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20261029 060000 UTC
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[00:00:02] Exactly, there isn't a clarity and an
[00:00:05] organization for this reaction, right, for this movement
[00:00:09] made by Flávio Bolsonaro, incidentally, he states that he didn't flee,
[00:00:12] he left the country, right, he tries to avoid the label of fleeing
[00:00:16] and we saw a lot of things, a lot of conflicting
[00:00:20] information, there's a lot of misinformation too, there were
[00:00:23] people who had knowledge, but
[00:00:26] they clearly said something different to confuse.
[00:00:30] Right, that was the objective, but when we
[00:00:32] look at the broader political spectrum,
[00:00:36] many allies who stood by Flávio Bolsonaro in this campaign, they don't
[00:00:40] have the clarity of this political strategy, I think many are
[00:00:43] being surprised by this statement of his that he won
[00:00:47] the elections, the PL, his party, has already
[00:00:50] published a note recognizing the result of the
[00:00:53] polls, we had several political leaders from this
[00:00:56] camp, I would like to declare, to highlight the...
[00:01:00] Governor Tarcísio de Freitas, Governor of São Paulo, made a video yesterday
[00:01:04] saying the election is over and starts talking about
[00:01:07] other things that need to be addressed in Brazil, so there is
[00:01:11] a bit of a mismatch between what this note from Senator
[00:01:15] Flávio Bolsonaro brings and what has been
[00:01:18] treated by some sectors of the opposition. The background
[00:01:21] of this is the dispute for this control of the opposition. Uh,
[00:01:25] this statement by the President, by Senator Flávio
[00:01:28] Bolsonaro, is in the same vein that the Bolsonaro
[00:01:31] family wants to continue having control of the
[00:01:34] opposition. I would like to draw attention to a curious fact, a
[00:01:38] little before that there was a video from Senator-elect Carlos Bolsonaro,
[00:01:42] Flávio's brother, after the visit made to his father
[00:01:45] and in this video he said that he apologized to his
[00:01:49] father for having failed. So while the brother is saying that he won the
[00:01:53] election, he is saying that they failed, so there is really a discrepancy
[00:01:56] in this discourse, this attempt to say that they won the elections
[00:02:00] which has not been a very uniform thing in
[00:02:03] the opposition. Professor, looking at what you
[00:02:07] mentioned, is there a risk that Flávio himself will end up creating
[00:02:11] a rift among his allies or among this
[00:02:15] right-wing that was uh that
[00:02:17] had an expressive victory in Congress, that is,
[00:02:20] part, uh more, uh, linked to the Bolsonaro
[00:02:24] family, uh buy into this idea or
[00:02:27] buy into this text and part of it distance itself from the Bolsonaro
[00:02:31] family?
[00:02:34] Exactly, Gustavo, I think we are starting to see the dispute for
[00:02:38] control of the opposition. Uh, I would even like to draw attention to a
[00:02:42] point in the note where he says that he will ask for votes
[00:02:46] and articulate for the election of Rogério Marinho to
[00:02:50] to. We need to remember that yesterday Senator
[00:02:53] Teresa Cristina, who was
[00:02:57] business. This is today's considered by Flávio himself as his dream vice-president,
[00:02:59] also launched her candidacy and Flávio is clearly already positioning
[00:03:02] himself in favor of Marinho, so we see that these disputes in
[00:03:06] the opposition are clear, they will happen, we
[00:03:10] will understand what will happen next. The other point that
[00:03:14] I would like to highlight in this note, Flávio
[00:03:17] Bolsonaro mentions Venezuelan politicians who
[00:03:21] left Venezuela to make a
[00:03:23] speech against Nicolás Maduro's
[00:03:25] moment. To tune in to administration, right, Nicolás Maduro's dictatorship,
[00:03:29] he puts himself in this position. Uh, first, we
[00:03:32] know that there are many differences between what happened in Venezuela and
[00:03:36] commercial break and will return shortly with the still happens, and what is happening in Brazil, but I
[00:03:39] would like to point out that these Venezuelan
[00:03:43] leaders who left Venezuela were ignored
[00:03:46] by Donald Trump when he made an intervention in Venezuela, so
[00:03:50] even this comparison may not be very favorable to Flávio
[00:03:53] Bolsonaro, if you think long term, right, if we have a
[00:03:57] resurgence and actions from the United States towards
[00:04:01] Brazil, in Venezuela economic interests weighed heavily and Trumpism
[00:04:04] allied with Maduro's vice-president Delcy Rodriguez and ignored
[00:04:08] the actions taken by the Venezuelan
[00:04:10] opposition. In the first version of the letter,
[00:04:14] there was even a coat of arms, there was a coat of arms at the beginning of the letter where the name of
[00:04:18] and you know that here you can trust the Brazil was uh Republic of the United States of Brazil, which was an
[00:04:22] old official name of Brazil, right? Now it's the Federative
[00:04:25] Republic of Brazil, this may indicate something and then the letter
[00:04:29] was substituted. Yes, with a new coat of arms, can this
[00:04:33] change indicate some, some message, something
[00:04:36] in this change of coats of arms?
[00:04:40] Look, it can be anything from a common mistake, Renato,
[00:04:44] to something more symbolic, right, but I think the letter
[00:04:47] itself is already in a very complicated tone there
[00:04:51] for you to understand, because it's very difficult
[00:04:54] to sustain this discourse of
[00:04:57] persecution of oppositionists, even if you have judicial
[00:05:01] decisions that are under questioning, you have the Brazilian judiciary
[00:05:04] with many difficulties and with many questions of
[00:05:08] legitimacy that will be faced, President Lula himself
[00:05:11] in his campaign spoke of making a judicial reform, I think this
[00:05:14] is the point we need to acknowledge, but it's very
[00:05:18] difficult to say it's a persecution of all
[00:05:21] opponents when you have the largest caucuses in the Chamber and Senate
[00:05:24] belonging to the PL, Flávio Bolsonaro's party, allies
[00:05:28] of Governor, of Senator Flávio Bolsonaro command the largest
[00:05:32] electoral colleges in Brazil, São Paulo, Rio and Minas Gerais,
[00:05:36] also in all states of the Southern region, several states of the Midwest
[00:05:39] region, so it's a bit complex to say
[00:05:43] that there is a dictatorship in Brazil, that there is no value of
[00:05:46] democracy, when the opposition occupies many political spaces
[00:05:49] and many spaces of power. I think we will have a debate
[00:05:53] on this objective political issue of controlling the
[00:05:57] opposition, I think the debate is very much there, and this gesture by Flávio
[00:06:00] for me is an attempt to frame those who
[00:06:03] were beginning to want to debate other topics after
[00:06:07] the electoral defeat, that they need to debate the situation of the
[00:06:11] Bolsonaro family. So we will have to understand
[00:06:14] how much these allies are willing to
[00:06:17] sacrifice their political capital, sacrifice mandate decisions, right, we
[00:06:21] have a governor, the governor has to administer, has to manage, will the
[00:06:24] governor stop managing to make a speech regarding
[00:06:28] the Bolsonaro family? So we will have to understand a little bit in the day-to-day
[00:06:32] politics how much this self-declaration by Flávio will
[00:06:36] be respected by his own political camp,
[00:06:38] uh professor, right?
[00:06:43] Uh, what catches my attention are
[00:06:46] parts of the text that end up quoting other countries,
[00:06:49] specifically he brings into the conversation President Donald Trump, President
[00:06:52] Milei. Donald Trump has already made statements about the Brazilian
[00:06:56] election. Milei hasn't said anything so far, but anyway,
[00:07:00] he implies that Milei helped him and that
[00:07:03] he agrees with the actions of someone who lost the election and who now
[00:07:07] self-proclaims himself as president of Brazil
[00:07:10] also sensitive
[00:07:12] issues such as comparing himself to Charles
[00:07:14] de Gaulle, who, let's be honest, Charles
[00:07:18] de Gaulle participated in a government in England during
[00:07:22] a second world war, a fight against Nazis, that is,
[00:07:25] he also touches on sensitive topics for other
[00:07:29] nations?
[00:07:32] Yes, exactly, he tries to place himself in a position comparable
[00:07:35] to some of these historical figures, and the
[00:07:38] parallels don't fit, right, there's a lot of difference in
[00:07:42] the situations he mentions there. The issue of Javier
[00:07:45] Milei, right, is still under investigation by the Brazilian Federal
[00:07:49] Police, what was the level of involvement of Milei
[00:07:53] and his government in this operation, right, the
[00:07:56] first information, right, that he left through Argentina and
[00:08:00] that there may have been some help in this. Regarding
[00:08:04] Trump, Flávio doesn't state in the
[00:08:08] letter, at least, a participation, right, he said he was
[00:08:11] welcomed and... So these are slightly different gradations,
[00:08:14] we know that this will lead to a debate in the diplomatic field, I
[00:08:18] believe that regarding Milei, since the PL
[00:08:21] convention where Milei came to Brazil and insulted President
[00:08:25] Lula, diplomatic relations are at least
[00:08:29] there to avoid a rupture, I think there
[00:08:32] will be another noise with this possible
[00:08:36] help from the Milei government for this escape of Flávio Bolsonaro,
[00:08:40] regarding the United States, the...
[00:08:49] treatment of Flávio is an objective thing, Eduardo Bolsonaro is in the same situation, Alexandre Ramage, so there are some Brazilian politicians
[00:08:52] who emigrated to the United States alleging political persecution in
[00:08:55] Brazil, but there is a question of commercial negotiation between
[00:08:59] Brazil and the United States, President Donald Trump when he talks about the
[00:09:03] Brazilian election he criticizes the
[00:09:06] possibility of fraud in his words,
[00:09:09] but he also says that he likes the President.
[00:09:13] Uh, we saw throughout last year Trump's comings and goings
[00:09:17] regarding Brazil very much in this personal relationship with
[00:09:20] President Lula, so this is something we will have to understand how it stands, Professor,
[00:09:24] you mentioned comings and goings, I just want to update now
[00:09:27] because Flávio posted the text again
[00:09:31] and now he changes the initial version of the
[00:09:34] phrase, instead of true president of
[00:09:37] Brazil, the new version
[00:09:40] says uh as the leader
[00:09:43] of Brazil, so a new version of the letter,
[00:09:47] the coat of arms had already been changed and now in this new version he removes
[00:09:50] the term president and places him as leader, just
[00:09:54] taking advantage of your point about comings and goings, one more coming and going
[00:09:58] now from Flávio Bolsonaro.
[00:10:01] Very interesting, Gustavo, because it's a very symptomatic
[00:10:05] retreat, right, as we were saying that the dispute was for the leadership
[00:10:09] of the opposition, I think now the text became more
[00:10:12] precise regarding what is happening, right, the
[00:10:15] real objective is to lead the opposition, right, and
[00:10:19] he tries to lead the opposition from outside the
[00:10:22] country, which is not simple, as we stated
[00:10:25] here, there are parliamentarians in Brazil in opposition, there are governors in
[00:10:29] Brazil who are in opposition to the federal government and these parliamentarians, these
[00:10:33] governors will have daily political issues, daily public administration
[00:10:37] issues to make decisions, so
[00:10:39] I don't know to what extent they will submit to
[00:10:43] this leadership of someone who will no longer be in
[00:10:45] Brazil, uh, but it's really interesting this
[00:10:49] retreat, because when he declared himself the true
[00:10:52] elected president it was perhaps a more serious
[00:10:56] matter, if he is declaring himself as a leader, he is disputing
[00:10:59] this leadership of the opposition, then it becomes a more
[00:11:03] palpable debate, so to speak, even if this
[00:11:06] accusation of judicial persecution needs to be
[00:11:10] seen with some moderation, right, as I said,
[00:11:13] we have dozens of politicians, we will have four
[00:11:16] relatives of Flávio Bolsonaro in the national congress, with
[00:11:19] mandates, so this persecution also
[00:11:23] needs to be seen with some caution.
[00:11:25] Leciane, when Jair Bolsonaro loses the election in
[00:11:29] 2022, there were soon after the acts of January 8th,
[00:11:33] then Jair Bolsonaro in the dock and others
[00:11:37] other people from the government in the dock condemned and
[00:11:41] imprisoned in the coup plot and there was
[00:11:43] even by some analysts the
[00:11:47] guess or the analysis that this could weaken Bolsonarism,
[00:11:50] push away some right-wing leaders. But what we saw in
[00:11:54] 2026 was a significant part of the right still
[00:11:57] supporting Bolsonaro's name, endorsing Flávio Bolsonaro's
[00:12:01] candidacy. This strategy of Flávio Bolsonaro
[00:12:05] from outside Brazil presenting himself as the leader of the opposition
[00:12:08] leaving Brazil in this turbulent
[00:12:12] context, can it be a sign that this is a bet by Bolsonarism to
[00:12:16] maintain permanently this tense
[00:12:19] climate politically so
[00:12:22] that... Bolsonarism continues to lead the
[00:12:26] right?
[00:12:28] Yes,
[00:12:30] exactly, Renato, I think the dispute is this, right, we
[00:12:34] remembering, right, the choice of Flávio Bolsonaro as a presidential
[00:12:38] candidate, it was a unipersonal choice of Jair
[00:12:41] Bolsonaro, at that moment you had several allies
[00:12:45] defending the candidacy of Governor Tarcísio de Freitas and Jair
[00:12:49] Bolsonaro chose his son demonstrated having the political capital
[00:12:52] to support this choice, right, Governor Tarcísio himself
[00:12:55] gave up, other allies also
[00:12:59] retreated, uh, so this control of the opposition
[00:13:03] by the Bolsonaro family, it's a debate that opened as soon as
[00:13:06] the polls were closed and the result was
[00:13:10] known, right, with President Lula's victory, that there
[00:13:13] would be this dispute for control of the opposition, we know,
[00:13:17] right, we just went through a three-week process that changed the
[00:13:20] direction of politics, right, we came out of the
[00:13:23] first round with Brazil moving further to the right
[00:13:27] in the legislature, in several state governments, Flávio Bolsonaro's
[00:13:30] leadership in the first round, and ended three weeks later with
[00:13:33] a left-wing victory, right, with President Lula's victory,
[00:13:37] imagining this debate over 4 years about controlling the
[00:13:40] opposition, there are many variables along the way, right, as I said,
[00:13:44] we will have members of the Bolsonaro family in the National Congress,
[00:13:48] what will be their role, what will be the role of Michele Bolsonaro, for
[00:13:51] example, who yesterday met with Valdemar Costa Neto.
[00:13:55] A publication there of normality when you see Michele's
[00:13:58] publication with Waldemar Costa Neto at the same time that
[00:14:02] Flávio was organizing his escape from the country, so there may even be a
[00:14:05] debate in the Bolsonaro family right about who would lead
[00:14:09] this leadership of the family, uh, given the
[00:14:12] arrest of Jair Bolsonaro, right, who is
[00:14:16] out of the game, right, he will not be able to be a
[00:14:20] candidate in 2030, Flávio abroad
[00:14:23] will hardly have these conditions. The Bolsonaro family has a
[00:14:27] name for 2030, I think there's
[00:14:30] a debate to be had, right, we know that there are
[00:14:33] resistances within the family itself, Michele herself, uh,
[00:14:37] in the opposition there is more than Bolsonarism,
[00:14:40] you have several parliamentarians,
[00:14:43] governors who are in opposition to the Lula government, who
[00:14:47] have a relationship with Bolsonarism, but who are not
[00:14:50] exactly the same thing, what will emerge, what will be the
[00:14:54] process? I think these 4 years will still have many ups and
[00:14:57] downs, because we need to remember that the other
[00:15:00] camp is also in dispute, President Lula
[00:15:04] does not have a natural successor for 2030, so
[00:15:07] there will also be a dispute in the left camp and there is this
[00:15:11] possibility of an open field on both sides for us to understand what
[00:15:15] political forces will emerge until 2030. We
[00:15:18] have looked so far very much through the lens of the Bolsonaro family
[00:15:22] and also of the opposition to the government. But in your
[00:15:26] assessment, how will Itamaraty and the
[00:15:29] government itself, the executive, President
[00:15:32] Lula deal with this situation, what is the
[00:15:36] best way to deal with an opposition
[00:15:39] that has an oppositionist who for some moments
[00:15:42] self-proclaimed himself president of the country and tries to lead an
[00:15:46] opposition from the United States, uh,
[00:15:49] is there a better path to follow since
[00:15:52] this opponent has ties with two main
[00:15:56] partners of Brazil, in this case President Milei
[00:15:59] of Argentina and President Donald Trump of the United States with whom Brazil
[00:16:03] has serious diplomatic problems?
[00:16:08] Well, I think there are different situations, right, so if
[00:16:11] we prove that there was this objective help from
[00:16:15] Argentina regarding the escape of Jair
[00:16:18] Bolsonaro, you have a serious diplomatic incident, which will
[00:16:22] be treated this way by Itamaraty, the granting
[00:16:25] of asylum, there is a little more pacification
[00:16:29] on this, right, it's worth remembering, Eduardo Bolsonaro is already in the United
[00:16:33] States, so I imagine that regarding the United States government, the
[00:16:36] Brazilian government's posture, Lula's government,
[00:16:40] will be similar to what has been happening since the
[00:16:43] first tariff war, to try a negotiation
[00:16:47] to try to make President Donald Trump understand that this
[00:16:50] version that is being presented by the Bolsonaro family that there is a
[00:16:53] persecution of opponents in Brazil would not be a true
[00:16:57] version, so this is a debate that will perhaps be done
[00:17:00] more by convincing the American government
[00:17:04] about which side in
[00:17:08] Brazil is telling the truth. Uh, it's worth
[00:17:11] remembering, in the tariff war, in the first
[00:17:14] tariff war, we even had celebrations, for example, from Eduardo
[00:17:18] Bolsonaro, given the wear and tear this
[00:17:21] caused for the opposition here in Brazil, because the Brazilian
[00:17:25] productive sector had losses, it's a sector that has many
[00:17:28] supporters of the Bolsonaro government. In this second
[00:17:31] tariff war, Flávio Bolsonaro himself participated in a
[00:17:35] hearing to ask that the tariff war not be implemented until the
[00:17:38] elections, he was not heard, because as we already said
[00:17:42] here, Trump is always looking at internal politics,
[00:17:45] if it's interesting for him he will do it, if it's not interesting he will
[00:17:49] not do it and he has a calendar, he has an election next week,
[00:17:53] depending on the result of this election it may be interesting
[00:17:56] or not for him to foster the discourse that is being taken
[00:18:00] by Flávio to the United States, so I think we have
[00:18:04] to look a little at this American
[00:18:07] situation, understand what will come out of it, if Trump loses or not control
[00:18:11] of the legislative, then we will understand better. In addition
[00:18:15] to the challenge that this situation represents for the
[00:18:18] government itself, uh, what is the challenge for the situation,
[00:18:22] for the supporters of President Lula,
[00:18:25] because in the first moments, in the first hours, right after this
[00:18:29] announcement that Flávio Bolsonaro was not in Brazil, ah,
[00:18:32] the, uh, allies of President Lula
[00:18:35] rushed to the microphones
[00:18:37] to speak, to criticize Flávio Bolsonaro, but to what extent
[00:18:41] is this a correct strategy or will
[00:18:45] the situation also have to re-evaluate what to do
[00:18:48] given this scenario with Flávio Bolsonaro presenting himself as
[00:18:51] leader of Brazil abroad?
[00:18:53] Uh,
[00:18:57] look, when you are in government you need to take care of
[00:19:00] deliveries, this will be President Lula's challenge,
[00:19:03] right, I think we continue
[00:19:06] this debate. Right, Flávio trying to lead a position
[00:19:10] from outside, President Lula needs to be able to organize a base to
[00:19:14] govern, this base is not ready, this base is
[00:19:17] difficult, especially due to the situation in the Senate, the
[00:19:20] Senate today has a very complex issue
[00:19:24] with the weight that the opposition has in the Senate, the
[00:19:27] government may have difficulty approving bills with a simple
[00:19:30] majority in the Senate, so it's a very complex situation for
[00:19:34] the Brazilian reality, in the Chamber apparently the government can
[00:19:38] make a slightly better negotiation, the Senate scenario is very
[00:19:41] complex and for the supporters of President
[00:19:44] it is necessary to understand that the electoral campaign discourse, the discourse
[00:19:48] that led to the electoral victory against Bolsonaro, it was very
[00:19:51] efficient for the election, but the government in the end
[00:19:55] is judged by its management, uh,
[00:19:58] imagining, right, that 2030, as we said, without Lula, needs to build new
[00:20:01] leaderships, needs to build new deliveries, needs to build a new
[00:20:05] political alliance to present a project for the country for
[00:20:09] the post-Lula era, so there's a challenge for the government too
[00:20:13] and it will have this situation, right, of
[00:20:16] dealing with this international discourse that will be made
[00:20:19] there, right, that there are democratic problems in Brazil,
[00:20:22] positioning itself in an objective way in these forums,
[00:20:26] it's worth remembering, there's a prediction that President Lula will go to a G20
[00:20:30] meeting in the United States in the coming weeks, right, this
[00:20:33] could be an incident there,
[00:20:37] right, for us to understand how President Lula will be
[00:20:40] received if he confirms this presence, anyway, we have
[00:20:44] some things to happen in the coming weeks that will help us
[00:20:48] understand this picture a little better.
[00:20:50] Professor, we've been talking a lot about this analysis, but also imagining
[00:20:54] Flávio Bolsonaro's next steps, how is it
[00:20:58] possible to lead an opposition outside
[00:21:01] the country, that is, how to reverberate
[00:21:05] his positions outside the country,
[00:21:09] only through videos,
[00:21:11] or participating in CPACs that happen
[00:21:15] annually, semi-annually,
[00:21:17] uh, is it actually possible... and he will have to
[00:21:21] fight for a relevance that is
[00:21:23] difficult?
[00:21:26] Look, being in opposition is already very difficult, right,
[00:21:29] we saw several candidates for president who got
[00:21:33] good votes, went into opposition, sometimes
[00:21:37] even holding positions as senator and such, they couldn't
[00:21:40] have the same relevance in an electoral
[00:21:43] dispute, you are still in
[00:21:46] another country that has its own internal dynamics?
[00:21:51] Uh, the other countries, an objective fact, right, we had a
[00:21:54] conservative wave in South America and all these
[00:21:58] presidents, with the exception of Milei, recognized Lula's victory,
[00:22:01] so we have this difficulty, which is for you to
[00:22:05] be opposition when you will have a government operating, a government
[00:22:08] working, a government taking its initiatives,
[00:22:11] what
[00:22:13] will be the relevance of
[00:22:16] Flávio Bolsonaro's discourse abroad?
[00:22:20] While you have opposition leaders here
[00:22:23] dealing with the day-to-day decisions, criticizing government
[00:22:26] decisions, making changes, negotiations, so it's really
[00:22:30] not an easy task that Senator Flávio Bolsonaro chose
[00:22:33] to try to be this leader abroad, there's this bet
[00:22:37] on the diplomatic path that this will generate pressure in Brazil,
[00:22:41] uh, I think we have there perhaps the point for me
[00:22:44] interesting in the letter is the issue of the judiciary, right, he
[00:22:48] points out the need to impeach a Supreme Court minister
[00:22:52] and this is a debate that already involves the election for
[00:22:55] the Senate presidency in February, right, Senator Davi Alcolumbre
[00:22:59] seeks his re-election as Senate president and has a discourse
[00:23:03] clearly against the impeachment of a Supreme Court minister. Senator Rogério
[00:23:06] Marinho, who was appointed by Flávio as his
[00:23:09] candidate, has a favorable discourse. Senator Teresa
[00:23:13] Cristina, who is from Flávio Bolsonaro's camp, has already declared
[00:23:15] herself a candidate, also has a favorable discourse. So this discourse about the
[00:23:19] judiciary, it's a first discourse, now how much of it will be
[00:23:22] made by Flávio in the United States, how much of it will be made by the senators who
[00:23:26] are here in Brazil and who will have this debate more in their day-to-day
[00:23:30] lives, so it's a bit complicated to understand that
[00:23:33] the senators, the politicians who stayed in Brazil will only be here
[00:23:37] implementing orders that come from Flávio, it
[00:23:40] does not seem to be the most likely scenario. Briscian, taking
[00:23:44] advantage of the hook of the judiciary, right? What
[00:23:47] about the STF, what can we... what actions
[00:23:51] will there be in the STF after this
[00:23:54] positioning by Flávio Bolsonaro, including
[00:23:57] defending the impeachment of ministers
[00:24:00] and in the next sessions, we are already imagining
[00:24:03] a rather turbulent atmosphere there because of
[00:24:06] decisions by Cristiano Zanin and Cásio Nunes Marques, in addition to all that
[00:24:10] crisis we saw involving André Mendonça
[00:24:14] and Alexandre de Moraes.
[00:24:17] Well, we've been... We've had this debate for
[00:24:21] some months now. We had that session, right, on September 15th,
[00:24:25] which is a session that will be marked in history
[00:24:28] in a negative way, the way the
[00:24:31] Supreme Court reacted when it had to debate the conduct of
[00:24:35] ministers, right, regarding accusations. This
[00:24:38] is a topic that the Supreme Court will have to take a stand on in the short term. The
[00:24:42] Supreme Court will have to give an answer on how it will address
[00:24:45] this issue, right, the conduct of Alexandre de Moraes,
[00:24:49] as well as the accusations that exist against other ministers, such as
[00:24:52] Nunes Marques. André Mendonça himself is accused
[00:24:56] by some ministers of political conduct of processes.
[00:24:59] So there are some debates about the stance of the Supreme Federal
[00:25:03] Court. As I said, President Lula during his campaign
[00:25:06] defended a reform of the judiciary, without making it clear
[00:25:09] how he will do it, what is intended. One of the things that is in the debate
[00:25:13] is a mandate for Supreme Court ministers. Is that something
[00:25:16] that will advance, is it something that will be approved? So there are some
[00:25:20] debates about the Supreme Federal Court that will happen, right, in, I think already
[00:25:24] in the coming weeks and especially next year.
[00:25:27] And we need to remember that there is the
[00:25:30] prospect of President Lula appointing four more ministers to the
[00:25:33] Supreme Court. With a difficult majority in the Senate, will
[00:25:36] President Lula be able to approve these ministers? So this is a point
[00:25:40] of attention, and there are objectively
[00:25:43] criminal investigations against Senator Flávio Bolsonaro.
[00:25:47] Senator Flávio Bolsonaro is under investigation for
[00:25:51] suspected money laundering in dealings with lawyer William
[00:25:54] Tomás. Senator Flávio Bolsonaro is accused regarding the dark
[00:25:57] horse film of having taken money, right, from
[00:26:01] Daniel Varcaro, which would be, according to him, for the financing of the film, but
[00:26:05] which may have been used for another purpose. So, Senator
[00:26:08] Flávio Bolsonaro is under investigation,
[00:26:11] eh, in the Supreme Court at this moment. When he leaves
[00:26:15] office, which only happens on January 31st, the Supreme Court's first
[00:26:18] decision will be whether to keep this investigation there, or if it will go down to the first
[00:26:22] instance. But in any case, from a criminal point of view, there are questions to be
[00:26:26] clarified by Senator Flávio Bolsonaro as well. So the
[00:26:29] debate requires looking at the conduct of the ministers of the Supreme
[00:26:33] Court without letting the investigations that need to be done progress
[00:26:36] in a correct
[00:27:06] Steel Company startled residents of Volta
[00:27:09] Redonda, in Rio de Janeiro. Videos recorded a
[00:27:13] huge cloud of smoke in the region. Look, in a note,
[00:27:17] CSN stated that, around
[00:27:20] 1:30 in the afternoon, during the operation of
[00:27:24] unloading pig iron, the contact of the
[00:27:27] material at high temperature, with the excess
[00:27:31] humidity of the soil, caused a strong reaction
[00:27:34] with the release of heat and smoke in visible
[00:27:38] proportions both inside and around
[00:27:41] the plant. The military fire department
[00:27:44] of the state of Rio de Janeiro was
[00:27:47] called to the incident at the company. The CSN
[00:27:51] brigade acted to combat the initial fires.
[00:27:55] The fire department teams conducted a sweep
[00:27:58] of the area and confirmed that
[00:28:02] there are
[00:28:03] no victims.
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