades.
[00:15:52] हैं
[00:15:57] that this issue should be discussed in the National Assembly
[00:16:00] and motion of no confidence comes less in the National Assembly.
[00:16:04] So for business forums.
[00:18:07] So controlling them
[00:18:11] for Rawalpindi's corps commanders. That is,
[00:18:14] the same old colonial formula of divide and rule
[00:18:17] which Asim Munir now wants to implement
[00:18:21] in a new guise.
[00:18:35] Now let's come to that biggest, most bitter and most legal truth,
[00:18:39] before which all the calculations of Rawalpindi's generals
[00:18:43] seem to be failing. The claims are grand, a plan
[00:18:45] for 160 pieces is being made, but the question is whether
[00:18:49] General Asim Muni or his puppet Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif
[00:18:53] have the constitutional right to draw new lines on Pakistan's map
[00:18:56] or not. For this, one has to look at Article
[00:19:00] 239, sub clause 4
[00:19:04] of the book of the Constitution of Pakistan. This article
[00:19:07] of the Constitution clearly and strictly states
[00:19:11] that if you want to change the boundaries of any province,
[00:19:14] create a new province from it or break it,
[00:19:17] this work cannot be done by the order of any army chief or the signature
[00:19:21] of the Prime Minister. For this, two such walls will have to be crossed which
[00:19:25] are almost impossible. The first way is the approval
[00:19:28] of the Parliament. The resolution for constitutional amendment
[00:19:32] has to be passed by a two-thirds majority of both houses of Pakistan's
[00:19:35] Parliament, i.e., the National
[00:19:38] Assembly and the Senate, and the second biggest obstacle is the veto power of the province. The law says
[00:19:42] that the province you want to break, whether it is
[00:19:46] Punjab or Balochistan, its own assembly must also
[00:19:50] have the seal of two-thirds
[00:19:52] members. Now you tell
[00:19:56] me, why would any big leader of the Punjab
[00:19:59] Assembly or any MLA of Balochistan
[00:20:02] vote to break their own province, the province
[00:20:06] on whose strength their state
[00:20:51] So will Shahbaz Sharif also go to any
[00:20:54] extent to fulfill Munir's dream this time?
[00:20:56] گے؟
[00:20:59] Asim Munir was on the line and said, "Prime Minister, we have
[00:21:03] given them a very strong reply, and now we are receiving
[00:21:07] a request for a ceasefire, so what do you think?" I said,
[00:21:11] "Salar, what could be more honorable than this?
[00:21:15] You have hit the enemy very hard.
[00:21:18] His head was cracked, now he is forced to ceasefire.
[00:21:22] So I think you should begin in the name of Allah
[00:21:25] and accept this ceasefire
[00:21:27] offer."
[00:21:35] To show, this will be a beautiful dream of administrative reform,
[00:21:38] where the promise of reaching government offices to people
[00:21:42] in remote areas is being made, but if you look closely, this is about ending
[00:21:46] Pakistan's provincial identity and the country's
[00:22:20] then there is
[00:22:20] Rawalpindi.
[00:22:26] If this happens, it will not just be the division of the map, it will be
[00:22:30] such a centralization of power where civilian
[00:22:34] governments will remain only in name.
[00:22:36] जाएंगी,
[00:22:40] 160 sectors means 160 small
[00:22:43] brigadiers or colonels, military officers who
[00:22:47] directly control the ground administration?
[00:22:50] That is, wearing the cloak of democracy, to run a fully
[00:22:54] military government.
[00:22:57] General Munir knows that the people
[00:23:00] of Pakistan are now coming out on the streets
[00:23:03] against the army. Therefore, there cannot be an easier
[00:23:07] way to break the unity of the people than to snatch their identity
[00:23:11] from the provinces and confine them in small compartments.
[00:23:15] जाए.
[00:23:26] Listen to the bitter truth of The Economist: the problems that the army
[00:23:30] is pretending to solve, the root of all those destructions
[00:23:34] is the Pakistan Army itself. The army has captured
[00:23:37] every business, from oil
[00:23:40] to rations. Munir's real
[00:23:43] aim is to make the provinces so small and weak
[00:23:46] that no citizen can challenge the government
[00:24:20] they even deal in the sale of graves. If you don't believe me, listen
[00:24:23] to a former army officer of Pakistan.
[00:24:27] You will realize that the army has always run
[00:24:31] Pakistan's economy shop.
[00:24:32] ہے۔
[00:24:37] This is not the business of the Pakistan Armed Forces.
[00:24:40] Rather, the institution of the Fauji Foundation runs under the Ministry
[00:24:43] of Defense. And it has various
[00:24:47] industries. Similarly, the army has its own welfare
[00:24:51] fund, which is also run by civilians, and
[00:24:54] in this, the control is only with
[00:24:57] the General in GHQ, apart from that, there is nothing
[00:25:01] else. Now, these institutions of the Fauji Foundation,
[00:25:04] which are Fauji Fertilizer, Fauji Bin Qasim,
[00:25:08] Fauji Cement, these are the institutions
[00:25:11] that were established. In the beginning, the first
[00:25:15] investment was made that this welfare
[00:25:17] money that was in India.
[00:26:02] is around 100 billion dollars. If we convert
[00:26:05] it to Pakistani rupees, this amount
[00:26:08] is around 280 lakh crores.
[00:26:11] Now the question is, how does the Pakistan
[00:26:15] Army have such a turnover? So according to the book, the Pakistan
[00:26:19] Army runs many businesses there.
[00:26:21] The Pakistan Army has infiltrated
[00:26:24] cement, fertilizer, banking sector, dairy production, transport
[00:26:28] and housing sectors. Besides this, food,
[00:28:02] is called the largest commercial group or business
[00:28:05] conglomerate there. And these businesses run
[00:28:09] under the names of different organizations such as Fauji
[00:28:13] Foundation, Army Welfare Trust, Shaheen Foundation
[00:28:17] for the Air Force, Bahria
[00:28:20] Defense Housing
[00:28:21] Authority.
[00:28:25] Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa, who wrote a book on the business of the Pakistan Army,
[00:28:28] what does she say about the army's business model? Her
[00:30:32] era will determine the date of its final demise.
[00:30:36] Shahbaz Sharif is silent out of fear, but
[00:30:39] the fire of rebellion has spread from Khyber to Sindh and from POJK
[00:30:43] to Balochistan. So is the history of
[00:30:46] 1971 going to repeat itself in 2026? Is General
[00:30:50] Asim Munir going to prove to be the last army chief
[00:30:53] of Pakistan? The decision is now being made not in the barracks
[00:30:57] of Rawalpindi, but on the burning streets of Pakistan. On this.