SYRIANNEWS — broadcast
20261012 003000 UTC
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[00:00:00] He prepared for it, that it is
[00:00:02] discussed the reality of speech in the a good policy that leads to Arab relations from which
[00:00:05] Syria benefits, even if indirectly.
[00:00:07] component, but some people were with Assad, some people were with This may improve Syria's relations
[00:00:10] "By order of with Egypt more and more, as Egypt is one of Haftar's supporters and his team.
[00:00:13] But also,
[00:00:17] الحمد لله started its course. But this it benefits Syria to play a mediating role, which may
[00:00:21] to many people who were with lead to an external role for Syria in the coming
[00:00:23] days in other files outside the region.
[00:00:27] Syria's rise in So, this can be imagined, but
[00:00:31] of work on I rule out that it will be on the Syrian foreign policy priorities table now, as there are files of
[00:00:35] higher priority and much greater danger.
[00:00:39] points of agreement with Yes, okay, Dr. Muhammad Anad, speaking also about
[00:00:42] the other files that were included in this visit
[00:00:46] and with the presence of the head of the Syrian intelligence service,
[00:00:51] now, what concerns us most Mr. Abdul Qader Tahhan, there is
[00:00:53] for Syria to engage a greater focus or more attention
[00:00:56] on the security aspect, considering the first visit that
[00:01:00] Minister Shibani made to Tripoli. There were
[00:01:04] a state of reaction to this files related to air transport lines that facilitated, for example, the return
[00:01:07] of many Syrians.
[00:01:10] a position, let's say, in Also, transport lines and the establishment of a business council, combating also the issue of
[00:01:15] in cooperation with all parties in drug smuggling and many pending files between the two countries. This time, the security
[00:01:18] aspect occupies a wider space. To what extent
[00:01:22] can there be Syrian-Libyan cooperation in the security
[00:01:26] and intelligence aspect? I mentioned a moment ago that our first visit was a visit
[00:01:30] within the shuttle tours
[00:01:32] a very big responsibility in fighting this type of of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that he undertook in order to rebuild relations
[00:01:36] between Syria, the Syrian state, and Arab countries, and at
[00:01:40] discourse that and diplomacy. the forefront of which was Libya. Now, the security aspect after
[00:01:44] the problems that occur in a period of time, why? Because Benghazi specifically was
[00:01:46] the main destination for some security files.
[00:01:49] As I said a moment ago, there were
[00:01:53] officers who belonged to the former Syrian regime who went
[00:01:56] there either as trainers or as...
[00:02:00] There are lists, there are names of specific individuals
[00:02:04] whom the Syrian state is demanding, for example. I expect that the dialogue is now taking place within these
[00:02:07] files in some detail through the head of the intelligence service, Major General Abdul Qader
[00:02:11] Tahhan, and security officials in Benghazi. In addition,
[00:02:16] to address this Syria doing this Benghazi was a port
[00:02:16] type of through which the Syrian regime exports Captagon drugs
[00:02:21] some former fighters, to South Africa and Europe. This is a security file that must
[00:02:23] be put on the table in order to stop this work,
[00:02:27] in addition to illegal immigration that started from
[00:02:31] Benghazi, from Benghazi, for Syrians. So, this
[00:02:34] file must be on the table of dialogue or the table
[00:02:37] of discussion in order to solve these security files whose time has come
[00:02:41] after strengthening relations and completing some logistical
[00:02:45] or diplomatic matters that were in Tripoli and after completing the discussion
[00:02:49] of the file
[00:02:50] representatives in the government, in of opening
[00:02:51] and communicating with the consulate in Benghazi. So, these are four major security files,
[00:02:55] and better. This is on and perhaps also
[00:02:57] the discussion of the file of officers
[00:03:00] there and their recovery, as far as I know, and perhaps I am
[00:03:06] are necessary against not sure about it, there are some pilots who went to Benghazi
[00:03:08] with their planes. This is information I am not sure about, but that's what I heard.
[00:03:13] Haftar, who is fighting against So, if this information is true, then this is a very big file that must be discussed and must
[00:03:17] be dealt with at the security level between
[00:03:20] perhaps, to ending this the two sides. Okay, Dr. Jamal, I come back to you before
[00:03:23] talking about the files. We are still
[00:03:26] in the process of praising this major Syrian step taken by
[00:03:30] and comprehensive point. Do I want this Syrian diplomacy Maysa, many in this visit, since we
[00:03:34] talked about, at the beginning, we talked about
[00:03:38] managing balanced files in one
[00:03:41] country. How do you view
[00:03:43] the staunchest enemies of this today the regional powers
[00:03:45] and the international community regarding this
[00:03:48] to reduce this courageous Syrian step that
[00:03:51] the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates
[00:03:54] took, and which emphasized
[00:03:58] the rejection of excluding any party
[00:04:01] and dealing with all parties in Libya as a single, indivisible
[00:04:04] bloc?
[00:04:06] Thank you for this insightful question. I want to say that
[00:04:09] the goal of building,
[00:04:12] the goal of Syrian foreign policy now is to build
[00:04:15] trust, and trust is earned repeatedly
[00:04:18] with one action after another
[00:04:21] that builds a degree of reliability, builds
[00:04:25] a degree of trust, of belief
[00:04:28] that this country truly
[00:04:31] Jamal Mansour, Lecturer in So, all this means what it says. Syria announced a zero-problems policy,
[00:04:33] and it is now pursuing that in
[00:04:35] the question that arises is, this a practical sense. Even Israel, after its various aggressions,
[00:04:40] incitement campaigns come from Syrian diplomatic policy did not cease, not out of love
[00:04:43] for Israel, not normalization with Israel, but out of determination to make
[00:04:47] the path diplomatic, not military, with the aim of
[00:04:50] achieving security through politics and negotiation in a way that guarantees
[00:04:54] Syrian rights, in a way that does not accept compromising them.
[00:04:57] But the calm diplomatic action
[00:05:01] is an indication of a new line in Syrian policy that is completely
[00:05:04] different from the line of Syrian policy under the former
[00:05:08] regime in the past. So, part of that is this
[00:05:11] action. This Syrian initiative towards
[00:05:14] two Libyans who differ and conflict with each
[00:05:18] other. Firstly, to preserve, as Professor Anad said, the interests
[00:05:21] of Syrians in Libya and in Syria through negotiation
[00:05:24] with whoever is in Libya to preserve the interests
[00:05:27] of those. Secondly,
[00:05:30] to engage in negotiation with two parties who do not speak to
[00:05:33] each other, but who, as it appears on the surface now, and in terms
[00:05:37] of image and action, are talking to the new Syria.
[00:05:40] So, the new Syria emerges to the world
[00:05:43] with a posture, with a manner, with a stance that shows
[00:05:47] that it says something and does it, and does it again,
[00:05:51] and does it again, and does it again, which gives credibility
[00:05:54] to Syria's claim of a radical change
[00:05:57] in its foreign policy. And that is something that could be built
[00:06:00] upon what we discussed in the previous question. There could be a possibility
[00:06:06] in negotiation as a kind of mediator
[00:06:09] between these two conflicting Libyan parties, or other Arab
[00:06:13] parties, or other international parties, which grants Syrian
[00:06:16] diplomacy new victories, grants Syria a posture,
[00:06:20] grants Syria
[00:06:23] international diplomacy as a power that
[00:06:26] opponents resort to when they want to
[00:06:29] find a mediator to bring them closer, and also gives Syria
[00:06:33] credibility that may open up other avenues for it on the diplomatic
[00:06:36] level, allowing it to have
[00:06:39] opportunities for negotiation or opportunities to obtain aid or
[00:06:43] investments or what follows. How, how does
[00:06:47] Syrian diplomacy do all of this today, Dr. Jamal? I mean, today we
[00:06:50] are talking about Syria being a mediator
[00:06:53] for all
[00:06:56] the region, and perhaps outside the region
[00:06:59] in the future. What is the secret word that Syria possesses?
[00:07:03] That result,
[00:07:07] my statement was that result we may reach if Syrian policy
[00:07:10] continues on that continuous line, without interruption,
[00:07:14] to be truthful to what it says, to do it again
[00:07:18] and again and again.
[00:07:21] Excuse me, trust is built by repetition,
[00:07:24] built by accumulation.
[00:07:29] diplomatic engagement with Libya and with other
[00:07:32] countries may enable Syria to build a role for itself
[00:07:36] that may go beyond regional stages. I am not saying that this
[00:07:39] is achieved, I am not saying that this is necessarily a goal of Syrian
[00:07:43] foreign policy. I am saying that this may happen if
[00:07:47] Syrian policy continues to do so
[00:07:50] repeatedly, with the intention
[00:07:53] of emphasizing the credibility of Syrian foreign policy based
[00:07:57] on zero problems, negotiation instead of engaging in unnecessary
[00:08:01] conflicts,
[00:08:04] everyone without exclusion. Yes, okay,
[00:08:07] Doctor, stopping at "zero problems."
[00:08:10] Syria presents a zero-problems policy, but
[00:08:14] this means that it does not align with any party and also does not want
[00:08:17] to present this alignment to anyone, and this is what you
[00:08:21] and Dr. Jamal explained in this regard.
[00:08:24] Okay, how does Libya, with its two sides, read
[00:08:27] this Syrian policy, especially after the statement of
[00:08:31] Lieutenant General Saddam Khalifa Haftar that Libya stands by
[00:08:35] the Syrian people, and six weeks before that, Abdel
[00:08:38] Hamid Dbeibeh, the head of the Libyan government, made the same statement? Herein
[00:08:42] lies the essence,
[00:08:45] the clear message that Syrian diplomacy
[00:08:48] conveyed, that it will
[00:08:51] not hesitate to communicate with any party whatsoever
[00:08:55] in order to achieve the higher interest of the Syrian citizen, and it is not concerned with
[00:08:59] the disputes between the two sides. Another message, perhaps implicitly,
[00:09:03] is that it will not take sides in supporting one brother over
[00:09:06] another, but rather it may be a party to reconcile between the two brothers, and this is what
[00:09:10] we noticed in their visit to Tripoli six weeks ago, a month
[00:09:20] good with the Syrian people and with the Syrian state, because the Syrian state
[00:09:24] has proven during the past period that it is a state that seeks
[00:09:27] security stability, political stability
[00:09:31] for economic development and the rebuilding of the country,
[00:09:34] and this is, perhaps, the point of communication
[00:09:37] between all, or the point of coordination between all Arab
[00:09:41] and Syrian countries. topic
[00:09:45] converges on one point: that we
[00:09:48] help the Syrian people to rise again
[00:09:51] and for Syria to restore its normal relations with Arab countries,
[00:09:55] and they do not want to be a party to the Syrian
[00:09:59] problems or to cause problems in Syria,
[00:10:02] and we, through the statements of Mr. Ahmed Shar, the President
[00:10:05] of the Republic, that he will not be a party or
[00:10:09] a source of any problems for neighboring countries or any other country. This
[00:10:12] is in our interest, therefore we observed this response:
[00:10:16] not to enter into conflicting parties, warring parties, different
[00:10:20] parties, in order to achieve the first step of Syrian
[00:10:23] foreign policy. There were also previous files at the level
[00:10:27] of Arab countries in general, when the Syrian Minister of Foreign Affairs
[00:10:31] visited Morocco and before that Algeria,
[00:10:34] the differences between Arab countries, Syria was equally distant
[00:10:37] from everyone. How will this calm
[00:10:41] and soft Syrian policy contribute to reaching a faster solution
[00:10:45] and a more
[00:10:48] dynamic movement for
[00:10:52] the coming period, both politically and in terms
[00:10:56] the ground? I can say that the political
[00:11:00] foreign diplomacy of the Syrian state is to seek
[00:11:04] everyone and not to enter into any point of disagreement in order to achieve
[00:11:08] the higher interest. This will speed up the process of
[00:11:11] communication and will also speed up the process of construction, because in Syria
[00:11:16] after the security and political aspect is the economic
[00:11:20] aspect. Therefore, relations must be, as Dr.
[00:11:23] Jamal said, building trust for foreign investments,
[00:11:27] and we know that Libyan businessmen and Libyan investments in
[00:11:30] Syria so far have not had an opportunity. Therefore, perhaps
[00:11:34] these steps will be a prelude
[00:11:37] to attracting Libyan investments in Syria, as we have seen
[00:11:41] in some other countries, and we desperately need such
[00:11:45] investments to revive the economic situation inside
[00:11:48] Syria. Okay, Dr.
[00:11:52] Jamal, I will conclude with you. In light of the discussion that
[00:11:55] you and Dr. Muhammad Anad, our guest here in the studio,
[00:11:58] have presented, we talked about Syrian
[00:12:02] politics
[00:12:04] And so that some do not say, "Where is the Syrian file
[00:12:08] in all of this? Where is the situation of Syrians in all
[00:12:11] that you mentioned?" The beginning of the discussion
[00:12:15] was to strengthen bilateral relations and practical
[00:12:19] communication channels to serve the Syrian community
[00:12:22] members, and you talked about priority files. What are
[00:12:26] these files, especially since this is the first visit made by His Excellency
[00:12:29] the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates and the accompanying delegation to
[00:12:33] Benghazi?
[00:12:35] Actually, Professor Anad talked about that. I will rely on what he said. The security
[00:12:39] files that Abdul Qader Tahhan is discussing
[00:12:43] relate to
[00:12:46] some pilots
[00:12:48] who may have gone with their planes or without their planes
[00:12:52] for training in Libya, their return
[00:12:55] to the search for missing persons in Libyan prisons, specifically Haftar's prisons
[00:12:59] in Benghazi. I mean, there are about
[00:13:02] 300 to 400, if I remember the number correctly, missing
[00:13:06] there. Add to that that the opening of the consulate, as
[00:13:09] Dr. Anad mentioned, will make
[00:13:13] the lives of Syrians residing in eastern Libya much less difficult
[00:13:17] than it was, rather easier
[00:13:20] the side of the available
[00:13:23] or directly open files. What is very
[00:13:26] important in this, in this, in this visit is what comes after these files,
[00:13:30] which is building a degree of trust.
[00:13:33] Let's also talk clearly. We are talking about
[00:13:38] the Libyan administration that is in the eastern
[00:13:42] region of western Libya, Tripoli, which is a force with
[00:13:46] an Islamic
[00:13:48] character. Haftar was also supported by the UAE and Egypt, who had
[00:13:52] problems with all currents that
[00:13:56] came from Islamic directions. The Syrian government
[00:13:59] clearly came from an Islamic current,
[00:14:02] and yet it conducts effective and wise diplomatic
[00:14:05] talks even with
[00:14:08] trend, which opens
[00:14:11] the door to the argument that all these
[00:14:15] previous enmities can be put aside,
[00:14:18] indicating that we are talking to you. So, what prevents
[00:14:21] you from talking to our counterparts in the West?
[00:14:26] All this is, it is, let's say,
[00:14:29] deferred results, not
[00:14:32] direct, but they begin from the moment of action.
[00:14:35] Syrian diplomacy in this framework, specifically on the Libyan
[00:14:39] file, may bring about these
[00:14:41] results. So, what about the other deferred results
[00:14:44] that I told you about, within the region or globally? There is
[00:14:48] a lot that can be said about possible positive
[00:14:51] deferred results that this visit will bring. Thank you very much, Doctor.
[00:15:20] and Expatriates organized a consultative workshop on developing a national
[00:15:23] approach to dealing with hate speech
[00:15:27] with the participation of relevant national bodies and technical assistance
[00:15:31] from experts from the office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General
[00:15:34] of the United Nations to Syria. The workshop
[00:15:40] Syrian context, international principles and standards,
[00:15:42] comparative approaches, the existing national
[00:15:45] framework and related challenges, intervention priorities,
[00:15:49] the roles of concerned parties, and national coordination mechanisms, in addition
[00:15:52] to subsequent steps related to preparing
[00:15:56] a national policy and technical
[00:15:59] support needs.
[00:16:02] and hatred and addressing its effects.
[00:16:05] Today, in Damascus, the consultative meeting organized by the Ministry of
[00:16:09] Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, in coordination with the United Nations,
[00:16:12] and with the participation of a number of representatives from ministers
[00:16:16] and bodies, aims to discuss the reality of hate speech
[00:16:19] and develop national and legal mechanisms that promote
[00:16:23] civil peace and support joint coordination to confront societal
[00:16:27] challenges. It must be done professionally.
[00:16:30] There are many
[00:16:32] national priorities that lead to
[00:16:36] freeing Syria from the effects of the former regime
[00:16:40] during the past period. As we mentioned during the opening session, we worked on dismantling
[00:16:43] many of the things that the pioneering Assad regime imposed on our people,
[00:16:47] including the legacy of sanctions. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
[00:16:52] the Syrian government, has worked to free Syria
[00:16:56] from these effects. The era of Assad's chemical weapons
[00:17:00] and the weapons he left behind, these priorities are present
[00:17:03] before our people. The goal is to reach
[00:17:07] for Syria the form that the Syrian people deserve,
[00:17:11] including what we now observe,
[00:17:14] the existence of uncontrolled
[00:17:17] is inconsistent with the principles of the Syrian people and inconsistent with the values
[00:17:20] represented by the Syrian people, and which the Syrian people of course reject
[00:17:24] fundamentally. Transforming this
[00:17:28] popular state into
[00:17:31] a disciplined governance framework
[00:17:34] is the goal of the effort that begins.
[00:18:07] The initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
[00:18:10] and we welcome this step from the Syrian government,
[00:18:13] because hate speech affects people's lives
[00:18:16] and also poses a challenge
[00:18:19] to Syria's stability. Today, we
[00:18:23] started the discussion with
[00:18:27] the ministries,
[00:18:30] to get a clear picture of exactly what kind of
[00:18:34] hate speech exists in Syria, and at the same time, we start
[00:18:38] the discussion about
[00:18:40] what actions
[00:18:43] this speech, and we will certainly continue on this
[00:18:46] path with civil society, religious
[00:18:49] leaders, and so on,
[00:18:52] to reach an action plan, and this plan
[00:18:55] will make Syria the first country in the Arab world with this
[00:19:17] hate speech in Syria
[00:19:20] and the governmental and community efforts
[00:19:25] speech? Hello to you. Good evening to you all.
[00:19:29] I will actually talk from a purely societal perspective. Now,
[00:19:32] let's move away from political analyses. We need to distinguish
[00:19:36] now between hate speech
[00:19:39] and incitement. We need to distinguish between two basic things:
[00:19:43] systematic incitement led by media
[00:19:45] outlets and media platforms,
[00:19:49] and supported by algorithms
[00:19:52] that contribute to spreading rumors more, and this is paid for, and we can
[00:19:56] dedicate another space for this discussion. Let me touch on the second
[00:19:59] path or distinguish between the second path, which is incitement
[00:20:03] or hate speech that actually exists in society, because we cannot
[00:20:06] deny it. And it is coming from all sides, I mean, let's be transparent with
[00:20:10] ourselves. Well,
[00:20:13] discourse, which is not paid for, which is
[00:20:16] not intended to sow discord, which
[00:20:19] actually exists in society, what are its causes? What fuels it? Yes,
[00:20:23] excellent. This is the point we need to discuss. In my personal opinion,
[00:20:26] it is fueled by a set of
[00:20:28] factors.
[00:20:30] The first factor is that
[00:20:33] there is truly no end to the Assad
[00:20:36] regime's grip on Syrian society. There is no
[00:20:39] end to the Assad regime's grip, meaning that
[00:20:42] today you are sitting
[00:20:46] in a place, in a society that is diverse,
[00:20:49] meaning it's not from one component.
[00:20:52] It's diverse from different components, and even from a single
[00:20:57] the revolution. People were oppressed, and people were oppressors because of
[00:21:01] certain political considerations, because of the delay in the justice file, which has now
[00:21:07] delay led to what? It led
[00:21:11] Assad starting to raise their voices, starting to speak, people started to see them
[00:21:15] in front of them. There are thugs who have not yet
[00:21:17] been held accountable. There are remnants
[00:21:20] that are still present in schools, in state departments. This Assad
[00:21:23] regime, in addition to the Assad mentality that prevails
[00:21:27] in state departments, in educational communities,
[00:21:30] in society itself, if this situation is not ended, it will continue to fuel
[00:21:34] hate speech. One. Two, you
[00:21:36] have, unfortunately, we have to say that media
[00:21:40] platforms and news channels, unfortunately,
[00:21:43] sometimes intentionally or unintentionally, are causing sectarian
[00:21:47] strife and incitement, so there is a reaction from
[00:21:50] Syrian citizens, and thus there is
[00:21:54] discourse. Three, it is
[00:21:57] the absence of, let me say,
[00:22:01] weakness in the issue of justice in society, even societal
[00:22:05] justice. You also know that hate speech harms civil
[00:22:08] peace, or even civil peace affects the issue
[00:22:12] of sectarian discourse. So, they are interconnected.
[00:22:16] As long as I don't have civil peace, as long as societal justice is absent,
[00:22:20] then hate speech will remain fueled. I will
[00:22:23] give you a real-life example that I experienced today.
[00:22:27] Today, when the liberation happened,
[00:22:31] I was living in Turkey. After 14 years, 13 years,
[00:22:34] when the liberation happened, I went down to Damascus to see
[00:22:38] the situation. Thank God, I saw the situation and returned to
[00:22:41] Turkey. My Turkish friend, she is
[00:22:44] a lawyer. When I visited her after
[00:22:47] my visit to Syria, she hugged
[00:22:50] me and kissed me, and she was almost kissing my hand, and she was apologizing,
[00:22:54] sad and upset with herself.
[00:22:57] Why? Because she
[00:22:58] once
[00:23:01] asked me, "Maysaa, when will you return to Syria?" She blamed herself
[00:23:04] after she saw the Saydnaya massacres and Saydnaya prison and what
[00:23:08] crimes were uncovered by Assad. The Turks started to blame
[00:23:11] themselves for the racist discourse they adopted against
[00:23:15] Syrians and apologized. Well, today, when I returned to Syria and settled
[00:23:19] down, by God, no one apologized to her. Well,
[00:23:21] why? This is the laughable, regrettable thing. So here you are
[00:23:25] harming civil peace. Today, if there is no
[00:23:28] apology, if there is no regret, if there is no
[00:23:31] abandonment of Assad and the Assad mentality, you will remain
[00:23:34] fueling hate speech. No one is trying to mend
[00:23:38] the hearts of the oppressed, the prisoners, the missing,
[00:23:41] their families, the displaced.
[00:23:44] Unfortunately, society did not adopt this
[00:23:47] situation, and I also did not see
[00:23:50] initiatives from the state to adopt the situation, but this situation is purely
[00:23:54] societal. So, if we want to, yes, Ms. Maysaa, from that perspective, you are saying we haven't seen
[00:23:58] anything from the state in this regard. Well, holding such
[00:24:01] workshops to define hate speech, mechanisms to deal with it, and even
[00:24:05] mechanisms to combat it, doesn't it constitute a first step,
[00:24:10] discourse or the nature of this discourse and holding accountable the people who are
[00:24:14] directing it to Syrian society in general? Thank you for your question, but let me
[00:24:17] answer you with a basic
[00:24:20] discourse and this hatred? Do I want it to be
[00:24:24] stemming from me? My neighbor is Alawite, Druze,
[00:24:27] Christian, Sunni. We live together. I want to adopt
[00:24:30] hate speech as a citizen. I want the state to adopt
[00:24:33] it because it is a national demand for me to
[00:24:36] live in peace with my neighbors, not because there is an international
[00:24:40] demand that I must implement a policy for hate
[00:24:43] speech and confront it. This is the core point from which we should start
[00:24:47] to see how people are talking, how they are oriented, what
[00:24:51] they are demanding in this regard.
[00:24:53] Therefore, I say that now distinguishing, initially, who is the party
[00:24:57] directing hate speech, from here
[00:24:59] the point of fighting this discourse fundamentally starts. Correct, this is
[00:25:03] the point we mentioned initially, distinguishing between. Now we will talk
[00:25:07] about the issue of directed discourse, which is paid
[00:25:11] for. Now we will talk about it. But let me be honest first. I want
[00:25:15] to see that this is a national demand. I want to see the people who supported Assad
[00:25:18] apologize. I want to see that there are indeed practical steps
[00:25:22] being taken in civil peace. Here, you are preventing discord.
[00:25:26] It happens when paid channels come, when
[00:25:30] outside, the community will stand
[00:25:33] against them. Now we come to the point that you asked about, which is
[00:25:37] the paid campaigns. Frankly, very clearly, I mean,
[00:25:40] it's the ABC of society and politics. What is the goal of paid
[00:25:43] campaigns? Their goal is to incite discord, sow discord,
[00:25:47] their goal is to undermine civil peace, their goal is to cast doubt on the government
[00:25:50] and its capabilities. I mean, if I tell you to just spend one
[00:25:53] day and monitor the rumors and
[00:25:57] the gossip that comes out on a red carpet,
[00:26:00] on trends. No, not just real trends,
[00:26:04] I mean harmful trends, I mean distorted
[00:26:08] and bad trends, unfortunately, that say,
[00:26:12] Sheikh so-and-so, what did he say? They demolished Salah al-Din's statue," or that, "The
[00:26:16] Jews and Israelis are now in Jadidet Artouz in the mall so-and-so." Guys, please be patient
[00:26:20] with us a little. So, this is paid for, I call it
[00:26:24] here. Its goal is indeed to cast doubt on the state's
[00:26:27] capabilities to manage the internal situation. But I reiterate that
[00:26:31] the more we strengthen Syrian society from within against
[00:26:34] these campaigns, the more our discourse will be directed
[00:26:38] internally rather than desiring to
[00:26:41] achieve or show countries and the United Nations that I
[00:26:45] have a policy because it requires how, how do I
[00:26:49] empower the people regarding the issue of resisting
[00:26:51] these false propaganda or rumors or
[00:26:55] even the paid parties that are trying to spread a certain discourse
[00:26:59] for an agenda of their own, which is to undermine civil peace first? Exactly,
[00:27:03] you have several paths that can be worked on, as you said, one of them is workshops,
[00:27:06] but also giving civil society
[00:27:09] spaces, such as creating reconciliation councils between
[00:27:12] communities that had
[00:27:14] tensions. You also have a legal path that needs to be worked on,
[00:27:18] a security path to prosecute these people and criminalize them and issue a law.
[00:27:21] to criminalize the campaigns, the systematic campaigns specifically, I am
[00:27:25] also talking about a media track, meaning you here are a news channel and a Ministry of Information. I
[00:27:28] believe that it carries
[00:27:34] discourse that is not a discourse, meaning it is a
[00:27:38] balanced discourse for people that takes into account
[00:27:41] the negatives in society and at the same time enhances the positives
[00:27:45] that the state is doing. So it is not a discourse
[00:27:48] that is completely aligned with the state's policy in such a way that everything
[00:27:51] is fine, everything is good, and everything is being done
[00:27:55] there is a policy in this regard being implemented by the state, and it is not
[00:27:58] also negative and discouraging for people. The media
[00:28:02] plays a very important role. Also, society, the
[00:28:05] societal role and an educational role, meaning schools must play their role,
[00:28:09] mosques, as I told you, reconciliation councils that
[00:28:13] are held, in addition to workshops that can
[00:28:16] be held
[00:28:19] type of discourse from all parties, in addition to
[00:28:22] a fundamental point we want to talk about: there are media
[00:28:25] outlets, for example, that deliberately provoke
[00:28:28] people, as if they are going to people and telling them
[00:28:34] to work on hate speech, to create discord among themselves. For example, when
[00:28:38] there is an attack on a village from the villages, for example, on the coast, immediately
[00:28:42] a media outlet or a presenter says to you, on private channels, of course, or
[00:28:45] foreign ones, the attack has sectarian reasons. You feel as if God
[00:28:49] has given him legal understanding and he has become
[00:28:51] a judge and wants
[00:28:55] تستنى نتائج التحقيق ما بدك تستنى تعرف حيثيات الحدث دغري شو بيقول
[00:28:58] you, it has sectarian motives. Insulting women has sectarian
[00:29:02] motives. Killing has motives. Kidnapping has sectarian
[00:29:05] murders
[00:29:09] by another component, it's just
[00:29:12] a criminal offense. So this
[00:29:15] is provocation practiced by some media
[00:29:18] outlets. This fuels hate speech. There must
[00:29:21] be balanced media coverage so that
[00:29:25] the standards are consistent in media
[00:29:28] coverage or in news coverage. Okay, Professor
[00:29:33] points you mentioned from the beginning of the discussion,
[00:29:36] perhaps the most prominent of which is the issue, meaning what
[00:29:40] is being done by media outlets,
[00:29:43] perhaps foreign ones, as you described them,
[00:29:47] and some individuals who raise
[00:29:50] their voices and they have negative stances
[00:29:54] during the past years. In contrast,
[00:29:57] these people say that when anyone offers an apology
[00:30:01] to the Syrian people, his name is.
[00:30:04] After 14 years, you come to apologize. What are the solutions
[00:30:07] today so that we can reach and raise
[00:30:11] the national discourse in the face of all other discourses, away from
[00:30:14] القنوات الخارجيه بعيدا عن المجسمات
[00:30:17] and so on? Social
[00:30:21] When a person feels that he has justice,
[00:30:23] his injustice has been resolved.
[00:30:26] He no longer demands anything else, even
[00:30:29] ما بيعود بيطالب باي شيء ثاني حتى بصير ما بيطالب حتى بالاعتزال. اذا
[00:30:32] you want, there is a lack of justice, victims, there are
[00:30:36] مظلمه مظلمات موجوده ايه
[00:30:39] وللاسف بعض القنوات بدل ما
[00:30:43] تتعامل مع هذا الوضع وتتفهم هذا ملف حساس
[00:30:46] يعني لا يجب التعامل معه ابدا ب بخلفيات
[00:30:50] مثل ما ذكرتيها حضرتك ابدا لازم ابعاد
[00:30:53] الخلفيات العقائديه والطائفيه عن
[00:30:56] when the victims feel that there is