SYRIATV — broadcast
20260920 053000 UTC
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[00:00:00] the topic
[00:00:02] from a regional perspective this time. This is also an important issue
[00:00:05] because the issue is related to the internal path in Turkey as
[00:00:09] you also follow it since
[00:00:11] we discussed in a new way a new approach
[00:00:15] to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) issue and the Kurdish issue
[00:00:18] as a whole in Turkey. And the latest achievements
[00:00:21] were in August last year under the roof of the
[00:00:24] parliament, a bill
[00:00:26] and Iran to be present in this was approved, opening the way for
[00:00:30] members of these groups in the PKK to surrender themselves
[00:00:33] to the security
[00:00:35] and after this agencies and to the Turkish judiciary on the internal level in Syria.
[00:00:40] Iran. But nevertheless, it Also, there is a similar movement with the QSD
[00:00:43] issue, and a large part of this movement
[00:00:46] in Turkey and Syria
[00:00:48] In every corner of this is taking place within the framework of bilateral coordination between Ankara
[00:00:51] and Damascus. Now, the Iraqi player
[00:00:55] is also present in one way or another on the line of
[00:00:58] this. Why? Because we all
[00:01:02] know that there are members of the PKK in northern
[00:01:05] Iraq, and this coordination or this mechanism
[00:01:09] that began at the bilateral or
[00:01:12] tripartite level needs to be transformed into a quadripartite mechanism. Why? Because
[00:01:19] oh homes in with more Iran is also concerned
[00:01:22] homes in it entrenches itself with this particular issue. One last point, I won't prolong, Rubba,
[00:01:23] and we may have to that this issue is now linked to
[00:01:25] the Kurdistan Workers' Party. What does Turkey want? Why,
[00:01:29] in short,
[00:01:38] it wants to dry up this party in its current
[00:01:42] form and any future
[00:01:46] attempts for it to return in another form or under another
[00:01:49] name. This is a pre-emptive strike that Turkey
[00:01:52] is trying to carry out. This is the first
[00:01:56] That's right, but there is also an important point
[00:02:00] that is to pull this card from the hands of some capitals,
[00:02:04] elements, who are not Syrians, some parties that played it against Turkey, against Syria, against Iraq
[00:02:09] Allah" is still the most famous in as well, for a long period of time. I mean, there are more
[00:02:11] than one objective when Turkey moves
[00:02:14] in
[00:02:19] He was a member of the work of a mechanism of this complete. On this direction. But in short, I think that the issue is now linked to giving Iran this opportunity.
[00:02:23] and agree on Perhaps
[00:02:26] and Iraqis to resolve the point is, yes, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the issue of QSD is important, but now we are discussing
[00:02:30] the region, as you know, the issue of withdrawing
[00:02:33] weapons, no external weapons, legitimacy
[00:02:36] And when you asked the question to is the first point, and there are groups and organizations
[00:02:39] But willpower does not similar to the PKK.
[00:02:42] and hope does not So, we don't know if it is also in Iran's interest to be part of such
[00:02:45] a mechanism, given that you referred
[00:02:47] But is this to the issue of arms and weapons outside the state's framework. If we ask you,
[00:02:52] believe that this Dr. Ahmed, regarding
[00:02:55] this mechanism, if we ask
[00:02:58] technically,
[00:03:01] how long does it take for this mechanism to start?
[00:03:04] What are the conditions that must be
[00:03:06] Ibrahim Hanano in agreed upon? Who will object to this
[00:03:09] mechanism within the Turkish
[00:03:13] proposal? And whose interest is it
[00:03:15] and his presence is still dominant in to actually be part of this mechanism
[00:03:18] other than Turkey, which seems to have
[00:03:20] information or a real sense of danger
[00:03:27] and was buried in and hearts? Unfortunately, from the Kurdistan Workers' Party? Who wins and who benefits less from this joint mechanism?
[00:03:31] this type of trust It
[00:03:34] is certain that such a mechanism will be
[00:03:37] useful and will constitute a strong pressure factor on
[00:03:40] the PKK. The PKK, it is true that they have entered
[00:03:43] into negotiations with the Turkish state to solve
[00:03:46] the issue completely, but in their negotiations,
[00:03:49] they want to gain
[00:03:52] when he was forced to a set of cards, so they are causing trouble, they
[00:03:54] are stirring up unrest in the region,
[00:03:57] integration with and they also want to delay or prevent
[00:04:00] integration in Syria until their conditions are met. All these
[00:04:04] points make the mechanism
[00:04:06] a possible mechanism. True, I agree with Professor
[00:04:11] Yes, but Samir that this mechanism will take a lot of time
[00:04:14] and is not
[00:04:17] more pressure on them, to more a simple or
[00:04:18] convincing them that this easy matter, but it truly
[00:04:19] Questions that do not shy away from achieves a balancing
[00:04:22] compromise on pressure factor for what the PKK is trying to do, in addition to the fact that the QSD
[00:04:25] forces and those behind them believe that
[00:04:29] the United States' protection for them
[00:04:32] after he won will continue for a long time. It is true that
[00:04:36] in Qandil. I mean, the Syrian leadership is patient regarding this issue and wants a peaceful solution and does not want to enter
[00:04:40] into a war that may claim lives, and this may lead
[00:04:43] to catastrophic results that we can do without.
[00:04:47] We want the Kurdish component
[00:04:49] as a whole to join the Syrian state
[00:04:53] Salha, the academic specializing in and to be a factor of stability and peace in the region,
[00:04:56] whether in Syria, Turkey, Iraq, or even Iran.
[00:05:00] I return to say that Iran
[00:05:03] also uses the PKK as a weapon
[00:05:06] to spread panic in the region
[00:05:09] and stir up trouble.
[00:05:12] Is it in Iran's interest to join such a mechanism? Can
[00:05:16] Iran even force
[00:05:19] the PKK leaders under its control
[00:05:23] to lay down their weapons and end this form of armament outside
[00:05:26] the state's framework? Or is this card one of the few
[00:05:30] cards of strength that Iran has left and is clinging to? How
[00:05:33] will Turkey convince Iran, how will Turkey convince Syria
[00:05:38] path?
[00:05:42] My assessment is that Iran is in a critical situation after the successive
[00:05:45] blows internal
[00:05:49] decay in
[00:05:52] still uses its proxies in the region, and
[00:05:56] on this basis, has Iran reached the point where it is convinced
[00:06:00] of the possibility of entering such a mechanism? Or is
[00:06:04] it possible for the Iranian leadership to apologize
[00:06:07] to the Syrian people and forgive
[00:06:10] the past and start a new chapter?
[00:06:12] This is the fundamental question. From here, from here we start,
[00:06:15] that the national security of the region must be
[00:06:18] resolved, and major decisions must be taken
[00:06:22] in this regard. And how can this be achieved?
[00:06:26] With more pressure, with more diplomacy,
[00:06:29] dialogue,
[00:06:35] prepare more, we may have to prepare more
[00:06:39] in order to reach a desired result. To
[00:06:43] the desired result that we want. Yes, okay, okay.
[00:06:46] I'll get back to you, Dr. Ahmed, I'll go to Dr. Samir.
[00:06:50] Dr. Samir, what
[00:06:52] is also required from Turkey now to draw
[00:06:56] the features of this new mechanism, given that it seems
[00:07:00] to be the most affected
[00:07:03] by the Kurdistan Workers' Party,
[00:07:07] external pressures, but also internal
[00:07:10] pressures? What are the challenges it faces and what should
[00:07:14] it do to draw the features of such a mechanism
[00:07:18] that requires, as you said, a long time and many technical
[00:07:21] matters Right, I mean, a fundamental
[00:07:25] point is that activating
[00:07:28] type, as we said, it is not enough for the
[00:07:32] parties to sit at the table
[00:07:35] the general lines of joint
[00:07:39] action. The issue is linked to
[00:07:42] implementing
[00:07:45] the plans that are agreed upon.
[00:07:49] Dr. Ahmed, I noted some important observations,
[00:07:52] Rubba, that this quadrilateral
[00:07:55] mechanism needs more than one level. It needs
[00:07:58] information exchange first. It needs sincere
[00:08:02] intentions from the four parties towards, yes,
[00:08:05] dealing with this issue with clear credibility. After
[00:08:09] that, information exchange, border control, preventing the movement
[00:08:12] of elements, monitoring their locations, preventing
[00:08:15] funding, surrendering wanted persons. I have more than one point recorded
[00:08:19] in front of me now, Rubba, important
[00:08:22] work. Can all parties fulfill these
[00:08:25] points that you mentioned, which
[00:08:29] are perhaps the mechanism of work within this or the points
[00:08:32] of work within this mechanism? Is there even trust between all
[00:08:36] the existing parties? Let's leave the Turkish and Syrian sides
[00:08:40] and, I mean, Syria and Iran. Can
[00:08:43] for coordination exist? And what are the factors that
[00:08:47] prevent the two parties, I mean, the United States, also in such
[00:08:50] a matter?
[00:08:53] The point here regarding the second question you asked is very important.
[00:08:57] It is the issue of the Kurdistan Workers' Party cleaning
[00:09:01] up the weapons it possesses and committing
[00:09:04] to the established plan
[00:09:07] and surrendering
[00:09:09] its elements.
[00:09:11] But, as I told you a little while ago,
[00:09:15] it does not want some people to keep
[00:09:19] Hezbollah's weapons somewhere and deliver
[00:09:23] them to the Kurdistan Workers' Party
[00:09:26] at a later time when
[00:09:30] interests clash. This is the point now that is pushing Turkey
[00:09:33] to transfer the file from a partial issue within
[00:09:36] Turkey or through Turkish-Syrian coordination only
[00:09:40] to a quadripartite
[00:09:42] effort. Iran also has a problem with
[00:09:46] elements of the Kurdistan Workers' Party
[00:09:49] this coordination, which Iran welcomed in recent
[00:09:52] hours, can proceed, but within the framework of the Kurdistan
[00:09:56] Workers' Party's vision and how to deal with it, Rubba. But
[00:09:59] regarding other files, we don't know, you and I, how
[00:10:03] they will be discussed in the security aspect, Iran's proxies in the region, as
[00:10:07] Dr. Ahmed also mentioned a little while ago. Will
[00:10:10] Hezbollah be involved in these
[00:10:13] discussions? Will the Popular Mobilization
[00:10:16] Forces or the elements that move under Iranian orders
[00:10:20] within the Popular Mobilization Forces themselves
[00:10:23] be involved? These are, in my opinion, discussions that
[00:10:27] may help more and more to activate the Turkish
[00:10:30] plan from a Turkey without terrorism to
[00:10:33] a region without terrorism. Oh, okay, Dr. Ahmed, if these
[00:10:37] points that Dr. Samir referred to are not
[00:10:40] easy points, and perhaps they are almost impossible, but you
[00:10:44] were talking at the beginning about solutions. In your opinion, with all these
[00:10:47] challenges, is it possible that solutions
[00:10:50] exist to build trust to
[00:10:54] solve this crisis related not only
[00:10:57] to the PKK here, we are talking about something broader related to any
[00:11:01] weapon outside the state's
[00:11:02] framework?
[00:11:08] Yes, our dear sister, I believe that this mechanism
[00:11:11] contains a message to the United States. Oh,
[00:11:15] and that such an issue related to the national security of these
[00:11:18] countries should be understood by the United States,
[00:11:22] and that these countries want stability. They want
[00:11:25] to participate in international peace, and it is not possible for
[00:11:28] one of the parties, even partially, to rely on the United
[00:11:31] States in holding
[00:11:35] weapons. And you know that the QSD still
[00:11:38] possesses American weapons,
[00:11:41] and it does not, I would not say, threaten with them, but
[00:11:45] in the Syrian areas under the pretext that these are American
[00:11:48] weapons directed at terrorism and does not want
[00:11:51] to give them up at all.
[00:11:55] Do you believe that American pressure might make those who possess American
[00:11:59] weapons now, from the remnants of the QSD, hand them over
[00:12:03] to the Syrian state? And this should have been done as part of
[00:12:06] the integration agreement, especially since
[00:12:09] two days ago, the United States lifted
[00:12:12] the ban on Syria, the remaining two points regarding
[00:12:15] armament.
[00:12:19] Let me say that this has happened partially,
[00:12:22] but as I mentioned earlier, many
[00:12:25] of the PKK
[00:12:29] still influence the final
[00:12:32] decision and thus hinder integration and hinder the surrender
[00:12:36] of weapons. I also want to say that Iran, has
[00:12:39] it reached the point where it is convinced that it is in its
[00:12:42] interest for the region to be stable
[00:12:46] and to reach an understanding with the Turks, Syrians,
[00:12:51] this issue? Because without
[00:12:55] focusing and establishing the concept of the state in the region,
[00:12:59] things cannot be stable. It
[00:13:01] is certain that the PKK has aspirations
[00:13:05] and dreams that still exist to establish their own state
[00:13:09] at the expense of all neighboring countries.
[00:13:12] dream still ongoing? I
[00:13:17] dream has ended. The point
[00:13:19] is that the solution, it seems, has ended. What do they want
[00:13:23] then? And why does such a mechanism arise? I mean,
[00:13:27] it seems or perhaps there is not only
[00:13:30] a sense but also a real danger of
[00:13:33] the PKK carrying out operations,
[00:13:36] and that is why Turkey resorts to such a mechanism.
[00:13:39] That's right.
[00:13:42] That's right. From our point of view, the dream has
[00:13:45] ended, but has it ended from their minds
[00:13:50] many of them still, as I said a little while
[00:13:53] ago, the PKK elements who are not
[00:13:55] Syrians and who want to move from
[00:13:59] Syria towards Iraq and towards Iran and towards
[00:14:03] Turkey, hoping that favorable international
[00:14:06] circumstances will come their way. Unfortunately,
[00:14:09] they are not only making mistakes.
[00:14:12] They are making mistakes in reading international strategy. They are also making mistakes
[00:14:16] in reading the dream, and it would have been much
[00:14:19] better for them to go towards
[00:14:22] neighboring countries and to be part of nation-building
[00:14:25] in the entire region. But
[00:14:29] this, until this moment, I believe
[00:14:33] that it is still difficult.
[00:14:36] it is very clear that such a mechanism will contribute to
[00:14:43] matter has ended and that we should indeed move
[00:14:47] towards full integration in Syria. Yes, and you
[00:14:50] know that our brothers from the Kurdish component truly
[00:14:54] desire
[00:15:01] to be citizens who enjoy all
[00:15:04] their rights. Yes, thank you very much to my dear
[00:15:08] guests, Dr. Ahmed
[00:15:10] Tomeh,
[00:15:12] the academic and politician, who was with us from Damascus, and Dr. Samir
[00:15:18] Turkish affairs, who was with us from Istanbul.
[00:15:21] And the biggest thanks go to you, our viewers, for following us in
[00:15:25] this episode of Syria Today program. As usual, from
[00:15:28] me and the newsroom team and from behind the cameras, my best regards, and see
[00:15:32] you.
[00:16:26] country,
[00:16:30] there is a story worth
[00:16:33] telling, and perhaps you are the one who sees it first.
[00:16:39] We, at Syria TV,
[00:16:42] launch the people's camera. Document
[00:16:46] and send and be a contributing part
[00:16:50] of making the news. People in the people's camera,
[00:16:54] your lens makes the news.
[00:17:20] Subhi Barakat Al-Khalidi.
[00:17:24] Subhi Barakat, the first president of Syria during the
[00:17:27] French Mandate. Subhi Barakat Al-Khalidi
[00:17:30] was born in
[00:17:33] 1889
[00:17:36] in the Iskenderun district, which was then part of Aleppo Vilayet.
[00:17:40] Opinions vary regarding his origin,
[00:17:43] some say he was of Turkmen
[00:17:46] origin, others say he was an Arab from Bani
[00:17:49] Khalid. His family belonged to the
[00:17:52] Agha class, as it was called then.
[00:17:56] the Ottoman Parliament before the end
[00:18:00] of World War
[00:18:01] I.
[00:18:09] After the Allied victory and the defeat of the Ottomans, Barakat
[00:18:12] participated in the Syrian General Congress after Prince
[00:18:16] Faisal's forces entered Syria in
[00:18:19] 1919.
[00:18:22] Barakat represented the Iskenderun district at
[00:18:25] the conference, which was part of Syria,
[00:18:28] and signed with the conferees the declaration of the Syrian
[00:18:32] Arab Kingdom.
[00:18:37] After the French entered Syria and Lebanon, Barakat
[00:18:41] joined his comrade
[00:18:44] the French Mandate.
[00:18:47] However, Barakat left armed action and
[00:18:50] moved from the anti-French camp
[00:18:54] to the camp of the moderates or "mandate supporters," as
[00:18:58] they were called, referring to
[00:19:01] those who did not oppose the French Mandate.
[00:19:04] As a result of his policy,
[00:19:07] he became president of the Syrian Federation, which
[00:19:11] included the states of Aleppo, Damascus, Alawites,
[00:19:15] and Druze in
[00:19:16] 1922,
[00:19:20] and remained in office until the outbreak of the Great
[00:19:23] Syrian Revolt in
[00:19:25] 1925,
[00:19:29] resign.
[00:19:32] Some historians believe that Barakat did not object
[00:19:36] to the French shelling of Damascus
[00:19:39] during that year, which led to an escalation of public
[00:19:43] resentment against him, and then
[00:19:44] his resignation.
[00:19:52] The anger of the political opposition, represented
[00:19:56] by the National Bloc at the time, reached
[00:19:59] such a degree that some of its members, led by Akram
[00:20:02] Al-Hourani, attempted to assassinate him in Beirut
[00:20:05] in 1931,
[00:20:09] the parliamentary elections in
[00:20:11] Aleppo.
[00:20:15] Barakat returned to his political arena through the gates
[00:20:18] of parliament, serving as its president between
[00:20:22] 1932 and
[00:20:26] 1936,
[00:20:29] after which he left Syria and his political arena forever
[00:20:33] after the famous sixty-day strike, as
[00:20:37] he returned to Antakya and lived there awaiting
[00:20:39] the results of the 1936
[00:20:42] agreement.
[00:20:46] He lived the rest of his life in his city, even after
[00:20:50] the annexation of the Iskenderun district to Turkey, despite
[00:20:53] his declared opposition to this
[00:20:55] annexation.
[00:20:59] Subhi Barakat summarizes the birth pangs that Syria
[00:21:02] experienced during its establishment. He was the first
[00:21:05] president who did not speak Arabic. His political
[00:21:09] career began as president of the Syrian Federation
[00:21:12] and ended in
[00:21:14] 1939
[00:21:18] as a Turkish citizen in his birthplace
[00:21:21] Antakya, or Hatay province
[00:21:23] as it is called today.
[00:22:34] Syrians spread across the
[00:22:36] earth.
[00:22:39] They succeeded, excelled, and proved their existence despite
[00:22:42] difficulties.
[00:22:47] Between their success stories and decisions that shape their destiny in
[00:22:51] their diaspora,
[00:22:58] the diaspora's stories and decisions shape the scene.
[00:23:01] It discusses their details to make the picture
[00:23:05] the diaspora, on the screen of Syria
[00:23:07] TV.
[00:23:16] Syria, the cornerstone of steadfastness.
[00:23:20] Civilizations suffered from the fires of war
[00:23:24] and witnessed destruction unparalleled
[00:23:26] before.
[00:23:29] break,
[00:23:32] die. Today, we write
[00:23:36] a new chapter in our history,
[00:23:38] a chapter of construction and reconstruction,
[00:23:42] a chapter in which we prove to the world that we are
[00:23:45] one people, strong
[00:23:47] and cohesive. With the efforts of its sons
[00:23:50] and with the spirit of cooperation, Syria
[00:23:54] rises anew,
[00:23:56] and we build it stronger,
[00:23:58] more beautiful, and more
[00:24:01] prosperous. The new
[00:24:03] Syria is the Syria
[00:24:06] of the future, the Syria of
[00:24:09] science and knowledge, the Syria of
[00:24:12] beauty and culture,
[00:24:16] the Syria that we all deserve.
[00:24:21] We will not stop until we reach our
[00:24:23] goal. We will not stop until we make
[00:24:27] Syria the pride of Arabs
[00:24:30] and the world.
[00:24:33] Syria, we build
[00:24:35] it together.
[00:24:44] From the memory of war, the voice of the future
[00:24:47] emerges.
[00:24:50] Not a narrative of a past gone by, but the birth of a new
[00:24:54] present.
[00:24:57] A platform that opens horizons and poses big
[00:25:01] questions about the state and about
[00:25:03] society and about
[00:25:05] tomorrow.
[00:25:09] the truth and do not
[00:25:12] boldness. The Third Republic,
[00:25:15] visions and a voice in which
[00:25:19] everyone participates. On Syria
[00:25:21] TV.
[00:25:30] Bashar al-Assad's escape from
[00:25:32] Damascus at a time when events
[00:25:35] are accelerating. Welcome, viewers, to this news
[00:25:38] hour from Syria TV, where issues
[00:25:42] intersect. Our news bulletins
[00:25:45] come to you to provide a complete
[00:25:48] picture. To the whole
[00:25:51] world, here we don't just narrate
[00:25:54] the event, but we delve into its background,
[00:25:58] analyze its dimensions,
[00:26:00] and keep pace with hot developments
[00:26:04] with hourly coverage.
[00:26:06] Our bulletins
[00:26:09] take you to the field and open
[00:26:12] headlines and reveal what
[00:26:15] is behind them. End of the bulletin. May God protect you.
[00:27:15] He studied in Kuttab (traditional Islamic schools) and memorized the Quran at the age of eight,
[00:27:18] and like his father, he was a Sufi
[00:27:20] Naqshbandi. He learned religious chanting in
[00:27:24] Sufi dhikr circles and memorized the poems of Ibn al-Farid
[00:27:27] and al-Busiri.
[00:27:33] In 1955, he moved
[00:27:36] to live near the Sufi pole Ahmed al-Badawi in Tanta,
[00:27:39] and he used to chant for the visitors of the shrine. And there,
[00:27:43] his fame began. In 1967,
[00:27:47] his fame spread after the Islamic world knew him through
[00:27:50] Cairo Radio and Egyptian
[00:27:53] Television.
[00:27:58] He was distinguished by a huge vocal range, especially in performing
[00:28:01] the highest notes and the range of
[00:28:04] response and counter-response. His voice was associated with the month of Ramadan,
[00:28:07] and his supplication "Allah Ya
[00:28:12] the Islamic world and
[00:28:15] it still has a place in souls. Egyptian President
[00:28:18] Anwar Sadat greatly admired
[00:28:21] him and invited him to chant at his private
[00:28:25] and public parties. Composer Baligh
[00:28:28] Hamdi composed for him, at the request of President Sadat, about 15 compositions.
[00:28:42] He collaborated with great poets and musicians
[00:28:45] such as Hilmy Amin, Mohammed El Mougy, poet Abdul
[00:28:48] Fattah Mustafa, and poet Mahmoud Ismail Jaah. He received
[00:28:52] invitations from most Islamic countries
[00:28:55] and chanted in them on religious occasions, especially during
[00:28:59] the month of Ramadan. He kept
[00:29:03] up with national events and chanted for the Arabs in the 1973
[00:29:06] war.
[00:29:09] Palestine was also present in his chants. Egypt
[00:29:13] honored him by awarding him the Order of the Republic twice,
[00:29:17] Arab and Islamic memory. Sayed
[00:29:21] Naqshbandi, nicknamed the Imam of Chanters, passed away in
[00:29:25] 1996
[00:29:27] at the age of 55
[00:29:29] Cairo.
[00:30:34] News at 9, dear viewers, welcome, and here are the main headlines of its files
[00:30:38] today.
[00:30:42] The arrest of former Major General Ahmed Mohammed Ismail, one
[00:30:45] of the first-rank leaders in the Republican Guard during the rule of the ousted
[00:30:48] regime.
[00:30:52] The Educational Complex in the city of Al-Sanamayn in rural Daraa announces
[00:30:56] the suspension of schools in the city today due to