SUDAN — broadcast
20260920 090000 UTC
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[00:01:46] of noble beliefs in
[00:01:56] need to give this
[00:02:14] and very few
[00:02:15] made people overlook even
[00:02:25] has visited more than once a number of coming from Dear viewers everywhere, welcome
[00:02:29] to this new episode of "Axis of Events".
[00:02:33] In this episode, we will address this episode with reading,
[00:02:37] analysis, and follow-up of the latest
[00:02:40] developments and transformations in the political,
[00:02:43] that, a drone coming from military, and security spheres in light of the Battle of Dignity. First,
[00:02:47] the militia's reliance on I welcome to the studio the journalist and political analyst, Professor Bakri Al-Madani. Good morning to you.
[00:02:52] told you, these drones are among Good morning, and God bless you. And greetings to the colleagues in the National Television,
[00:02:55] programmers and technicians.
[00:03:02] And unfortunately, have the right to possess such I truly salute them with a special salute for the great effort they are making to ensure that this
[00:03:03] of the martyrs. We highlight national broadcast continues. Greetings to you.
[00:03:06] Directly to our first file. The Chairman of the Transitional
[00:03:09] Sovereignty Council, Commander-in-Chief
[00:03:13] of the Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan,
[00:03:16] attended, accompanied by his deputy Malik Agar, the celebration organized by
[00:03:19] the Council of Churches at the Khartoum International Fair, under the slogan
[00:03:23] "Come with one heart
[00:03:26] was launched from to pray for Sudan," with wide participation from fathers,
[00:03:29] leaders, and various
[00:03:31] large number of countries at the Christian sects and churches in Sudan. The Chairman of the Sovereignty
[00:03:35] of regional countries. The relationship in the Our observations are that this Council said during
[00:03:36] world is based on his address at the event that
[00:03:37] thanks. We are now in a very good situation at all Abrahamic religions call for love, peace,
[00:03:41] and brotherhood, and reject division and discord, and spread virtue,
[00:03:44] stressing the importance of cooperation
[00:03:47] the importance of peace and stability in and solidarity and standing against anyone who calls for spreading hatred
[00:03:50] and animosity among the Sudanese people and disturbing security.
[00:03:56] the connections, communication, and relationships with even used to live with us in His Excellency affirmed that this celebration embodies that Sudan is one country and one people.
[00:04:00] One behind the army.
[00:04:03] evident. Those who were here in Expressing his hope that security, stability, and peace will be achieved in the country.
[00:04:07] Professor Al-Madani, Al-Burhan
[00:04:09] participates in the celebration of the Sudanese Council of Churches,
[00:04:12] meaning with prayers for the peace of Sudan. How do you comment on
[00:04:17] We truly need to glorify this? Of course,
[00:04:18] control of drone the concept of prayers is supplications. Yes, and in
[00:04:21] religions,
[00:04:24] could be harmful. At some specifically the prayer of need, in Islam, have lost this we have what is known as the prayer
[00:04:27] of need, meaning like the prayer of thanks. The prayer
[00:04:30] for rain, the prayer for victory, the prayer for seeking
[00:04:35] And there are experiences of countries. I mean, among healing and well-being, and so on. I mean, it has a counterpart in
[00:04:37] other religions. Correct. The rituals
[00:04:41] martyrs, differ
[00:04:42] any other and the names differ, but the essence of prayer
[00:04:44] and the essence of supplication remain one. I mean,
[00:04:48] the brothers in the Council of Churches held this prayer
[00:04:53] sacrificing martyrs since under the title of "Prayer for Peace in Sudan."
[00:04:56] I mean, the Christians in Sudan
[00:05:01] front, relying security. Also, one of have truly, both sects, the Orthodox and the Catholics, paid a heavy price for this war. It's perhaps
[00:05:04] the first time in the civil
[00:05:07] the different communities in wars in Sudan
[00:05:09] Perhaps the militia that the Christian community has been targeted in such
[00:05:11] a significant way, even at the level of Khartoum. Perhaps also
[00:05:15] the city of Madani was directly targeted in churches.
[00:05:18] Christians were directly targeted.
[00:05:21] Many of them were killed,
[00:05:25] and their property was looted, especially in the Khartoum
[00:05:29] area. Also, what's noticeable in this war
[00:05:33] is that Sudanese Christians truly
[00:05:36] participated directly and fought in this war.
[00:05:39] They have individuals and leaders on the ground.
[00:05:42] For the first time, especially from the Coptic community,
[00:05:46] we see them carrying weapons within the Popular Resistance.
[00:05:49] I mean, the civilian support as well. Yes,
[00:05:53] I am speaking now specifically about the phenomenon of carrying weapons within
[00:05:56] the Popular Resistance and fighting shoulder to shoulder
[00:06:00] alongside the armed forces and the rest
[00:06:03] of the Sudanese resistance fighters. Their civilian support has truly been commendable
[00:06:07] for a long time. They played a very significant role in the recent
[00:06:09] revolution, the 2009 revolution.
[00:06:13] They had a prominent role. So, I want to say that through
[00:06:17] these stances, and these stances are still ongoing, they have truly presented examples. I
[00:06:20] don't want to name names, but they have examples even on the battlefield.
[00:06:24] I mean, this role is ongoing, and I
[00:06:28] believe that the call for prayer for
[00:06:30] peace completes this role
[00:06:34] and also reflects something very important.
[00:06:37] It reflects the extent to which this people is one.
[00:06:41] Truly, it reflects the spirit or a form
[00:06:44] of national unity in Sudan. We are a people of different
[00:06:48] ethnicities. Also, we are a people of
[00:06:51] different religions. We have the vast majority of
[00:06:54] Muslims, and there is a significant group of Christians, and there are followers
[00:06:59] Sudan. So, this image embodies
[00:07:02] and forms national unity and adds to it
[00:07:06] official participation. I mean, for the first time, if you notice, my
[00:07:09] dear sister, that the President of the Sovereignty Council
[00:07:13] and his deputy are present in one activity. This issue, even from a security
[00:07:17] perspective, people used to be cautious about it, but perhaps the feeling of
[00:07:20] safety and the feeling of peace among
[00:07:23] Christians and under the umbrella of the Council of Churches
[00:07:28] the security precautions, so that the President
[00:07:31] and his deputy are present at the same time in one activity, and this
[00:07:35] is a very big paradox. I hope that people
[00:07:39] pay attention to it. I mean, it didn't happen or it doesn't usually happen
[00:07:43] much. I mean,
[00:07:45] peace itself is
[00:07:49] Yes. So, Professor Bakri, how do you see or how do you read
[00:07:52] the messages and signals through this event, meaning at the
[00:07:56] level of the citizen and their relationship with their government?
[00:07:59] Yes.
[00:08:01] The truth is,
[00:08:03] I also want to complete my observation that this event, yes,
[00:08:07] if we talk about the citizen and we talk about the authority,
[00:08:10] it brought together Muslims and Christians together
[00:08:14] in one activity, in one building,
[00:08:17] the Khartoum Exhibition. Those present were Sudanese
[00:08:20] citizens of different religions with their sovereign
[00:08:23] authority and even their authority at the executive
[00:08:26] level. I mean, there was a form of unity as well.
[00:08:29] This event came
[00:08:33] in the name of prayer for peace, and as I told you, peace is needed
[00:08:36] for the people of Sudan. And if we talk about the prayer
[00:08:39] of need, I believe that we, as Sudanese, at this
[00:08:42] time, Muslims, Christians, and others, need a prayer
[00:08:46] for prayer for
[00:08:50] the military level. We need a prayer for
[00:08:53] thanks and we need a prayer for victory,
[00:08:56] with due respect to the request for peace
[00:09:00] for Sudan, but we are now in a very good situation. Our forces are open on
[00:09:03] all fronts. We are achieving victories. The request for victories.
[00:09:07] So, we truly need a prayer of thanks
[00:09:09] and a prayer of victory more than our need for a prayer of peace. It is needed.
[00:09:13] I mean, yes, I mean the messages are clear
[00:09:16] from what you mentioned, Professor
[00:09:19] Al-Madani, meaning the participation, as you said earlier, the participation
[00:09:23] of the President of the Sovereignty Council and also the Vice President of the Sovereignty Council, Lieutenant
[00:09:27] General Malik Agar, in this initiative, did it
[00:09:30] give a positive
[00:09:34] media dimension in the context of this popular war? Of course, I noticed first
[00:09:38] of all, let's look at
[00:09:41] the factors that led to this prayer.
[00:09:45] The location factor. This prayer, as an event, was held in the
[00:09:48] heart of Khartoum, in the Bari area, at
[00:09:52] the Bari Exhibition. This is the heart of Khartoum. This is the biggest message
[00:09:55] that this area has become a safe area and has become
[00:09:58] an area where even high-ranking leaders in the state can move around safely.
[00:10:02] I think this is the first message, meaning that the state leadership
[00:10:05] is now present in the middle of Khartoum and moving around
[00:10:09] safely and with great
[00:10:11] the other messages that reflects the spirit of national unity, as
[00:10:15] we talked about, reflects the solidarity between
[00:10:19] Sudan and national cohesion in its broad sense. So, I think
[00:10:23] that the messages... Also, people adhering to their beliefs. I think this is also one of
[00:10:27] the things. These matters are also based on material
[00:10:30] reality and are based on a reality of belief. I think also
[00:10:36] this matter is one of the very important messages. Yes. So,
[00:10:39] Professor Al-Madani, Al-Burhan's visit and his talk about
[00:10:43] love and peace among Sudanese, to what
[00:10:46] extent did it clarify that the armed forces
[00:10:49] are for peace, but will not surrender to the
[00:10:53] rebellious militia? Yes. Honestly, at this second,
[00:10:57] I greet our brothers,
[00:11:00] Sudan, especially as they always emphasize that
[00:11:03] Christianity is a religion that calls for peace and tolerance. Perhaps
[00:11:07] one of their most famous sayings that we, I mean,
[00:11:09] have been repeating since we were young is "Peace on Earth
[00:11:13] and love among people." I mean, "Glory to God in the highest, and on Earth
[00:11:17] peace, goodwill toward men." They truly strive to spread tolerance
[00:11:21] and peace among people. I believe their response
[00:11:25] to this event and this call, and their participation at the high level you
[00:11:29] mentioned, also reflects the extent to which
[00:11:32] our leadership is committed to peace,
[00:11:36] as you said. The peace imposed by force,
[00:11:40] the just peace, the peace that fulfills
[00:11:43] the demands of the Sudanese people, not the peace of submission.
[00:11:47] There is a difference between surrender and peace. We advocate
[00:11:51] for peace, but it must meet the aspirations of Sudan,
[00:11:55] preserve their dignity, and achieve justice for them.
[00:12:00] this moment to the call for prayer for
[00:12:03] peace, I believe, also reflects
[00:12:06] the extent to which our leadership is committed to peace and for peace. I mean, perhaps
[00:12:10] in the third week of the war, the legitimate
[00:12:13] authority in Sudan went to the first negotiating platform in Jeddah.
[00:12:17] I mean, it was in the third week directly. The first platform was held in
[00:12:21] Jeddah. The authority sent its delegation and signed an agreement,
[00:12:25] which was followed by the Jeddah Declaration of Principles. This was out of the authority's desire to
[00:12:29] achieve a just peace for the Sudanese people. After that, of course, the militia
[00:12:32] renounced the Declaration of Principles that it signed, and
[00:12:35] it went on the path of war. I mean, yes.
[00:12:39] Professor Madani, in your opinion, have the Sudanese armed
[00:12:42] forces' downing of a strategic drone
[00:12:47] Ethiopian territory, has it confirmed
[00:12:49] that the Sudanese armed forces yesterday, Saturday, shot down a hostile
[00:12:53] strategic drone
[00:12:55] coming from Ethiopian territory in the northeast of the Kili region
[00:12:58] in Blue Nile State? Professor Al-Bakri, does Ethiopian assistance
[00:13:02] to the militia need more proof
[00:13:04] and evidence? Well, before
[00:13:08] Ethiopian territory or coming from the direction of Ethiopia. This drone,
[00:13:12] if it was launched by
[00:13:15] the militia, the Rapid Support Militia, then this is an indictment
[00:13:18] of the militia and an indictment of those behind it, because this militia does not
[00:13:24] weapons. I mean, it is known that some weapons are prohibited
[00:13:28] by international law from being sold to militias and to non-regular armies,
[00:13:31] including drones, and including armored vehicles, tanks,
[00:13:35] and aircraft, and so on. So, if we assume that this militia
[00:13:39] drone is affiliated with this strategic
[00:13:41] drone, affiliated with the militia, then this condemns
[00:13:45] the militia and condemns the parties that supplied it. If
[00:13:48] this strategic drone Ethiopian
[00:13:52] territory and from the Ethiopian
[00:13:55] army or Ethiopian intelligence or the Ethiopian regime, then this
[00:13:59] directly implicates Ethiopia.
[00:14:02] Truly, this brings me back to your question, Ethiopia's clear and blatant involvement
[00:14:05] in this war. Unfortunately,
[00:14:09] I mean, one says all this with regret. We have been
[00:14:13] greatly let down by Ethiopia and by
[00:14:16] some Ethiopian brethren who
[00:14:20] Khartoum. I mean, Ethiopia's participation
[00:14:23] and some Ethiopians' participation in the war in Sudan was
[00:14:28] Khartoum carried, or some of them, let's say, but some of them
[00:14:32] in a large number, I mean, not one or two individuals, carried weapons and were
[00:14:35] mercenaries alongside the militia forces.
[00:14:39] And in some areas in Kordofan, I remember that when
[00:14:42] they occupied some, they occupied, I think, Al-Fula, in one of
[00:14:46] the cities of Kordofan, they raised the Ethiopian flag. I mean, as they
[00:14:49] entered one of the cities of Kordofan. I mean,
[00:14:53] Ethiopia's involvement in this war, unfortunately, is implicated
[00:14:57] even by proxy. It is fighting Sudan
[00:15:00] on behalf of the United Arab Emirates.
[00:15:04] The militia tried to open this front,
[00:15:08] the Blue Nile front, after its major losses in the western
[00:15:12] axis, whether at the level of Kordofan or the western axis in
[00:15:16] Darfur, the Kilebs region and its surroundings. So, it tried
[00:15:18] to through what is known as "stretching the flanks,"
[00:15:22] it tried to open the Blue Nile
[00:15:26] on the Ethiopian depth, which
[00:15:29] provides it with a constant military
[00:15:33] supply area, and this confirms its involvement in
[00:15:36] this war. I mean, yes. Professor Al-Madani, in your opinion,
[00:15:40] has this drone revealed the intentions
[00:15:43] of the international community, which remains silent about the support
[00:15:46] and issues statements when the armed forces defend
[00:15:49] the country, as happened with the militia coming from
[00:15:52] Chad? How do you interpret this? Unfortunately, there are
[00:15:56] regional and international efforts to equate the army, the army of the Sudanese
[00:16:00] state, with the militia, and they always
[00:16:02] try to instill the phrase "two parties
[00:16:06] to the conflict." So,
[00:16:10] they are on the same level and on the same list. The second thing,
[00:16:14] they even, in recent periods, in some forums, talk
[00:16:17] about an arms embargo on both parties.
[00:16:21] And they even talk with a degree of
[00:16:24] the Emirates, that they seized a shipment of weapons coming to the Sudanese
[00:16:28] army. The Sudanese army is a regular army and a state army that has the right to arm itself
[00:16:32] with all weapons. The irony is that they turn a blind
[00:16:35] eye to the arming of the militia. This militia is now receiving at its airports,
[00:16:39] or the airports under its control in Darfur,
[00:16:43] it is receiving military supply aircraft
[00:16:46] coming from the Emirates, and from Chad, and from others, I mean, around the clock,
[00:16:50] if not hourly, and this is something prohibited by international law. Nevertheless,
[00:16:53] they turn a blind eye to the fact that the militia is using strategic
[00:16:57] drones in this war, using armored
[00:17:00] vehicles in this war, using everything
[00:17:03] that is prohibited
[00:17:06] militias. And yet, they remain silent
[00:17:09] about it and condemn, and try to
[00:17:12] condemn the Sudanese army
[00:17:15] with some fabrications that have no basis,
[00:17:18] like the recent talk about the Sudanese army using
[00:17:21] chemical weapons. It is a weapon that is known to be
[00:17:25] internationally prohibited. They try to incriminate the Sudanese
[00:17:28] army, but the foreign hands, unfortunately,
[00:17:32] one of the great ironies in this war is that we discovered that
[00:17:36] we are living in an environment of enemies, both at the neighborhood level and
[00:17:40] at the regional level, with the coldness of the international
[00:17:44] climate. I mean, if we have about eight or nine neighbors,
[00:17:47] there are very few that we can rely on in this war,
[00:17:52] neighbors that we can truly
[00:17:54] trust in their positions. Some neighbors are directly
[00:17:58] involved, Chad and Ethiopia and Libya.
[00:18:01] Haftar is directly involved in this war.
[00:18:05] There are countries from which mercenaries are pouring in.
[00:18:08] Their own countries are unable to control them, like South Sudan, one of
[00:18:12] the biggest countries whose citizens participated in this
[00:18:16] war. This is the nature of the international community and the nature
[00:18:19] of the regional community, unfortunately. Yes. So, how do you view
[00:18:24] drones? Of course, as I
[00:18:29] the prohibited weapons because they are airborne
[00:18:32] weapons for militias. They are only authorized by international law
[00:18:36] for regular armies.
[00:18:39] they are from
[00:18:43] the type of weapons that inflict great harm when used,
[00:18:46] because if you misuse them, you target
[00:18:49] civilians and civilian installations, and that's what the militia is doing now.
[00:18:53] It doesn't need to be trained because it deliberately targets civilian installations
[00:18:57] and targets civilians.
[00:19:01] We have been affected by it in large sectors of Sudanese cities, especially in the electricity
[00:19:04] and water sectors, which are directly hit.
[00:19:13] type of weapon has begun to lose its effectiveness for
[00:19:16] the militia. I mean, before I entered the studio, some friends
[00:19:20] from Atbara told me that there might be
[00:19:23] drones this morning in Atbara. I mean, people don't even notice them. I mean,
[00:19:27] it has lost its effectiveness, and it is, of course, a very
[00:19:30] expensive weapon. It has lost its effectiveness after it used
[00:19:33] to threaten all Sudanese cities. Perhaps even for us in a period.
[00:19:39] Now its effectiveness has started to weaken. Now the anti-aircraft
[00:19:43] defenses have become more skilled and more trained in shooting
[00:19:46] them down. So, I feel that this weapon is somewhat
[00:19:50] receding, and they have lost large quantities. I mean, in our army's advance in
[00:19:53] Kordofan, it captured
[00:19:56] depots. So, they seem to
[00:19:58] weapon, which
[00:20:02] point, it became ineffective, I don't feel it has had a major
[00:20:06] impact, especially in recent weeks. It has had a significant effect and impact.
[00:20:09] Yes. We move to our third file. During
[00:20:12] his visit to the military operations wounded at Salah
[00:20:16] Medical Hospital, Sovereignty Council member Abdullah Yahya
[00:20:19] affirmed that the people's aspiration for victory, peace,
[00:20:22] and stability is achieved through will, national
[00:20:25] unity, and state institutions. Professor Al-Bakri, the attention
[00:20:28] of the armed forces and supporting forces
[00:20:32] and providing them with treatment represents one of the most important
[00:20:36] advantages for the Sudanese front and also the regular
[00:20:39] forces. I mean, when we compare the Rapid Support
[00:20:43] well, the comparison is non-existent anyway.
[00:20:46] focuses on treating
[00:20:50] at the level of overseas treatment,
[00:20:52] treating
[00:20:54] those who belong to a specific tribe within the militia.
[00:20:58] Those belonging to the Dagalo clan are the ones
[00:21:02] countries, and the Emirates and other countries. As for the soldiers and officers who
[00:21:06] belong to components outside the tribe
[00:21:10] and the ruling family, if I may say so, in the Rapid Support Forces militia,
[00:21:13] some of these truly die of neglect. They are not
[00:21:16] cared for. But it's true, I said the comparison
[00:21:20] is non-existent, but honestly, from my observation,
[00:21:23] I am not entirely satisfied with the file
[00:21:27] of the wounded, whether at the level of the regular
[00:21:29] forces or at the level of the supporting forces. I visited
[00:21:35] Sudan where some of the soldiers
[00:21:39] belonging to the armed forces and supporting forces
[00:21:43] among the wounded. Some of them truly lack
[00:21:45] some
[00:21:48] medicines and some medical supplies. I believe
[00:21:52] they are readily available, especially in Port Sudan. We visited some
[00:21:55] hospitals and found that some
[00:21:58] of the wounded fighters need gauze, they need
[00:22:01] some intravenous fluids, very simple things.
[00:22:05] I mean, it can be provided. I think
[00:22:08] that the file of the wounded, and some of them, really, especially
[00:22:12] among the mobilized, I mean, some of them come seeking treatment and are
[00:22:15] eager to be treated so they can return to the field quickly. I think
[00:22:20] at the official level and at the popular level, needs
[00:22:23] our effort. People should go and take the initiative,
[00:22:27] even at the level of civil organizations. It's true that there are organizations, I mean, I
[00:22:30] accompanied
[00:22:33] the dear sisters in the "Shama Amal" organization. They
[00:22:36] used to visit these hospitals and try to provide some aid, but I say
[00:22:39] national organizations, citizens, in addition
[00:22:43] to official effort,
[00:22:46] file full attention. If
[00:22:50] people visit these hospitals, they will see and learn about some
[00:22:54] cases that, by God, could be discharged in one day. I mean, they don't need
[00:22:57] much. So, this file, I truly
[00:23:00] feel pain for it, and I feel
[00:23:04] that the pace should be faster and greater than this. I mean,
[00:23:08] is one of the concerns you are talking about for the wounded and injured,
[00:23:11] even at the level of the President. The President
[00:23:15] the Commander-in-Chief has visited more than once some
[00:23:19] of the wounded in some hospitals. Many of them. Mr. Yasser
[00:23:22] Al-Atta has made many visits. The concern is there,
[00:23:26] but complete satisfaction for us
[00:23:28] as observers.
[00:23:31] This is the observation I'm talking about. I think that this file needs
[00:23:34] more than that. Yes. So, how can
[00:23:38] the sacrifices made by the armed forces and the
[00:23:41] supporting forces be made a shining
[00:23:45] sign in the Battle of Excellent. That's a good question. Well,
[00:23:48] we care, yes, we care about the families
[00:23:53] these roles. I mean, we have people who sacrificed
[00:23:57] and are still sacrificing. For example, there is a family, one of the noble and patriotic
[00:24:01] families in Kordofan, and I salute them from here,
[00:24:05] the Al-Daidan family. One of their sons now, and I don't know him personally,
[00:24:08] I mean, and I am not from Kordofan to
[00:24:12] clarify things, but I as an observer following
[00:24:15] this family, for example, has offered four
[00:24:17] martyrs. I mean, four and one of their sons now leads
[00:24:21] special operations in Kordofan, and this is one of the toughest types
[00:24:24] of military operations. One family offered four
[00:24:27] martyrs. I believe that we need to glorify
[00:24:31] the legacy and image of such sacrifices.
[00:24:34] We should care about them in the media, care about them at
[00:24:38] the level of social
[00:24:40] media, try to bridge
[00:24:46] the wounded, the people who lose their limbs in this war,
[00:24:50] or are injured, no matter how deep or how severe their wounds are.
[00:24:53] They need to feel that we are part of
[00:24:56] these bodies. I mean,
[00:24:59] the martyrs, we also have some bright spots. I mean, if you walk through
[00:25:02] the streets of Khartoum now, some streets have pictures of some martyrs.
[00:25:07] these roles. The people who
[00:25:11] were martyred, were martyred so that we, if wounded or injured or
[00:25:14] lost a limb, it was to preserve our lives and our limbs. I
[00:25:18] believe that we need to glorify
[00:25:21] these sacrifices.
[00:25:25] the countries I visited, for example, Algeria. Algeria
[00:25:28] sacrificed one and a half million
[00:25:31] and it is still living on this legacy.
[00:25:34] I mean, the Algerian National Museum celebrates the martyrs
[00:25:38] of Algeria in a way that is a source of pride. We have been
[00:25:43] 1955. We believe that it's true that we had the Martyrs' Organization and so
[00:25:47] on, from these bodies, but this file also needs
[00:25:50] our attention. Yes. I mean, mercy and forgiveness for the martyrs
[00:25:54] of the Battle of Dignity, and swift recovery for the wounded, and a good return
[00:25:57] for the missing. I mean, were it not for them, this session would not have been held,
[00:26:01] nor would it have been, yes, even at the television level. We salute it and salute the martyrs
[00:26:05] of television. By God, the National Television has made a very significant contribution
[00:26:08] to the Battle of Dignity. We ask God to accept our brothers who went to
[00:26:11] cover the liberation of the Presidential Palace. I mean, yes, may they rest in peace
[00:26:15] and forgiveness. Professor Al-Madani, I mean, the activities
[00:26:18] of Professor Abdullah Yahya, member of the Sovereignty Council, I mean,
[00:26:21] and others, how can they be, or how can they be made
[00:26:25] front-page news in the media, and you are an observer of this
[00:26:29] matter? I truly salute Brother Abdullah.
[00:26:33] and have interviewed him more than once in Port
[00:26:36] Sudan. And the man is one of the very
[00:26:39] humble leaders, and he has a very significant
[00:26:42] role in the Battle of Dignity,
[00:26:47] the western axis. I mean, his role is naturally difficult
[00:26:51] to disclose because it is closer to operations. I mean, Commander
[00:26:54] Abdullah Yahya is one of the outstanding leaders, leaders who have a great
[00:26:58] national and patriotic dimension. The man is very close to the field.
[00:27:03] the citizens and is known for also supporting
[00:27:07] many political activities
[00:27:12] many initiatives that he has truly
[00:27:15] led and continues to lead. I salute him
[00:27:18] does not like the media that might try to build
[00:27:21] a personality that has a kind of
[00:27:27] very difficult for him to talk about himself. It is very difficult for him
[00:27:31] very difficult for him to present what he does on media
[00:27:35] platforms. And he is the leader we always We struggle to reach him, meaning the
[00:27:39] humble man. I truly wish him success and I hope
[00:27:43] that God crowns his efforts with success
[00:27:46] and good fortune. Yes, we continue with the axis of events.
[00:27:49] We go to the fourth file. Cairo
[00:27:52] and Washington discuss ongoing contacts to stop the escalation
[00:27:56] in Sudan. A phone call took place between Dr. Abdul Ati,
[00:27:59] the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and
[00:28:03] Mr. Mas'ad Boules, the senior advisor to the US President
[00:28:07] for Arab and African affairs on Friday, September 18,
[00:28:10] within the framework of ongoing consultations between Egypt and the United
[00:28:14] States on various regional issues and developments.
[00:28:17] The two sides discussed the ongoing movements
[00:28:21] and contacts with the aim of stopping the escalation in Sudan, where
[00:28:24] Minister Abdul Ati affirmed the importance of building on the current efforts
[00:28:28] aimed at ending the conflict and ensuring the creation of an atmosphere to find
[00:28:31] political solutions. And upholding the values
[00:28:34] of dialogue and negotiation, reaffirming Egypt's commitment
[00:28:37] to preserving Sudan's unity, sovereignty, and territorial
[00:28:40] integrity, and protecting its national institutions. Dr.
[00:28:44] Al-Madani, the professor, means the presence of Egypt with its steadfast stance on
[00:28:47] the country's unity and sovereignty, meaning does
[00:28:50] it alleviate the unity of the conspiracies being hatched against
[00:28:53] Sudan?
[00:28:55] Okay, my dear sister, Egypt's stance on the ongoing war in Sudan
[00:28:59] is a strategic stance. The
[00:29:02] first feature of this strategic stance is that
[00:29:06] Egypt was and still is calling
[00:29:09] for the preservation of Sudan's unity,
[00:29:13] calling for dealing with the legitimate
[00:29:16] Sudanese state institutions, whether
[00:29:19] it be the armed forces, or the sovereign council, or the executive government, or
[00:29:23] others. Its stance remained clear despite the pressures.
[00:29:27] Egypt faced pressures based on accusations
[00:29:31] and based on a very
[00:29:34] international level or at the level
[00:29:39] interests, so Egypt faced great pressures, especially from an ally
[00:29:43] like the UAE, which has huge investments in Egypt. But
[00:29:46] despite all that, Egypt understands
[00:29:50] Sudan, and it knows that Sudan is a strategic depth for Egyptian
[00:29:53] national security, and it knows that it has moral
[00:29:56] obligations towards the people in
[00:30:00] Sudan. So Egypt, through its strategic
[00:30:04] stance, called for the unity of Sudan, and Egypt continued
[00:30:07] to work for the unity and legitimacy
[00:30:10] of Sudanese institutions, and it did not open any door
[00:30:13] for dealing or cooperating or communicating with
[00:30:16] the Rapid Support Forces militia in any way.
[00:30:20] This was the declared stance, of course.
[00:30:24] There may be stances that are not suitable for public disclosure in
[00:30:27] the context of supporting the Sudanese state.
[00:30:31] Also, at the strategic level, Egypt
[00:30:34] opened its borders to Sudanese people, both by
[00:30:38] land and sea, by the millions. Yes.
[00:30:40] And this has not happened and does not happen from
[00:30:45] country.
[00:30:47] I mean, we even call it smuggling by the way, and I have traveled on this land route
[00:30:51] a lot. Even what we call smuggling is actually an entry
[00:30:54] into Egypt under the eyes
[00:30:57] of the Egyptian authorities. I mean, if they wanted to stop them,