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20261105 113800 UTC
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[00:00:00] Arab politics should not be taken
[00:00:02] But this into account in any way. I hope that
[00:00:07] and in the opinion of the Arab leaders in this opposition will be bolder in its stance, that it will take a clearer stance, that it will realize that without
[00:00:11] Arab votes, at
[00:00:14] is ready for at least the Arab Knesset members, there cannot be a stable government, and there cannot be
[00:00:18] a political alternative in the elections. In the end, within the Israeli
[00:00:21] Jewish society, Netanyahu and his bloc got
[00:00:24] the majority, 53 seats against 48 seats.
[00:00:28] I mean, I mean, I have her with me, you see.
[00:00:30] Therefore, I believe that the opposition must wake up
[00:00:34] and not return again to the scenario of 2008 when Tzipi
[00:00:38] Livni succeeded and refused to take the premiership because of her reliance on
[00:00:41] Arabs, nor when Gantz announced in
[00:00:45] increase. Therefore, in my opinion, this 2015 that he does not rely on Arab votes. There is
[00:00:48] only one possibility to form an alternative government in Israel:
[00:00:51] to rely directly or indirectly on Arab Knesset
[00:00:55] harassing us in members. Of course, we know that the Joint List announced that it does not
[00:00:58] want to enter the government and does not want to be part
[00:01:02] of forming the government, but it will support it from the outside in order to exclude Netanyahu.
[00:01:06] The United Arab List may be
[00:01:09] a possibility to include it in the government,
[00:01:12] night at 1:30 and entered the sheepfold.
[00:01:12] Israel fears changes in The settlers came at but I do not think that Eizenkot in these
[00:01:15] So why this circumstances is willing to take such a step, but he may cooperate with it more than
[00:01:21] And the sheep were sleeping the Joint List. In the end, the Israeli opposition is in a situation
[00:01:24] that is not simple.
[00:01:29] of the elected leaders, I mean, from of a continuous path of On the contrary, it is very difficult. Therefore, only the possibility of relying on Arab votes, going to any
[00:01:32] early elections, or
[00:01:36] a state of hostility with Palestinians in agreeing with Benjamin Netanyahu on a national unity government, means a victory
[00:01:38] for Benjamin Netanyahu's political project again over the opposition,
[00:01:41] and this is what the opposition said before the elections,
[00:01:46] by both that it would do everything
[00:01:48] that encourages people more to to prevent it from happening. Can that happen, Professor Assad, that
[00:01:52] he joins a unified government and meets
[00:01:55] the same fate as Gantz? Eizenkot,
[00:01:58] I mean, at least this will prove
[00:02:02] an American leadership in the future that does that this person is not qualified at all to lead Israel. I mean Eizenkot, because if he does not learn from the experience of Tzipi Livni
[00:02:06] and Gantz and those who participated
[00:02:09] with Benjamin Netanyahu from his colleagues in the same current, I mean
[00:02:13] Eizenkot from Lieberman to
[00:02:17] others, I mean, including
[00:02:20] the leadership
[00:02:23] of what are called opposition parties,
[00:02:26] all except Gantz participated with Benjamin Netanyahu in governments.
[00:02:30] And they met a bitter fate in terms of how they were treated, in terms of
[00:02:33] their exclusion, in terms of waiting for the opportune
[00:02:36] moment to pounce
[00:02:40] on them, including Bennett and others. Therefore,
[00:02:43] I believe that logic and
[00:02:47] him, I mean, what Eizenkot can do is not to
[00:02:50] negotiate with Benjamin Netanyahu. He committed
[00:02:53] Democrats and others, from to that, by the way, the American voice, and I mean from yesterday in a speech or the day
[00:02:53] the media, from before yesterday. Therefore, I believe that
[00:02:57] he realizes that and that he realizes that any entry into a joint government
[00:03:00] with Benjamin Netanyahu is a political graveyard. Benjamin Netanyahu may seek
[00:03:04] to ignite a war in order to drag Israel into
[00:03:07] a spiral and to go
[00:03:09] suggested yesterday, for example, to some again to a national unity government, but any
[00:03:13] war, no matter how big it is,
[00:03:16] will probably last a week or two, and so on.
[00:03:19] Therefore, I believe that Eizenkot realizes that
[00:03:23] the only way to change the situation in Israel, as he promised the Israelis,
[00:03:27] I mean, not as we want as Palestinians, nor as
[00:03:30] we want as, I mean, those who really want real peace and serious
[00:03:33] change in Israeli policies, will not happen, but at
[00:03:36] least some change in the issues that concern the majority
[00:03:40] of Israelis, and I mean the issue of the judicial coup, the issue
[00:03:43] of recruiting the Haredim, and the central questions facing
[00:03:47] Israeli society. Israeli society has been truly
[00:03:50] struck
[00:03:53] facilitate its mission somewhat at at the core of its existence by this government,
[00:03:57] this far-right and fascist government. And what happened, as we all know,
[00:04:01] is that what is happening in
[00:04:05] based on a structure of This is true, and there has been incitement in the United States is related to Palestine, and what the current Israeli government has done
[00:04:08] in terms of destruction in Palestine, and I mean the genocide in Gaza and ethnic cleansing in the West Bank,
[00:04:11] and policies, I mean, unprecedented
[00:04:14] leadership in Oslo or in savagery towards the Arab region and Palestine
[00:04:17] in particular. This all means that
[00:04:22] in order to really benefit from Israel, at least from the perspective of the opposition to Benjamin Netanyahu,
[00:04:24] is heading towards an unprecedented situation
[00:04:28] of isolation, and this is what Az
[00:04:30] Israel and its voters promised that he would prevent
[00:04:34] in the future by removing Benjamin
[00:04:37] level is the citizens in Netanyahu, of course, on all other issues related to corruption,
[00:04:39] bribery, mismanagement, and so on.
[00:04:43] Of course, I do not say, and I say this on your esteemed
[00:04:47] television, that this does not mean that there will be a serious change in
[00:04:51] the Palestinian issue, the issues of occupation, and the issues
[00:04:54] of tightening the screws on the Palestinian people. Some minor change may happen with regard
[00:04:58] to the settler groups
[00:05:01] and terrorists against Palestinians in
[00:05:04] areas C and B and even in areas A,
[00:05:08] as well as the continuation of the daily attack on our people in
[00:05:11] Gaza.
[00:05:15] change, even if it is small, in my personal opinion
[00:05:19] the interior, can be achieved
[00:05:22] through the support of Arab parties. I believe that the situation
[00:05:27] least telling the president that the Arab
[00:05:30] parties do not want Benjamin Netanyahu and are looking forward to changing him,
[00:05:33] and after that, I hope that things will open up for a gradual
[00:05:37] change in order to go to a historical settlement with the Palestinian
[00:05:40] people and the national movement.
[00:05:43] As well as a serious internal change in Israel. If that
[00:05:46] does not happen and Benjamin Netanyahu returns,
[00:05:49] matters will seriously escalate, and incitement against
[00:05:52] Palestinian citizens will increase, and repression against our Palestinian people will
[00:05:58] is the appropriate time to support the position of the Joint List,
[00:06:01] and the United List should go to the president and tell
[00:06:05] him: We do not want Benjamin Netanyahu; we want
[00:06:08] another prime minister, not as we want, and he will not be,
[00:06:12] but he will at least be less oppressive, less severe,
[00:06:16] and less violent towards our Palestinian people in general
[00:06:19] and towards us as citizens in the State of Israel. But it seems that
[00:06:22] Netanyahu has read such tendencies that Arab lists can adopt.
[00:06:28] great contempt
[00:06:30] for Arabs, Dr. Saad?
[00:06:34] Benjamin Netanyahu during the recent years,
[00:06:36] and I think this is part
[00:06:40] hostility, of course, towards the Arab neighborhood, to everything Islamic, to everything
[00:06:43] Muslim, to our Palestinian people. It has reached
[00:06:48] the interior. We know who appointed
[00:06:51] Ben-Gvir, or who is responsible for Ben-Gvir, and who is responsible for
[00:06:54] Smotrich, and whose policies were embodied
[00:06:58] of them in issues, I mean,
[00:07:01] generally on both sides of the Green Line, in harming the Palestinian
[00:07:04] people, including citizens in an unprecedented
[00:07:08] way. The main architect of these policies, and who stands behind
[00:07:11] Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, and of course, the main person responsible
[00:07:15] and wanted in this is the Israeli
[00:07:18] Prime Minister. And I believe that Benjamin Netanyahu
[00:07:22] believes that or thinks that
[00:07:25] the continuation of these central components of
[00:07:28] the current that supports him is the guarantee for his return to power.
[00:07:32] Therefore, he ideologically opposes
[00:07:35] Palestinians in general, including citizens here in the interior.
[00:07:39] He believes that this
[00:07:42] hostility is part of his thinking for the region, I mean,
[00:07:46] for the Palestinian people and control over historical Palestine
[00:07:49] and subjugating Palestinians wherever they are. But he also
[00:07:52] has a political tactic that protects him and unites
[00:07:56] a serious camp behind
[00:07:59] at least so far, Benjamin Netanyahu has not surrendered. Today he
[00:08:03] made inciting statements against Arab citizens. The goal is not only
[00:08:07] incitement against Arab citizens and the Palestinian people, but the goal is
[00:08:10] to prevent the establishment of a government
[00:08:12] with Arab support. This is what Benjamin
[00:08:15] Netanyahu fears. I think that
[00:08:18] he has, at least in a certain way, succeeded in
[00:08:22] that because the leader of the opposition or the elected
[00:08:25] Eizenkot, who cannot reach power without Arab support,
[00:08:28] directly or indirectly, has not yet
[00:08:31] spoken with the Arab leaders, has not met
[00:08:34] with them, has not promised them anything, and has not sought
[00:08:37] to change his declaration of intent to change
[00:08:41] his policies in a real way towards Arab citizens in the Palestinian
[00:08:44] interior or towards the Palestinian cause. But despite
[00:08:47] that, despite that, Benjamin Netanyahu realizes
[00:08:51] that our goal as Palestinians in the interior is to remove him. We will
[00:08:54] contribute to that as much as we can. And that is why he
[00:08:58] publicly declares his hostility, he publicly tries to withdraw
[00:09:01] legitimacy, he publicly engages in unprecedented
[00:09:05] incitement. I mean, I know that some will tell me
[00:09:08] that there has been incitement in Israel since 1948 against Palestinians
[00:09:12] and against the Palestinian people in general.
[00:09:16] the last 30 years, and the Israeli opposition, or part of the opposition, or one
[00:09:20] of the opposition, assassinated the Israeli prime minister because he was
[00:09:23] a partner of the Palestinian
[00:09:26] recognizing the PLO and the path, what is called the path
[00:09:30] of peace. But in the end, we have been in recent
[00:09:34] years, in the last three years, facing unprecedented
[00:09:37] escalation. Of course, Gaza is the biggest victim. The West
[00:09:41] Bank and the Jordan Valley are
[00:09:44] another victim, but also the third victim or the third
[00:09:49] the interior. We saw Ben Gvir demolish
[00:09:53] about 5,000 homes in one year in
[00:09:56] the Negev region and other areas. He
[00:10:00] defames Arab citizens and threatens
[00:10:03] their leaders. Today we saw
[00:10:06] how the Shin Bet is trying to help Benjamin
[00:10:10] Netanyahu politically and declare
[00:10:12] that there are Arab leaders and there are activists accused of cooperating
[00:10:16] with foreign agents, which is a serious charge in Israel.
[00:10:19] I mean, a person can be imprisoned because of it without a trial for
[00:10:23] a period of administrative detention. All
[00:10:27] this is happening to serve Benjamin Netanyahu
[00:10:30] and his agenda. Benjamin Netanyahu has succeeded over
[00:10:33] more than two decades in seriously changing Israel. Therefore,
[00:10:37] changing the government is in our interest. But will this lead
[00:10:41] to achieving what we dream of, what we want for us and for our Palestinian
[00:10:44] people? No, the road is long. We must have
[00:10:48] patience because Israel, if it changes at all, will
[00:10:51] change gradually. But now we have an opportunity
[00:10:55] to contribute to some change, and I think that there is
[00:10:58] an expectation from us, Palestinian, external, Arab, and even
[00:11:02] some Israelis, to contribute to the change process. This is necessary despite some
[00:11:06] contempt from Eizenkot's camp for Arab laws. Of course,
[00:11:09] I do not think that we have a position against this Israeli
[00:11:13] opposition, but now they need us. We want to
[00:11:16] send Benjamin Netanyahu home and perhaps imprison him
[00:11:20] for bribery. But I just want you, Professor Assad, to give a one-minute
[00:11:24] answer about the impact of the results of what happened
[00:11:27] in the American midterm elections on the Israeli
[00:11:30] scene. Can this affect this is very important strategically
[00:11:33] and tactically. Strategically,
[00:11:37] American and European public opinion and what happened, but American public opinion in
[00:11:40] particular. You know that these achievements of the Democrats
[00:11:44] are also related to Palestine, related to the genocide, related
[00:11:47] to Israeli policies towards the Arab region, and we
[00:11:50] all saw the speeches
[00:11:54] among them, especially the Arabs, Palestine is at the top
[00:11:58] of their priorities. And they openly declare it; they do not hide
[00:12:01] it. Once, talking about Palestine was something that even
[00:12:05] if the leader believed in it, he would hide it under the table. Now,
[00:12:08] leaders openly declare it because they know that this is a strong point
[00:12:13] vote for such personalities. This is what Israel fears
[00:12:17] at the strategic, long-term level: losing the support
[00:12:20] of the American people, and perhaps
[00:12:24] electing
[00:12:27] not want or will not continue the same cooperation with Israel. Even
[00:12:30] DeVos, even DeVos, the Vice President, said
[00:12:34] that one of the reasons for not electing Republicans is the relationship with Israel
[00:12:38] in the way it was, and that is based on public opinion polls, not just his personal opinion.
[00:12:41] He knows that Americans are fed up with this
[00:12:44] relationship. But tactically, we are now facing
[00:12:47] an American president whose position is shaky
[00:12:50] and not guaranteed, meaning that there is a threat to every decision he makes,
[00:12:54] especially since he needs Congress for financial decisions related
[00:12:57] to the costs of war and foreign relations.
[00:13:01] Therefore, he will be more cautious in cooperating
[00:13:04] with Benjamin Netanyahu in the war against Iran or in wars
[00:13:08] against the Arab region or in encouraging Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli
[00:13:11] government to continue their policies. He will hear
[00:13:18] community activists, that
[00:13:22] there is criticism of Israel in its daily policies towards
[00:13:25] the West Bank, towards
[00:13:28] Gaza, and towards its policies even towards Palestinians
[00:13:31] in the interior. And that is why I
[00:13:34] of the Arab leaders that we should form a working group
[00:13:37] related to incitement against us as citizens here
[00:13:41] and go to international platforms. Our voice must
[00:13:43] be heard that Israel has reached
[00:13:46] fascism, the peak of fascism,
[00:13:50] and we must seek to mobilize public opinion
[00:13:53] to support us in confronting such policies, of course, in addition to
[00:13:57] the Palestinian issue, the mother or the major Palestinian
[00:14:01] issue. I believe that Israel will not, I mean, there will not
[00:14:04] be perhaps an earthquake in policies as a result of the elections, but it will
[00:14:08] bring about a strategic change and a tactical change.
[00:14:10] And Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel fear
[00:14:13] that, and perhaps changing the government in Israel may
[00:14:18] the international level. But Israel, as we know, is internationally besieged
[00:14:22] due to strategic policies.
[00:14:25] I mean, Benjamin Netanyahu may have contributed to it, but it is
[00:14:30] ethnic superiority towards the Palestinian people, including
[00:14:33] the Israeli opposition. Therefore, I said a moment ago
[00:14:37] that the road is long; we must have patience, but we must
[00:14:40] arrange our papers as Palestinians first and as Arabs
[00:14:43] second, I mean, in the Arab world,
[00:14:47] international changes to pressure Israel more
[00:14:50] and perhaps bring about a change after, I don't know, 10 years,
[00:14:54] 15 years, but perhaps
[00:14:57] moving towards a breakthrough that leads to dealing with us
[00:15:01] as Palestinians as equals in the face of the continuation of these
[00:15:04] aggressive policies in all areas where the Palestinian
[00:15:07] people exist. Thank you very much, Professor Assad Ghanem, Professor of Political
[00:15:11] Science at the University of Haifa. You were with us live via
[00:15:14] Zoom from Haifa. Thank you very much,
[00:15:17] and our dear viewers, thank you for your kind follow-up. Greetings to you and goodbye.
[00:15:21] اللقاء.
[00:19:08] The people, of course, are afraid
[00:19:12] of what happened yesterday, that about
[00:19:15] eight houses were burned in the village and cars were also burned.
[00:21:43] Not just today, they've been
[00:21:45] Zeitoun for a week.
[00:21:57] They entered here.
[00:22:02] They took the sheep, some of them ran away,
[00:22:05] we brought them back, and the rest they took.
[00:22:11] at night, they didn't see them or anything. They broke everything and took
[00:22:15] everything.
[00:22:17] These are the ones who are out in my life.
[00:22:37] Welcome to the news summary. Four citizens, including a child and a woman,
[00:22:41] were martyred in Israeli shelling and gunfire in various areas of the Gaza Strip.
[00:22:45] Medical sources reported the martyrdom of a woman by Israeli occupation forces' bullets in
[00:22:48] Mawasi Khan Yunis. They added that a child was martyred by Israeli
[00:22:52] gunfire in Al-Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip. Reporters reported
[00:22:55] the martyrdom of a citizen in a raid that targeted the area west of Al-Zawaida town, while
[00:22:59] he was injured.