SYRIATV — broadcast 20260920 110000 UTC 493 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:00] about [00:00:01] role, which should be at tomorrow's questions. Don't shy away from [00:00:04] the truth, and don't compromise on [00:00:12] support. In of this and alleviates the burden boldness. The Third Republic visions and a voice in which everyone participates [00:00:16] on Syria TV. [00:00:21] insurance. Is the state withdrawing even from this [00:00:25] groups who cannot [00:00:28] the cost of this [00:00:33] Thank you for this introduction and this [00:00:46] means not [00:01:03] clear statement by President Ahmed Al-Shara in [00:01:10] state intervention in this [00:01:22] I mean, by the end of 2027, the camps must be at zero. and viewers. Thank you for In post-Assad Syria, the economic challenge [00:01:26] and deserves this today from this today is not limited to [00:01:28] discussion. It deserves this economic model that is put forward in addressing the legacy of years of war and economic collapse, but extends to redefining the role of the state [00:01:31] and its relationship with the citizen. The move towards a [00:01:34] market economy and reducing subsidies opens [00:01:37] a discussion that goes beyond figures and financial budgets [00:01:40] to seek who [00:01:42] seized from bears the cost of this transformation if [00:01:46] and fundamental, is that this the state withdraws from providing [00:01:47] pattern of thinking in support to vulnerable groups and contents itself [00:01:50] with regulating the market. Today, Syrians stand [00:01:53] from the head of authority in Syria, before questions that need answers: Where does [00:01:56] the state's responsibility end and the market begin? And how [00:02:00] 70% of the GDP was from does the state deal with essential services that cannot [00:02:03] be left to market rules? In our discussions this evening, viewers, [00:02:07] we will discuss government support. [00:02:10] Is it a social right [00:02:13] or an economic burden? Who bears the cost of economic [00:02:17] reform? And what should not be fully subjected [00:02:20] to market logic? [00:02:23] of borrowing was stated For more details, viewers, our colleague Bilal Al-Bizri will be with us [00:02:27] in the following video. [00:02:33] heightened some of the anger in In a country ravaged by war and economic crises, the rise in prices and reduction in subsidies, [00:02:38] can alleviate weak wages, and services cannot be seen as [00:02:41] mere economic figures, but rather [00:02:44] in as social and political issues that affect citizens' ability to [00:02:47] live. The issue of support is no longer just a financial [00:02:51] file or an item in the general budget, but has [00:02:54] become part of redefining the state's relationship [00:02:59] I mean, or will interfere or affect with the citizen. The government, which faces an economy [00:03:02] burdened after years of war, believes that [00:03:06] various conferences, will affect continuing subsidies in their old form consumes [00:03:08] its limited resources, while economic experts believe that [00:03:12] the solution is to redesign subsidies [00:03:14] rather than abolish them, which would alleviate the burden [00:03:17] on the budget without transferring the cost of reform to the weakest [00:03:21] segments [00:03:23] criticism means that you are of society. The goal of subsidies is to protect the most [00:03:26] vulnerable groups, and it may increase [00:03:30] social injustice if the state errs in identifying [00:03:32] beneficiaries. Subsidies [00:03:35] The youth took to must be directed to low-income [00:03:38] a flaw in understanding the state's role households, children and the elderly, [00:03:41] and the poorest areas. [00:03:46] am happy to be a guest on Equality does not mean justice. For the rich and the poor to receive the same [00:03:50] support may seem equal, but the effect of this [00:03:54] support is not [00:03:55] prices will affect fair. Social if you ask me on justice means [00:03:58] directing support to protect those who can bear the rise in [00:04:01] prices, but it poses another [00:04:05] economic role initially requires challenge, which is how the state determines [00:04:08] beneficiaries without corruption. How does it prevent [00:04:11] the eligibility system from becoming [00:04:14] will be a significant increase in a gateway it must provide the minimum amount of for cronyism or [00:04:16] exclusion? Raising prices without protecting real income [00:04:19] will lead to a decline in the standard [00:04:23] of living. The criterion here is not just the amount of salary, [00:04:27] but what this salary can [00:04:30] of the official state ideology from buy. Therefore, subsidy reforms must [00:04:33] take into account wage policies, [00:04:37] employment opportunities, and social [00:04:40] insurance. Even with the adoption of a market economy, [00:04:44] are able to work, and here we will there are services and rights that cannot [00:04:47] be treated as ordinary commodities, most notably basic [00:04:51] health, education, social protection, and the [00:04:54] minimum level of food security. [00:04:58] Economic reform succeeds not only when the state reduces [00:05:02] the budget deficit, but when citizens feel that [00:05:05] the burdens are distributed transparently and fairly, and that [00:05:09] the funds provided by the state from subsidies are transformed [00:05:12] into real services or protection or actual [00:05:16] investment that benefits segments of society [00:05:20] caused by the removal [00:05:24] conclusion, the transition to a market economy [00:05:27] may be necessary to address financial and productive imbalances [00:05:31] in Syria, but its success lies in the state's [00:05:35] ability to protect vulnerable [00:05:38] bear [00:05:41] transition. [00:05:45] Viewers, to discuss this topic, I welcome my guests from Amsterdam, [00:05:48] Professor of Business Administration Dr. Abdul Nasser Al-Jassem. With us from [00:05:52] Damascus, Economic Planning Expert Dr. [00:05:56] Khaled Al-Hamdi. And with me from Damascus also, Editor-in-Chief of The Syria Report [00:05:59] Mr. Jihad Yaziji. Welcome [00:06:02] to you all. Mr. Jihad, I would like to start with you. Syrian [00:06:06] officials' statements since the liberation until [00:06:10] today, including perhaps the latest [00:06:15] the Emirates a few days ago, that Syria is heading towards a form of [00:06:19] free economy with less [00:06:23] economy. Even some officials have [00:06:26] called other previous systems in Syria [00:06:29] paternalistic economic systems. What has [00:06:32] been achieved in Syria until [00:06:37] the statements? [00:06:42] Hmm, good evening first of all, and thank you for the invitation. [00:06:46] Actually, the talk about Syria heading [00:06:49] towards a free economy, as if Syria wasn't a free [00:06:53] economy, is a bit wrong in itself. I mean, it's true that before [00:06:57] 2011, the Syrian state used to provide some [00:07:01] support for oil derivatives, bread, [00:07:04] etc., but that doesn't make it a socialist state. [00:07:07] Syria was originally a free market state. [00:07:13] the private sector, private banks, [00:07:16] private insurance companies, private distribution companies, all of them [00:07:20] were present before 2011. The general talk that we are moving [00:07:24] from a socialist economy to a free [00:07:27] economy is inaccurate. What we have seen for a year and a half is the dismantling [00:07:31] of what remains of state support [00:07:33] in terms of social services, [00:07:35] and this is present in all countries of the world, including [00:07:39] liberal countries. [00:07:44] For example, in France, free education, free health, etc. What is happening [00:07:48] is a gradual dismantling [00:07:51] of this support by the government, [00:07:54] and the result of this policy [00:07:57] we saw in the unrest and demonstrations that erupted a few [00:08:00] days after the increase in diesel prices, gasoline, and other [00:08:03] oil derivatives. In other words, there [00:08:07] have been extremely liberal economic [00:08:10] policies imposed on an extremely [00:08:14] poor society that cannot withstand this enormous [00:08:17] pressure, and the result is what we saw [00:08:20] this week. There is no doubt that there are positive aspects to economic [00:08:23] policies for a year and a half, and one should never deny [00:08:27] that because there has been an ability to attract [00:08:31] investments in certain sectors, and the main [00:08:34] achievement is lifting the sanctions, which is a political achievement before it is [00:08:37] economic. But dismantling state support [00:08:41] for a society that is so [00:08:44] poor is politically incomprehensible and [00:08:47] morally and socially [00:08:50] unacceptable. The problem in Syria was not the state's [00:08:53] intervention in the economy in one way or another. The problem [00:08:57] was fairness or distribution of opportunities or [00:09:01] how it can be diagnosed in the past. And I think what [00:09:04] you described, Mr. Jihad, is Syria after 2000, because perhaps [00:09:08] Hafez al-Assad had shaped Syria's economy in a way [00:09:12] that was closer to [00:09:14] socialism. [00:09:19] Is the question directed at me? [00:09:20] Yes. [00:09:23] No, that's right. It's actually gradual. [00:09:27] Hafez al-Assad began opening the [00:09:30] Syrian economy in the mid-1980s, but you could say to a large extent [00:09:34] it was still a socialist system until 2000, when Bashar [00:09:37] al-Assad came to power. After 2005, and the transition [00:09:43] Ba'ath socialism to social [00:09:46] market, you can no longer talk about a socialist [00:09:50] state. Now, it was a liberal state, but with intervention. [00:09:53] I mean, excuse me, a liberal economic system with state [00:09:56] intervention, and this exists everywhere. I mean, in Sweden [00:10:00] and France and Germany, there is state intervention. In the United States, [00:10:03] for example, what did the state do when a company like [00:10:07] Intel was about to [00:10:10] collapse? It invested in Intel, [00:10:13] raised tariffs on imports of goods from various [00:10:17] countries. But for viewers to get an idea, [00:10:21] the European Union budget, [00:10:24] one-third of the budget is allocated [00:10:27] to supporting the agricultural sector. One-third of the European Union budget. [00:10:31] So it's not strange at all for the state to support [00:10:33] sectors, to have high taxes [00:10:36] to collect [00:10:39] the money it needs to build, to invest [00:10:43] in infrastructure, to educate its children, [00:10:46] to treat its people. This is very normal. State intervention [00:10:49] doesn't mean that it's a socialist or extremist state, if you [00:10:53] like. [00:10:58] explanation, Dr. Abdul Nasser. Welcome again. Do you think [00:11:01] that some of the subsidy cessation policies that [00:11:05] Mr. Jihad explained were forced upon the state [00:11:08] today due to Syria's exhausted [00:11:11] situation, which the [00:11:15] authority inherited, let's say, as a disaster [00:11:18] and a legacy of the deposed regime? Or [00:11:22] were other policies possible that would not have [00:11:25] undermined, let's say, the social role that the state was playing [00:11:29] in one way or another, or that it was supposed to play if we [00:11:33] don't want to compare it to the situation during Bashar [00:11:48] has been discussed a lot [00:11:53] discussion for two reasons. [00:11:55] The first reason is that the issue of [00:11:59] manipulating prices in this way for essential [00:12:03] goods that affect citizens' lives affects the lives of all [00:12:06] Syrians. The second reason, which is more important [00:12:12] management highlighted [00:12:15] a gap and a deep [00:12:18] flaw in the decision-making methodology [00:12:21] of the Ministry of Energy in this case and of [00:12:38] in the context of the many reactions to what [00:12:41] has been published and what has been said by analysts, [00:12:45] journalists, interested parties, and zealous [00:12:48] and keen individuals, a misleading classification has emerged [00:12:52] that anyone who criticizes government policies or [00:12:56] government decisions is classified as being [00:12:59] against this state or against this government. [00:13:19] Definitely, definitely. But I want to, I want to clarify [00:13:23] because I mean [00:13:33] what I want to say is that in transitional phases, more [00:13:36] than anything else, governments need [00:13:39] to be pointed to their shortcomings and mistakes, and to correct [00:13:42] mistakes and constructive criticism directed at them. And this [00:13:48] with the state, with the success of the state, [00:13:55] resulted from this issue that arose recently [00:13:58] showed that there is, frankly, [00:14:03] in transitional phases. I want to touch [00:14:07] for a minute or a minute and a half on the state's [00:14:10] role in transitional phases, [00:14:13] based on studies, research, and experiences of former [00:14:17] countries that have gone through chronic and prolonged conflicts. [00:14:20] The state's role revolves around three main [00:14:23] points. First, the state has an [00:14:26] economic role. This [00:14:30] the state to ensure the continuity of life. That is, [00:14:35] energy, electricity, and water for [00:14:38] life to continue. This means early recovery, let's say. [00:14:41] Then it also moves in its role [00:14:44] to re-formulate financial [00:14:48] and monetary policies to stabilize the currency in the country. [00:14:51] Then the third economic point goes to [00:14:55] a very important issue, which is the beginning of reconstruction. [00:14:58] This means that the fruits of recovery should be [00:15:01] equally distributed across the area. I will go [00:15:04] to that. I mean, I will go to it because this is an important point. I mean, [00:15:08] God willing, we will dedicate a topic to it. But I mean, there are those who say, doctor, that [00:15:11] the state is not in it. I mean, the state [00:15:14] is bankrupt. Where will the [00:15:18] government today get what you are talking about in terms of economic [00:15:21] capabilities to support these goods [00:15:25] and deliver these services to the people? Because even if we want [00:15:29] to talk about other state revenues, such as tax collection, this [00:15:33] is not available in Syria in one way or another until today. So even [00:15:37] the welfare state that Mr. Jihad spoke about and explained [00:15:40] may not be able today to implement [00:15:43] its policies. [00:15:55] say is that I was very saddened when the media spokesperson for the Ministry of Energy [00:15:59] said that we looked for alternatives and we were facing one [00:16:02] of two alternatives: either the material would disappear from the market or [00:16:06] we would raise the price. And this is absolutely inaccurate. This [00:16:10] is what I meant when I said that there is a deep structural and administrative problem in [00:16:13] decision-making. There is always a golden rule [00:16:17] that we call in business administration that for every problem there is more than [00:16:21] one solution, and for every solution there is a price and a cost. Wise [00:16:25] management and correct [00:16:27] management choose the optimal solution, meaning the solution [00:16:31] with the lowest cost and the highest return. Like what? For example, in the case of [00:16:35] fuel, [00:16:38] what was the available solution? I will tell you. I will tell you. In transitional phases, the highest [00:16:42] return that governments should look for is social [00:16:45] return. You are now making [00:16:48] decisions. [00:16:51] I mean, it's no secret that the Syrian people today, according to UN [00:16:55] classifications, the majority of Syrian families live below the poverty [00:16:57] line or near the poverty line. The alternatives [00:17:01] that were possible, I will tell you one alternative: [00:17:04] borrowing. A state [00:17:07] can borrow externally or internally with many [00:17:11] guarantees, with guarantees of its existence in power, [00:17:14] with guarantees that it is a state, with guarantees of the money [00:17:20] Assad, Shleish, Makhlouf, and the [00:17:23] Ba'ath Party's money. I mean, also, there was a clear rejection [00:17:27] of this borrowing policy [00:17:30] President Ahmed Al-Shara, with very clear [00:17:33] statements. The matter is technical, Ms. Nour. [00:17:37] No, the rejection should not be arbitrary. [00:17:41] I told you, there are many alternatives, and we must choose [00:17:43] the best alternative. Raising [00:17:46] prices and covering the financial deficit from citizens' [00:17:49] pockets is the worst option, in short. [00:17:53] Every problem has more than one solution, so we chose the worst solution, [00:17:56] unfortunately. Now, does the government have a chance [00:17:59] to alleviate the effects? Yes, [00:18:03] through smart support, which is the core [00:18:06] of the question. Through smart support, targeted support, [00:18:10] fair support, not equality in distributing [00:18:12] support. The government [00:18:15] the effects of this. Well, this [00:18:19] is a very important point. I will go to you with it, Dr. Khalid, and welcome [00:18:22] again. Dr. Nasser just mentioned that [00:18:26] there are other forms of support, and perhaps the government today is putting forward [00:18:29] these forms in one way or another. I don't know if you have seen the strategy [00:18:33] of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, for example, [00:18:37] which talks about three or four years from 2026 until the end [00:18:41] of 2028. [00:18:44] There was, it seems, a new philosophy [00:18:47] for support. There is talk, for example, about safety [00:18:51] nets, about a social protection system that selects [00:18:54] more vulnerable segments of society to provide them with support, but this [00:18:58] also excludes other segments from the financial [00:19:01] support that the government can provide. Do you think that such [00:19:05] policies are effective and that the government [00:19:07] will succeed in implementing them in a useful way? [00:19:11] Or will we face other problems as well, and the Syrian [00:19:14] people will not expect support in the foreseeable [00:19:29] today, the core of the discussion is about [00:19:32] support. Support, I do not see it as an economic goal. I [00:19:36] see it as a tool to protect purchasing [00:19:39] power and to protect social stability to achieve [00:19:43] social stability. Today, the Syrian state, [00:19:46] with its current capabilities, is almost [00:19:50] non-existent. In my opinion, comprehensive [00:19:54] support is not possible, and I, on the economic [00:19:58] design level, am against comprehensive support. In other words, when [00:20:01] the rich are equal to the poor, this is justice from a formal [00:20:05] perspective, but in the end, it is catastrophic. [00:20:08] Today, I mean, [00:20:11] I am inclined to have support [00:20:14] in a way called smart support. We link [00:20:17] support to work for those who [00:20:21] have I mean, [00:20:24] there was a type of support and a part [00:20:27] of it was to reduce the unemployment rate. Today, [00:20:31] I mean, the difference between a person being poor and [00:20:34] being able to work. Poverty exists in Syria, but poverty [00:20:38] and being able to work. In my opinion, we must frame this issue [00:20:41] in a way that is similar to some [00:20:45] global experiences. Today, it is [00:20:48] important when there is support [00:20:52] or there is reform or price [00:20:55] increases, and the Syrian state does not [00:20:59] make a heavy decision like raising fuel prices unless [00:21:02] it has sufficient justifications. [00:21:05] Today, I say that [00:21:08] any reform must take into account the most [00:21:12] vulnerable social classes. This is number one. [00:21:15] Number two, there must be red lines that should not [00:21:18] be crossed. I mean, today, when [00:21:21] we say that support should not affect the education sector, the health [00:21:25] sector, the food security sector, the services [00:21:28] sector entirely, these are red lines. [00:21:31] The Syrian state is trying by all [00:21:36] to cross these lines. However, [00:21:39] the situation in Syria, in my opinion, for us to be [00:21:42] professional and realistic, the situation in Syria today, Nour, needs [00:21:46] a database linked to very [00:21:49] accurate indicators. Statistically, [00:21:52] today in Syria we lack accurate [00:21:56] statistics. Today, Syria is under great pressure. We [00:22:00] in Syria today, I mean, we cannot ignore or [00:22:03] disconnect things. Today, Syria is heading [00:22:06] towards, I mean, eliminating camps. [00:22:12] How will these people who [00:22:15] have suffered for a decade [00:22:18] and a half in difficult weather conditions and inhumane [00:22:22] conditions be brought back today? This is a priority for the Syrian state today. [00:22:25] The Syrian state is building a network [00:22:28] of economic relations. Today, there is no [00:22:32] economy in Syria. Today, the zero [00:22:43] solutions. I mean, he said that borrowing was possible [00:22:45] instead of the issue coming out in one way or another from [00:22:49] the citizens' pockets, as happened now. And even what you explained, [00:22:52] which matches the strategy of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor regarding what it called [00:22:56] social protection, that we support more [00:22:59] vulnerable classes. Even this, I mean, seems not [00:23:02] to be implemented yet, otherwise people would not have taken to the streets, [00:23:05] right? [00:23:10] Nour, today, the issue [00:23:13] by His Excellency the President from the beginning: we do not [00:23:17] want to borrow. The issue of borrowing is linked [00:23:21] to political matters far from economics. Today, [00:23:24] when any country is subjected to borrowing, [00:23:28] it is imposed with things under the table that we do not want [00:23:31] in Syria. Today, there are [00:23:34] emergency solutions in the short term [00:23:37] that are being worked on within [00:23:45] will be politicized, [00:23:49] policies, then also giving investments to foreign [00:23:52] countries with this generosity, as we see in [00:23:56] economic decision-making, won't it, doctor? [00:24:00] And selling assets? I mean, there are those who say that assets are being sold in Syria [00:24:03] today. [00:24:07] I, I mean, I disagree with this idea. Nothing is being sold [00:24:11] in Syria today. All investment decisions are clear [00:24:14] today. We need [00:24:17] foreign investment, just as we [00:24:30] must offer. There is a private sector in Syria, and there is a social [00:24:34] situation in Syria, and there is, [00:24:36] I mean, there must be integration of these roles. Today, [00:24:41] air how the burdens of reform should be [00:24:44] distributed, I tell you that the state [00:24:48] must bear the largest part. [00:24:58] I don't want to appear on media with controversial statements. Today, for example, I ask why don't [00:25:00] we allocate [00:25:03] zakat through a clear fund to support [00:25:06] the poor? I mean, it is an obligation, but look at what [00:25:10] a difference it makes today. The private sector, give it operational [00:25:13] privileges, but linked [00:25:22] Mr. Jihad. I, I am giving solutions. I am giving [00:25:25] solutions, Nour. I am not appearing on media to explain [00:25:29] the reality or to criticize. Today, as a Syrian who cares about [00:25:47] of Social Affairs and Labor because it is concerned with the citizen in one way or [00:25:50] another. I said that it, I mean, provided a set [00:25:54] of forms that can be offered later for support, and perhaps even [00:25:58] started some of these programs, but there is a great withdrawal of the ministry's [00:26:03] the policy level that Dr. Khalid mentioned some examples of, [00:26:07] and he said that, for example, in some sectors, [00:26:10] obliging the private sector to certain [00:26:12] percentages [00:26:14] for employment, obliging it, for example, to employ [00:26:18] people with special needs, imposing a form of social [00:26:23] policy role today and letting things [00:26:27] go? Or is there control, and here we return that yes, there is state [00:26:30] intervention in the economy. [00:26:36] The state's intervention in the economy, [00:26:40] excuse me, is very important, especially in Syria's [00:26:43] current situation. Ms. Nour, you are talking about the Ministry of Social [00:26:47] Affairs. Its full name is the Ministry of Social [00:26:50] Affairs and Labor. Right? I mean, one of the functions of this ministry [00:26:53] is to support the labor market. [00:26:56] I mean, for example, let me give a simple [00:27:00] example. A short while ago, there were [00:27:03] strikes at the Zenobia Ceramics Factory, which is a private [00:27:06] sector company. And due to pressure from the [00:27:10] workers, there was a meeting at the Ministry, [00:27:12] and the Ministry pressured [00:27:14] to impose on the company, which was making [00:27:18] profits and employing four [00:27:20] workers (companies operate 24 [00:27:24] hours a day), it pressured the company [00:27:27] to raise salaries. Now, I'm not saying this [00:27:30] can be generalized, [00:27:33] but there are many ways, actually, to raise wages, [00:27:36] raise salaries in general, pressure [00:27:39] to provide different [00:27:42] types of support. But I want to mention that in the first half [00:27:46] of this year, according to Ministry of Finance [00:27:50] data, the Syrian state lost approximately one billion dollars, [00:27:54] and this deficit was covered through funding [00:27:57] and issuing bonds to finance. [00:28:01] In other words, the state can [00:28:04] cover additional expenses, especially under the current [00:28:08] circumstances, which are circumstances of low [00:28:11] employment, high cost of living, and a very [00:28:15] widespread poverty level. The Ministry, [00:28:19] you touched on this data, [00:28:23] Mr. Jihad. Government spending [00:28:26] within this same data, how much of it was spent on supporting citizens? [00:28:30] That was not clear even in the government data, and this perhaps [00:28:35] the street and from those who criticize government [00:28:39] policies. [00:28:42] The anger, in my opinion, is the result of diverse [00:28:45] policies, not just rising fuel [00:28:49] prices. The price of bread rose. The price [00:28:53] of bread rose 14 times. It rose [00:28:56] about 10-12 times, but they reduced the weight of the bread, [00:29:00] the weight of the bundle. So practically, [00:29:03] the price per kilogram, excuse me, rose 14 [00:29:06] times in a year and a half in a society where 90% live [00:29:10] below the poverty line. So what do you expect the youth to do? [00:29:13] I mean, what do you expect to happen? Thank God things are still under control, [00:29:16] but in addition to that, Professor Nour, I want to draw attention [00:29:20] to the fact that until last week, [00:29:23] everyone was assuring us that there were no other [00:29:27] political options regarding economic policies, [00:29:30] that the state couldn't help but raise prices, [00:29:34] and had no other options. [00:29:37] the streets. What happened? Prices fell. The Minister [00:29:41] of Energy on Thursday [00:29:45] announced a reduction in fuel prices. [00:29:48] This means there is, but yes, this [00:29:51] is what you have, even with the prices even with the proposed prices, Professor [00:29:55] Jihad, there will still be a problem and these [00:29:57] the macroeconomy, meaning all prices in [00:30:01] Syria. This is one of the risks of stopping support [00:30:05] for goods and moving to other forms of social [00:30:08] support, that as long as these prices are not [00:30:11] reduced (meaning the transport of food and fuel), there [00:30:16] prices. This will actually turn [00:30:20] some social classes into vulnerable classes again, as if we are entering [00:30:23] closed [00:30:24] circles. [00:30:28] Of course, especially in agricultural [00:30:31] areas, because in agricultural areas, diesel [00:30:34] is used not only for heating, [00:30:37] but also for agricultural production [00:30:40] in general. Diesel is heavily consumed in Syria [00:30:44] for transport, for agriculture, for small [00:30:47] economic establishments, and for heating. It's truly a [00:30:50] noticeable and strange political mistake, [00:30:53] actually. Of course, it's very understandable that there's pressure [00:30:57] from rising global prices.