SUDAN — broadcast
20261012 000000 UTC
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[00:00:00] Even the colonies advisor, meaning for the Arab demon, meaning the one who
[00:00:03] comes out with all the colonial
[00:00:06] and imperial arrogance in the world, and writes that
[00:00:10] one of the biggest and most important
[00:00:13] achievements and developments in the Sudanese crisis is the increase in the delegation of civilian
[00:00:17] forces
[00:00:19] to Washington, meaning these are forces that already live with you
[00:00:22] and you send them wherever you want, right?
[00:00:25] Welcome, dear viewers. This You are the one who arranges their trips
[00:00:28] and arranges for them
[00:00:35] what to say and what not to say, and some news says they even sent
[00:00:37] and achieving victories over Taha Hussein
[00:00:39] to America. So I think that the talk about
[00:00:43] them being two parties who are trying to convince
[00:00:47] that the militia's structure us of them or portray them to us
[00:00:51] is at least not prudent, because in the end,
[00:00:54] these people express the same interests, which is
[00:00:58] insisting on maintaining the institutional military
[00:01:02] and political position of the terrorist militia in the future of Sudan,
[00:01:05] extorting Sudanese people to re-engineer the state in
[00:01:09] to confirm exchange for the war period. This is the equation they are trying to impose
[00:01:13] make this on us, saying, "Brother, for this situation to be measured, you must accept a political engineering
[00:01:17] by the Quartet that determines who participates, who
[00:01:20] has the right, who is Sudanese and who is not Sudanese, who enters
[00:01:24] before we begin and who does not enter the political process." And I think that
[00:01:27] is rejected. If Sudanese people agreed that only one person
[00:01:31] should enter this political process, it would be with the Sudanese,
[00:01:34] but what should the Sudanese discuss in their political process
[00:01:39] has its geopolitical position in and their political future? This is an issue related to the exercise
[00:01:42] that contributes to security and stability in of sovereign acts, related to the fundamentals of international law,
[00:01:45] related to a sovereign
[00:01:47] and prosperity in state. Internal political affairs are internal affairs. They have no
[00:01:50] right to interfere in them. Sudan,
[00:01:53] officers despite this, despite its sovereign right to exercise
[00:01:56] that the political process is an internal right after it,
[00:02:00] it discusses in order
[00:02:02] this war, Doctor, in to try to reduce the level of international guest in the first file on pressures that
[00:02:06] Abu Dhabi is conspiring and planning for.
[00:02:11] with the They say after that, we have no objection to the international
[00:02:14] role being a supporting role, a facilitating
[00:02:18] armed forces over role, a mediating role, but not a mediator
[00:02:21] role, nor a role that tries to block
[00:02:24] an agenda that grants the enemy
[00:02:27] through politics, diplomacy, and international
[00:02:31] interfaces what it failed to achieve
[00:02:34] with mercenaries and hundreds of flights of planes
[00:02:37] and drones, weapons, and so on, in an attempt to divide
[00:02:41] Sudan. I think that this is important in
[00:02:43] the current attempt that we are seeing, the Quintet, which
[00:02:47] they call repackaging old wine
[00:02:50] in new bottles, and of course, it is open,
[00:02:54] but Ahmed, I, I mean, I noticed something, I mean, these groups
[00:02:58] refused for the Quintet to meet with them last time and told them, "You must
[00:03:01] bring these people." So it seems
[00:03:04] they have some influence on the Quintet,
[00:03:07] and therefore, they brought them
[00:03:09] the militia begun to disintegrate their people. What prevents them from having a condition next time in
[00:03:13] determining
[00:03:15] who participates in the Sudanese political dialogue, and therefore,
[00:03:19] we find ourselves in a process that re-produces what is called
[00:03:23] the framework agreement that caused this
[00:03:26] war, and because of which Sudanese people are now suffering.
[00:03:35] The main reason or the main motivator or the actual
[00:03:39] outcome of the Quartet's statement, which is
[00:03:42] the Quintet, is the extension of
[00:03:46] its application. Meaning, the Quintet cannot
[00:03:49] exceed the framework of the Quartet, otherwise,
[00:03:53] I mean, the Quintet is not a body
[00:03:57] but it refused to participate that has an Security Council
[00:03:58] in the meeting with resolution supporting it, neither from the African Union nor anyone else. So
[00:04:02] it relies mainly on what they call "good offices" or the diplomatic
[00:04:06] initiative, which is good faith in dealing with it.
[00:04:10] and its implications in this But the mandate and the authority of the Quintet
[00:04:14] is to implement the political part of
[00:04:19] attacks, so it wakes up to the Quartet's statement,
[00:04:21] defeats and sleeps to which is practically the framework agreement that caused the conflict, because it preserves
[00:04:25] the next day for today's truce. What
[00:04:28] every agent who thought will result from it? The Quintet has no
[00:04:32] involvement in this matter. What will result from a ceasefire,
[00:04:35] if it happens today, first of all, is that millions
[00:04:40] Dhabi and are hosting them in of Sudanese in the occupied areas in Darfur and Kordofan will remain
[00:04:44] with the militias among them.
[00:04:45] the healthy flee They will remain without a regular state system, without police, without
[00:04:49] hospitals, without water, without electricity, without
[00:04:52] schools, without anything. Yes, they will remain subject
[00:04:55] to the terror of the militias and will remain subject to killing,
[00:04:58] economic exploitation, harassment, and all kinds
[00:05:02] of torture and humiliation that they are subjected to, and our people in
[00:05:05] Darfur and Kordofan every day. The truce
[00:05:09] practically means that all the areas with terrorist
[00:05:12] militias are considered
[00:05:16] areas outside the state's control, and therefore, consolidating the lines of confrontation
[00:05:19] means reproducing the model in Sudan, which is one state with
[00:05:23] two systems, which is practically a path to having
[00:05:27] two states, dividing Sudan. Practically,
[00:05:30] this is the direct outcome, whether for the truce.
[00:05:34] That's why the state's leadership's position
[00:05:37] of standing against all international pressures, which
[00:05:41] sometimes reach very high limits
[00:05:44] that are not known, related
[00:05:47] to threats of direct military intervention.
[00:05:51] I think it is a historical, national,
[00:05:55] and very courageous position, frankly, to reject the truce. And the last
[00:05:58] position, whether from the head of the Sovereign Council or the deputy head of the Sovereign Council,
[00:06:02] he said it clearly that the American truce
[00:06:05] proposal is a proposal to divide Sudan, and he said we are against
[00:06:09] it, and it is rejected by us. And this is a position that
[00:06:12] will be remembered by the Sudanese people.
[00:06:15] So the Quintet here is
[00:06:18] a facilitator. It is a facilitator for dividing Sudan. It
[00:06:22] is a facilitator for trying to produce a distorted
[00:06:25] political process that leads to legitimizing the division
[00:06:28] of Sudan. Instead of us talking about us
[00:06:31] being one state and one Sudan,
[00:06:34] they want us to sit for 15-20 years so that
[00:06:37] after 20 years, they will talk to us about unifying the institutions of
[00:06:41] the occupied areas. These areas will turn
[00:06:44] into a breeding ground for gangs, mafias,
[00:06:47] and drugs, and all forms
[00:06:51] of soft
[00:06:55] or indirect threats to the Sudanese
[00:06:59] society and the Sudanese nation living in the
[00:07:02] مناطق الدوله ده حقيقه الدايرينه اللي فشلوا
[00:07:05] to achieve with the swift war on April 15
[00:07:08] by storming the General Command and the guest house. They want
[00:07:12] to achieve it through years. The goal now is to perpetuate the state of exception.
[00:07:16] Doctor, returning to your first point,
[00:07:19] last time they refused to deal
[00:07:23] Quintet because there are parties
[00:07:27] within the Quintet that are actually opposed
[00:07:30] to division. However, they themselves
[00:07:33] are subject to pressure, pressure from the United States
[00:07:36] and conflicting interests within the European Union. I believe
[00:07:39] that there is also something
[00:07:45] that if you don't review the structure, these
[00:07:48] people won't be able to analyze all of this.
[00:07:52] In addition to the Quintet, they want a restructuring of
[00:07:55] the political process. They said they want it to have three pillars. Yes,
[00:07:59] the Janjaweed said their allies and the non-aligned
[00:08:02] parties, the non-aligned ones,
[00:08:05] and the armed forces and their allies, so that
[00:08:08] they have a mechanical majority, because they are two in one.
[00:08:27] And all of this Sudanese political spectrum is completely excluded
[00:08:29] from any vision. So besides being a vision
[00:08:33] that threatens the unity of Sudan and the security of Sudanese people, it is also
[00:08:36] an impractical and unrealistic and unrealistic
[00:08:40] and unacceptable vision. This is fundamentally about Doctor.
[00:08:43] Correct. Ahmad, from your words, I infer that just as those people told
[00:08:47] us, "Either the framework or war,"
[00:08:50] and when the army and the Sudanese people rejected
[00:08:54] the framework and chose war, now they are telling us,
[00:08:57] "Either we enter a political process for the political scene
[00:09:01] or we divide Sudan." I mean, do you agree
[00:09:04] that this is the equation presented now? I mean, either a political
[00:09:08] process that includes the militia, or the militia returns
[00:09:11] with it. I always remember the words of Muhammad Al-Faki
[00:09:14] Suleiman, you remember, he said this recently. He said, "We are ready
[00:09:18] to return to a political process that includes the armed forces
[00:09:22] and the militia clearly." He said this a few
[00:09:25] months ago. This is the vision. So, Ahmad,
[00:09:29] and another one from Ahmad Al-Faki
[00:09:32] Suleiman's group was interviewed yesterday on the enemy's channel, Sky News
[00:09:36] Abu Dhabi. I mean, this is another scene, another one
[00:09:39] happening on the hashtag. Yes, that Abu Dhabi
[00:09:43] is escalating its media war and has started hosting a group
[00:09:47] of those Qahat groups who have become based in Abu
[00:09:50] اصبحت مقره في ابو
[00:09:53] their studios after they used to be hosted remotely
[00:09:56] as politicians and independent analysts and so on. Now they are
[00:09:59] sitting there, I mean, this issue is going
[00:10:02] to make them
[00:10:05] have a regular program, of course. They made a regular program, I mean, a weekly
[00:10:08] regular program called "Sudan's Fates." But people, let's sit down, but Doctor,
[00:10:12] I think that what you said is
[00:10:15] exactly the reality. These
[00:10:18] people's bargaining with the Sudanese
[00:10:21] people and their bargaining with the Sudanese state is
[00:10:25] either submission, and this is what Hafez Kabir said before,
[00:10:29] when they occupied
[00:10:31] Khartoum, that the Sudanese people either submit to us
[00:10:35] or we will continue what we are doing. These are the choices.
[00:10:38] And as one of
[00:10:42] the Sudanese women
[00:10:45] said, they do not know the Sudanese people. When
[00:10:48] you put the Sudanese people before such choices, their choice
[00:10:52] is that resistance is more honorable,
[00:10:55] and resistance is better, and resistance is braver. And we
[00:10:59] have a history in resisting colonialism
[00:11:03] and resisting foreign invasion. That's why I always, when I take
[00:11:06] this issue, when I go up to 30,000 feet,
[00:11:10] what is happening now, Doctor, is the third colonial attack in
[00:11:13] our history. The first attack was in the 19th century,
[00:11:17] and the second attack was the Anglo-Egyptian
[00:11:21] condominium, and now this is the third attack, truly. I mean,
[00:11:29] when we review
[00:11:31] the core reasons for the invasion
[00:11:35] by the Khedive's
[00:11:38] invasion in 2021 or the British
[00:11:42] campaign or these modern Tatars
[00:11:45] and their supporters in Abu Dhabi and mercenaries from all over
[00:11:49] the world, it is truly an attack because they don't
[00:11:52] want Sudan to realize its value
[00:11:56] so that we can then try to rebuild
[00:12:00] a strong Sudan that truly
[00:12:04] the region as a force
[00:12:07] the region. They don't want all of this, and the economic
[00:12:09] uplift
[00:12:12] the region, they don't want that. These people are still currently
[00:12:16] a point of whether it is steadfastness and of course, necessarily by them
[00:12:20] establishing a plan to try to perpetuate the state
[00:12:23] of exception. I mean,
[00:12:27] Sudan, there have been military coups
[00:12:30] partly driven by political
[00:12:34] forces undermining the armed forces, and partly
[00:12:37] by personal ambitions and adventures.
[00:12:40] The successful ones, of course, were those driven by political forces. This is well known.
[00:12:44] But, Doctor, at least the officers who
[00:12:47] carried out the failed coup attempts,
[00:12:50] when their coup failed and they knew it failed,
[00:12:54] they were brave enough to go
[00:12:57] and face the consequences of their actions.
[00:13:01] Not one of them started a war. Not one of them turned
[00:13:05] the coup into an attempt to devour
[00:13:08] the state, to displace Sudanese, and to exterminate
[00:13:11] Sudanese. Right? adventure failed,
[00:13:15] took responsibility for his decision and everyone with him,
[00:13:19] and with courage. I think that this itself shows us that what
[00:13:22] we were exposed to on the morning of April 15 or on April
[00:13:26] 11, 2023, is something completely separate from the history
[00:13:29] of Sudan. It is a new matter related to the nature of advanced
[00:13:33] generation wars, which use all military, social,
[00:13:36] diplomatic, and political
[00:13:39] tools to try to subjugate Sudan, and media tools.
[00:13:42] Yes, and therefore, these
[00:13:46] people here in this project are the ones who are stirring the pot, and
[00:13:49] their main goal is that either Sudan grants
[00:13:53] them what they failed to achieve with weapons,
[00:13:57] and they roam the whole world saying no, this is a Kizan war, this is not
[00:14:00] an aggression war against Sudan. Right. Well,
[00:14:03] Ahmed, regarding the Arab League,
[00:14:06] the Arab League decided to participate,
[00:14:09] as you mentioned earlier, via
[00:14:13] video conference in a meeting with the political
[00:14:16] wing of the militia and the Abu Dhabi regime,
[00:14:19] ولنظام ابو ظبي لكن
[00:14:23] the group that
[00:14:26] legitimizes the militia. Is this a difference
[00:14:29] in assessments within the Quintet, or
[00:14:33] could it start to disintegrate because
[00:14:36] of direct involvement
[00:14:40] with the entity dividing Sudan? This is
[00:14:44] the African Union, or rather, the African Union Commission,
[00:14:47] led by Ambassador Mohamed Ali Youssef. And the Arab
[00:14:51] countries, and the Arab countries' position has evolved beyond all
[00:14:55] other blocs and organizations,
[00:14:58] because it is in a position
[00:15:02] where it can weigh
[00:15:05] the issue of Sudan and the sovereignty of Sudan.
[00:15:08] And its position has been evolving since 2023.
[00:15:12] I mean, the last statement issued by the Secretary-General of the League
[00:15:16] of Arab States, Nabil Fahmy, a few
[00:15:19] days ago, I mean, he issued a statement
[00:15:23] that not only shows solidarity but also
[00:15:26] mentions that the Sudanese state has stood firm
[00:15:30] in the face of enormous challenges, and not only
[00:15:34] that, but it was able to move
[00:15:36] from that steadfastness to try to restore services and allow the return
[00:15:40] of millions of Sudanese from displacement
[00:15:43] and refugee areas. So, with regard to the unity of Sudan and the sovereignty
[00:15:47] of Sudan, the Arab League has an interest
[00:15:50] because the Arab
[00:15:54] states, whether in Africa or in other regions in the Arab
[00:15:58] East, there is the legitimacy
[00:16:01] of states, there are those who dispute it in
[00:16:05] a number of Arab countries. So, not
[00:16:08] adopting a clear and strong position
[00:16:12] on the unity of the Sudanese state and the sovereignty of the Sudanese state
[00:16:15] and the legitimacy of its national institutions and the necessity of protecting them
[00:16:19] not only puts the Arab League leadership in a contradiction,
[00:16:21] but also opens the door wide to
[00:16:25] what will not end well. So I believe that just as the African
[00:16:28] Union constantly affirms the unity of Sudan
[00:16:31] and rejects parallel entities, the Arab League has
[00:16:34] higher incentives because it is also
[00:16:38] looking at the tense Arab situation, which has
[00:16:41] a very big escalation, and it is trying
[00:16:46] these meanings in a clear way. Here we can see
[00:16:49] that its position regarding attending
[00:16:52] the Quintet's meeting,
[00:16:55] which was scheduled with the terrorist
[00:16:58] entity of al-Tasees, yes. And
[00:17:01] the way of attending with Sumood, of course, all of this in the end,
[00:17:05] Doctor, I believe that
[00:17:07] the Quintet will not go
[00:17:11] far because Sudan has reservations about it
[00:17:14] and its way of external political process and its connection to the Quartet.
[00:17:18] I believe that the internal intrinsic problems themselves
[00:17:21] will not allow the Quintet to move forward. May God
[00:17:25] turn their plots against them all. I mean,
[00:17:29] they conspire against Sudan, but by God's will, we will overcome this
[00:17:32] ordeal. Thank you very much, Professor Ahmed Shamakh,
[00:17:34] the political researcher, our political
[00:17:39] Sudan today. Thank you. Dear viewers, after a short break, we will open
[00:18:40] Welcome back, dear viewers. Defeats open
[00:18:44] the doors to division. Has
[00:18:47] from within? Pressure is mounting on the Rapid Support Forces militia,
[00:18:50] while defeats are accumulating
[00:18:53] on the battlefields. The circle of defections within
[00:18:56] its ranks is widening in a scene that goes beyond individuals leaving to
[00:19:00] groups, or groups to indications of
[00:19:03] cracks affecting the structure of the leadership and cohesion.
[00:19:07] And trust between the fighters and their leadership. From
[00:19:10] calls for surrender that were made by some of its affiliates
[00:19:14] to the departure of leaders and combat groups announcing their
[00:19:17] secession from it, fundamental questions arise about what
[00:19:20] is happening within the militia and the reality of its cohesion and the future
[00:19:24] of its ability to continue in light of the escalating military
[00:19:28] and political pressures. Are we facing scattered
[00:19:31] defections imposed by the circumstances of the field, or the beginning
[00:19:34] of internal disintegration where defeats interact
[00:19:38] with the leadership crisis and declining trust? And what do these
[00:19:41] developments reveal about the militia's relationship with its fighters
[00:19:43] and supporters? An internal reading of the causes of the rift
[00:19:48] report.
[00:19:54] The militia has been subjected to
[00:19:59] defections, and these defections have shaken
[00:20:02] the sponsor's trust and puzzled
[00:20:06] that the signs of victory had appeared in
[00:20:09] the militia's sky, so he began to call
[00:20:12] on the army to surrender. But the facts on the ground exposed
[00:20:16] his agency, and leaders in the militia
[00:20:19] began to defect from it, fleeing as
[00:20:23] from an epidemic. And only a few hours
[00:20:26] passed, and the militia's
[00:20:29] and thus the sun rises every day
[00:20:32] to expose the shame of the militia and its supporters
[00:20:36] from every virtue. It is firmly established that the national
[00:20:39] state remains, defying conspiracies
[00:20:42] and rising with the cohesion of its children above
[00:20:45] the wounds.
[00:21:15] file is very important in light
[00:21:18] of the field developments. As we see the armed forces
[00:21:22] advancing in wide areas
[00:21:27] the militia, and at the same time,
[00:21:30] the number of those who defect from it is increasing,
[00:21:34] which is a clear indication
[00:21:37] has begun to disintegrate. This is what the leadership
[00:21:40] of the armed forces has been talking about during the past
[00:21:43] period, that it is managing this battle with a clear strategic
[00:21:47] mind that deals with the facts
[00:21:50] on the ground and also
[00:21:53] understands the nature of the formation of this
[00:21:55] criminal militia.
[00:21:58] And perhaps these facts are what
[00:22:03] important development
[00:22:07] an issue worthy of discussion in this episode.
[00:22:10] There are a number of scenes that we will watch
[00:22:14] the discussion on this topic.
[00:22:17] We are watching Major General Mohamedin Ismail Ahmed, Deputy
[00:22:21] Chief of Staff of the Administration of the Sudanese Liberation Forces Alliance
[00:22:25] with the Rapid Support Forces militia, what is called the al-Tasees alliance.
[00:22:28] Today, I officially announce
[00:22:30] my defection with a number of officers, non-commissioned
[00:22:34] officers, and soldiers, and our return to the homeland and our joining
[00:22:38] of the Sudanese Armed Forces under the umbrella of the general amnesty
[00:22:42] approved by the President of the Sovereign Council, the Commander-in-Chief
[00:22:45] of the Armed Forces, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah
[00:22:48] Al-Burhan. This decision comes from several
[00:22:51] factors, the first of which is our rejection of war crimes, displacement
[00:22:55] of people, rapes, and looting that
[00:22:58] were practiced by the leaders of the Rapid Support Forces, specifically Ali Dagalo, who
[00:23:01] swallowed the Rapid Support Forces and wanted to swallow Sudan
[00:23:05] as well, with foreign instigation and conspiracies. However, God's will
[00:23:09] and then the steadfastness of the Sudanese army and people thwarted all
[00:23:12] those plots. Secondly, we believed
[00:23:16] that we were defending a cause, but by God, we found no cause,
[00:23:20] nor did we find any right. Rather, we found
[00:23:23] ourselves in the ranks of the people of falsehood and dishonorable
[00:23:27] deeds. And after we were sheikhs who honored guests
[00:23:30] and helped the distressed, we became followers of traitors and thieves.
[00:23:34] Thirdly, by God, these crimes and disgraces that happened are not from
[00:23:37] our morals or our customs, and we became ashamed
[00:23:40] of ourselves. Brothers, they deceived us and claimed
[00:23:44] that they are the people of change and are seeking justice, but through
[00:23:48] their practices, it was proven that this is not true, and we found nothing but
[00:23:51] destruction, death, and ruin, starting from our people
[00:23:54] in Darfur and all parts of Sudan. And praise be to God,
[00:23:58] we left today and returned to the homeland, and we salute the efforts
[00:24:01] of all the leaders and our brothers who preceded us in returning to the homeland,
[00:24:04] and we thank their contribution to our return. And the most important thing I want
[00:24:08] to say today, on my behalf and on behalf of all
[00:24:10] my comrades, is that we ask forgiveness from all the Sudanese
[00:24:14] people because we stood on the wrong
[00:24:17] side, but by God, we were deceived. But praise
[00:24:21] be to God, we did not commit crimes or violate the sanctity
[00:24:24] of citizens or do anything, and we were rejecting
[00:24:28] injustice. Praise be to God. We are confident
[00:24:31] of our innocence, and betrayal is not our way, and indeed, God does not guide
[00:24:35] the plots of traitors. One last word
[00:24:37] we say to Commander Lieutenant General Al-Burhan, by God,
[00:24:41] we are ready and awaiting your instructions
[00:24:44] to move until we cleanse the country of the evils
[00:24:48] of Hamdan Dagalo's sons.
[00:24:52] And you will only find us in front of you, defeating and wiping
[00:24:56] out all criminals. And say, "Act, for Allah will see
[00:25:00] your deeds, and His Messenger, and the believers." Almighty Allah
[00:25:02] has spoken the truth. In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. An important statement to the Sudanese
[00:25:06] nation. Allah says, "Whoever kills a soul without
[00:25:09] [just cause of] murder or mischief in the land, it is as if he had killed all mankind.
[00:25:13] And whoever saves one - it is as if he had saved all mankind." O great Sudanese people,
[00:25:17] my family, my children, my patient countrymen. In every
[00:25:20] inch of our beloved land of Sudan,
[00:25:23] I address you today in these critical moments
[00:25:27] of our nation's history, after a sincere self-reflection
[00:25:30] and deep contemplation of the state of our country
[00:25:33] as a result of this absurd war that has destroyed crops
[00:25:37] and generations, displaced millions of innocent people from
[00:25:40] their homes, and shed pure blood that should have been preserved
[00:25:44] to build this nation. Based on that,
[00:25:46] I, Lieutenant Colonel
[00:25:50] Mohammed Azraq Al-Fanjari, Commander of the Rapid Support Forces Special
[00:25:53] Task Force, announce my defection and abandonment
[00:25:56] of all military duties and responsibilities within the ranks of the Rapid
[00:26:00] Support Forces militia, and my full alignment with the sanctity of Sudanese
[00:26:03] blood and the option of peace. I declare my complete
[00:26:07] innocence before God and before the Sudanese people from
[00:26:10] any violations or transgressions against unarmed citizens
[00:26:14] in their lives, property, or honor. I affirm that
[00:26:17] our position today is a purely ethical and national
[00:26:21] position. I extend my sincere apology to every Sudanese family
[00:26:25] that has suffered harm, displacement, or loss during this war. I ask Almighty God
[00:26:29] to spare the blood of all the children of Sudan, and I sincerely
[00:26:32] appeal to my comrades-in-arms in the ranks of the Rapid Support Forces militia
[00:26:36] to review themselves and raise the voice of truth and reason,
[00:26:40] for this war has no cause and no future. Therefore,
[00:26:44] we must all return to the bosom of the homeland and unite behind our
[00:26:47] armed forces, for I am a sincere advisor to you. Stop shedding the blood of your brothers
[00:26:51] and sisters, for the homeland is big enough for all of us. We ask God to protect
[00:26:55] Sudan and its people and to hasten relief and safety throughout
[00:26:58] our country. And peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.
[00:27:23] Those were statements
[00:27:27] to... Thank you very much for the invitation. Greetings to the viewers of Sudan
[00:27:30] TV through you.
[00:27:33] What is happening in the Rapid Support Forces militia of
[00:27:36] defections, of course, these people who
[00:27:39] defected and the defection is still
[00:27:42] ongoing, they are not
[00:27:45] soldiers and they are not political
[00:27:48] citizens. These
[00:27:51] are leaders, senior
[00:27:55] on the front lines, leading military
[00:27:58] operations on the ground. And therefore,
[00:28:02] we assess whether the Rapid Support Forces militia
[00:28:06] is of the same strength or less.
[00:28:09] So, the departure of these field
[00:28:11] commanders, their assessment of the battle
[00:28:15] is that there is now a superiority of the
[00:28:20] the Rapid Support Forces, and the Rapid Support Forces military cannot on the ground
[00:28:23] confront the armed forces. And
[00:28:27] therefore, they decided to escape
[00:28:31] from this ship that is about