PTVNEWS — broadcast
20261012 043000 UTC
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[00:00:00] which was already there before. containers. In 232,
[00:00:03] the situation is that there is no limit mentioned
[00:00:07] for how long it will last.
[00:00:09] the integrity of the state But as I mentioned before,
[00:00:12] the provincial assembly does not become dysfunctional.
[00:00:15] So that's why 234 has been done. But now we have to see
[00:00:19] what changes come within these six months
[00:00:22] and whether work is carried out only in terms of
[00:00:25] 232. So this is a thing to watch,
[00:00:29] because if there is a change of heart
[00:00:32] during this period and
[00:00:35] between the federal government and the former provincial
[00:00:38] government, there is an understanding
[00:00:41] among its people that if you are restored,
[00:00:45] the old situation will not recur. So if that happens,
[00:00:48] then perhaps only 232 will suffice.
[00:00:51] But it remains to be seen how much improvement comes
[00:00:55] in the situation and whether reconciliation
[00:00:59] is possible.
[00:01:01] there is something that
[00:01:30] Two or three things must be kept in mind.
[00:01:34] Number one, the PTI's negotiating
[00:01:38] team. Two of its members who are very
[00:01:41] important, Allama Raja Nazir Abbas Sahab
[00:01:45] and Salman Akram Raja Sahab, both of them admitted
[00:01:48] that these negotiations broke down where? They said that these
[00:01:53] the request negotiations broke down on the issue of terrorism. What was the problem with the issue of terrorism?
[00:01:57] There were two problems with the issue of terrorism. One problem was
[00:02:00] that Sohail Afridi Sahab
[00:02:03] was going to various places and announcing
[00:02:07] that he was the only wall
[00:02:10] against the operation
[00:02:13] deal with emergency. against terrorism. What was the nature of terrorism? We know that
[00:02:17] there were daily killings.
[00:02:20] it is very clear Just now, Ajmal Wazir Sahab told us how
[00:02:22] the DG Election Commission was martyred, and he was not
[00:02:26] the only one martyred. And the matter was also settled during this time, that our minerals,
[00:02:36] which include gold and timber,
[00:02:40] started being smuggled. And its links were found
[00:02:44] with the TTP and also with the people
[00:02:48] who were around Sohail Afridi Sahab.
[00:02:51] Now, in such a situation, whether it is a provincial government
[00:02:55] or any government, its basic responsibility is that
[00:02:58] whether an emergency is declared or not,
[00:03:02] it deals with things in an emergency situation.
[00:03:06] We know that for two or three months, the Chief Minister did not go
[00:03:09] to his office. And his
[00:03:12] governance had no connection with it.
[00:03:16] And during this time,
[00:03:19] the public opinion surveys that came out
[00:03:23] and the vox pops of the public that came on television,
[00:03:27] on social media, and what we found through our sources,
[00:04:00] was happening, the public said no, it was not happening.
[00:04:03] Now in such a situation, you asked what its consequences
[00:04:07] would be. The first consequence should come from the public.
[00:04:10] Do the public protest against it? Do the public
[00:04:14] come out on the streets against it? So I presented to you
[00:04:17] that before the proclamation of emergency,
[00:04:21] the public had already come out on the streets with these demands. This is on record. Okay.
[00:04:25] So that's one thing. The second
[00:04:28] along with 235, thing is that if, as they say, we were
[00:04:31] on the streets, PTI's stance was that we are on the streets in Khyber
[00:04:34] Pakhtunkhwa. So those people on the streets, if there were
[00:04:38] 10,000 of them, they should have turned into 10 lakhs.
[00:04:41] But I am afraid Did they change? In Rawalpindi, Islamabad,
[00:04:45] in other cities of Punjab, in other provinces, what
[00:04:49] is the reaction to this? We don't see any reaction
[00:04:53] except for one or two statements. This means that
[00:04:56] the public mentally accepted that there was
[00:05:12] divorce is permissible but not desirable. So in this way, it is undesirable.
[00:05:16] But now tell me, do you want to save
[00:05:21] or not? Let me remind you. It was not long ago
[00:05:25] that hoardings of Pakhtunistan were put up in Balochistan
[00:05:28] and also in the former tribal areas. That was also a plan,
[00:05:32] that was also a conspiracy. It seems that
[00:05:36] Afridi Sahab and the people around him
[00:05:39] were influenced by such talks. And similarly.
[00:06:42] Emergency is not time-bound. Governor's rule is for six months. Sir, how do you
[00:06:46] see this process? As a lawyer, how do you legally
[00:06:50] see it and what consequences do you foresee? Pakistan has a history.
[00:06:54] Governor's rule has been imposed in Pakistan, and emergencies have also been imposed.
[00:06:57] Now it has been imposed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
[00:06:59] How do you see it, sir? Bismillah-ir-Rahman-ir-Rahim.
[00:07:03] Sir,
[00:07:06] is that this was not an unconstitutional
[00:07:10] step. It is given in the
[00:07:13] authority of Chapter
[00:07:17] 10 and Articles
[00:07:20] 232 to 237
[00:07:25] Okay? And 232,
[00:07:28] if it is read,
[00:07:32] that if it is a situation
[00:07:35] of war or external
[00:07:39] interference or
[00:07:42] internal disturbance, in these three situations,
[00:07:46] if the first proviso
[00:07:49] is that if the Provincial Assembly itself
[00:07:53] passes a resolution that an emergency
[00:07:57] should be imposed here. Okay?
[00:08:01] And if there is no such situation, then the President
[00:08:04] of Pakistan can
[00:08:07] take this action on the report
[00:08:11] of the Administrator that they can impose
[00:08:14] an emergency and issue a proclamation order.
[00:08:18] But even in this, the 18th
[00:08:21] Amendment has placed an embargo
[00:08:24] to strengthen the Parliament that
[00:08:27] after issuing the proclamation order,
[00:08:31] the President of Pakistan will send it to the Parliament
[00:08:33] and both houses of the Parliament
[00:08:37] will ratify it within 10 days.
[00:08:41] Okay? It will not be that if you
[00:08:45] issue a proclamation order,
[00:08:49] and then you wait for its implication,
[00:08:52] for its application, rather it will become effective
[00:08:55] and all its effects
[00:08:59] you have seen that the first order
[00:09:02] was that the Chief Secretary was transferred, then an
[00:09:06] Additional Chief Secretary was specifically
[00:09:09] appointed for 12 reforms to look after all matters.
[00:09:13] So its implementation happened immediately,
[00:09:17] and in any case, there will be a
[00:09:20] requirement for parliamentary ratification within 10 days.
[00:09:24] Now, in 232, there is no time framework.
[00:09:28] We
[00:09:30] will
[00:09:33] read it along with Article
[00:09:36] 235, sorry,
[00:09:41] in which if the
[00:09:44] President of Pakistan or the Federal Government
[00:09:48] feels that the situation has improved and
[00:09:51] there is no need for emergency, then they will issue
[00:09:54] an order just like the order for imposition
[00:09:58] was issued today, October 11, similarly, an order for lifting
[00:10:02] will also be issued and it will be lifted.
[00:10:05] But 234 has also been
[00:10:08] invoked, and there is a slight difference
[00:10:11] in it.
[00:10:25] The Federal Government can appoint
[00:10:28] an administrator or the already appointed
[00:10:32] Governor will also assume authority
[00:10:36] and he will have all the powers of the Chief Minister
[00:10:39] and then he will send
[00:10:42] the proclamation order to the President
[00:10:46] and Parliament and there will be
[00:10:49] a joint session of Parliament which will ratify it
[00:10:52] within 10 days.
[00:10:55] Now, in 232, both houses will deal separately,
[00:10:58] and 234 will also be dealt with in 234,
[00:11:01] it is stated that both houses
[00:11:04] will jointly
[00:11:06] raise this general point, sir, stay with me. You raised it, sir. I would like to know
[00:11:10] if you agree with the assessment made by Dr. Farooq Adil Sahab
[00:11:14] that there was a breakdown of governance there. And
[00:11:18] Amir Muqam Sahab was also saying that there was no reaction, while PTI
[00:11:22] had said that if our government falls, there will be a strong reaction.
[00:11:25] Look, Anwar, the problem
[00:11:28] there, the basic problem was terrorism.
[00:11:32] What we are seeing every day, there was no second opinion on this,
[00:11:36] and it had been going on for a long time. The basic
[00:11:38] point was that we cannot ignore the fact
[00:11:42] that they also decided on a long march.
[00:11:45] Because this problem had been going on for a long time.
[00:11:49] Then when their decision for a long march was made,
[00:11:52] things escalated. Okay.
[00:12:25] Now, in this whole situation, when Sohail Afridi started
[00:12:29] this, I didn't see
[00:12:33] any of the Punjab
[00:12:35] MNAs on his container. Okay.
[00:12:38] Listen to me, how many
[00:12:42] senators were there
[00:12:45] besides him? And many
[00:12:49] Punjabi MPAs, where were they? It seemed
[00:12:53] as if Sohail Afridi and his team
[00:12:57] were on this long march, while the others
[00:13:00] were sitting here in Islamabad. They
[00:13:03] were having negotiations and talks and all that.
[00:13:06] Now let me tell you one more
[00:13:09] thing. Sohail Afridi
[00:13:13] had decided this because he was made
[00:13:16] Chief Minister so that he would resist.
[00:13:20] Now, he had to resist, so he had to go out for resistance.
[00:13:24] And
[00:13:55] that I should become Chief Minister, someone else was saying I should become, someone else was saying
[00:13:59] I should become. They will either become ineligible from here or from there.
[00:14:03] Sohail Afridi chose this path
[00:14:06] that his political strategy
[00:14:09] was that he said, "Well, we are drowned,
[00:14:12] so all of you who are fond of being Chief Minister,
[00:14:16] I am assessing all of you."
[00:14:19] He carried this thing forward and he
[00:14:23] showed that, well.
[00:15:25] The workers who were practically PTI's strength,
[00:15:29] their leadership abandoned them. The leadership stepped aside.
[00:15:33] Some went here, some there, some somewhere else. No one was interested, and many
[00:15:36] compromised.
[00:16:39] after this, their responsibility
[00:16:42] is also to achieve the target
[00:16:46] on the basis of which all this happened. So I think
[00:16:49] I'll give you an example, one last example.
[00:16:53] In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, if you remember, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
[00:16:56] Assembly was dissolved. Yes, in
[00:16:59] 2024.
[00:18:37] If we look at the past politics of PTI at this time,
[00:18:41] then the fundamental and
[00:18:44] central role is of protest
[00:18:48] and agitation, right?
[00:18:51] Imran Khan Sahab is not on the stage at this time
[00:18:55] and cannot be consulted. So those
[00:18:59] people who are outside believe that their
[00:19:02] loyalty demands that this whole
[00:19:05] system is based on loyalty.
[00:19:37] it can be, but it is possible that from this shock,
[00:19:41] they learn some lessons and think that
[00:19:45] we are a political party and we have to continue
[00:19:48] our politics in a political way. So
[00:19:51] if they use these avenues
[00:19:55] within the assembly, within the Senate,
[00:19:58] and further their politics
[00:20:01] and focus on this that the next elections
[00:20:05] are free and fair, so that
[00:20:08] they get a full opportunity to participate,
[00:20:12] then this, in my opinion, will form a basis
[00:20:16] for moving the party forward.
[00:20:19] that within the party, the extremist
[00:20:22] element has dominance,
[00:20:26] and perhaps after this incident, their dominance will increase
[00:20:29] even more. So they will only believe in fighting
[00:20:33] and confrontation and they will, in my opinion,
[00:20:36] take the party
[00:21:20] have gone to the Governor, and as far as
[00:21:23] the ministers are concerned, they have handed over all
[00:21:27] the ministries to their advisors, and today they also
[00:21:31] held their first meeting, and now they are running
[00:21:34] the work. So they are completely free, right?
[00:21:38] And interestingly,
[00:21:39] this long march
[00:21:42] was a threat to overthrow the central government
[00:21:46] or for them. They came out to do that, and because of this long march,
[00:21:50] they lost their own government. So the element
[00:21:53] of immaturity has been present
[00:21:57] in Tehreek-e-Insaf from the beginning.
[00:22:00] You can see that you will remember
[00:22:04] that when PDM was in government and
[00:22:07] elections were not being held,
[00:22:11] there were several high-profile meetings and sessions
[00:22:15] in it. And in it,
[00:22:18] government officials were also there, and PTI
[00:22:22] was also there. And they had announced a date,
[00:22:26] and for the final decision, Imran Khan Sahab was referred.
[00:22:29] So he immediately rejected it,
[00:22:33] using his veto power. He outright
[00:22:36] rejected it. And that was the day
[00:22:40] that if he had shown wisdom and
[00:22:43] accepted that date, and elections had been held on that date,
[00:22:47] then the scenario would have been different. Exactly. Because then what they
[00:23:20] in the parliamentary system, they have far-reaching
[00:23:23] consequences. Today, if there are two things,
[00:23:27] sir, did Sohail Afridi Sahab
[00:23:30] show wisdom by getting his government
[00:23:34] ended? Number one, because there was a meeting
[00:23:38] a week ago, and the final
[00:23:41] draft approval had gone to the President of Pakistan,
[00:23:45] and he used his veto power and outright
[00:23:48] rejected it. He said, "No, we don't
[00:23:52] need it." Perhaps their demand was legitimate at some point,
[00:23:56] but the public still doesn't know on what basis they
[00:23:59] refused. Sir, there was a difference in methodology regarding counter-terrorism.
[00:24:03] They wanted it to be done under their guidance. If it had happened, Anwar
[00:24:06] Sahab, they would have gained a lot.
[00:24:09] And then if they had waited
[00:24:13] a week, two weeks, four weeks,
[00:24:16] and moved forward, they would have gotten other relief as well.
[00:24:32] There is only one thing, that all the leadership of PTI
[00:24:35] is afraid of its workers. They are afraid
[00:24:39] of their social media workers that if we take
[00:24:42] such a step, then we cannot face
[00:24:46] the memes that have been made and the abuses that we will receive.
[00:24:49] And this fear can never allow
[00:24:53] any leader of PTI to play freely.
[00:24:57] And you can see the example of Shaukat Yousafzai Sahab.
[00:25:00] His tears came out. You can see that he said the same thing, don't do a long march.
[00:25:04] If they had listened, perhaps the government would have been saved. Where did
[00:25:08] Ali Muhammad go? These are all sincere
[00:25:11] people, these are all very old and devoted people of theirs,
[00:25:15] but everyone went to the back because they were abused. You are absolutely right. Time is running out. You are right.
[00:25:19] They should also do self-assessment, as Hasan Raza Pasha
[00:25:23] Sahab is saying, that they think
[00:25:26] they will get better results or better results
[00:25:30] than having a government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Meanwhile, Ajmal Wazir Sahab
[00:25:34] also had a very important opinion that now we have to see if the new setup
[00:25:37] will deliver, because the situation on the ground is that
[00:25:41] people are looking towards them for peace and prosperity and good governance.
[00:25:45] If this happens, then obviously This
[00:25:49] is today's situation.
[00:26:02] It has a political aspect, a legal aspect, and a constitutional aspect.
[00:26:06] Now let's see what results
[00:26:09] come out of this, and what turn politics takes in the coming days.
[00:26:12] Allow Syed Anwar-ul-Hassan's production team. Take good care of yourselves.
[00:26:16] Allah Hafiz.
[00:26:41] Research before criticism and evidence before accusation.
[00:26:45] This is the first condition not only of journalism but also of humanity.
[00:26:48] Change your thinking, change your way of thinking.
[00:26:51] Journalism and politics are two pillars
[00:26:55] of the state or business life. The popular narrative or the correct
[00:26:58] direction of history. Straight talk with Baanis Saleem only on News.
[00:27:21] According to a recent report, there are approximately 140 million
[00:27:24] internet users in Pakistan. Approximately 20% of social
[00:27:27] media accounts are fake or involved in negative activities.
[00:27:31] According to the report, these accounts are being used
[00:27:34] for fraud, harassment, blackmail, spreading hate speech and
[00:27:38] fake information. Experts have advised
[00:27:41] citizens, especially parents, to be careful.
[00:27:45] Beware of unknown links and fake offers.
[00:27:48] Do not share your personal information, passwords, and
[00:27:52] one-time passwords (OTPs) with anyone. Avoid
[00:27:55] spreading unverified news.
[00:27:58] Hate speech and illegal content on social media.
[00:28:44] Do you know that plastic bags are enemies of your
[00:28:48] environment and natural system? Every year,
[00:28:52] one trillion plastic bags are used worldwide,
[00:28:55] while the weight of bags used daily is equal to 10
[00:28:59] elephants, 20 buses, 950 empty