SYRIATV — broadcast
20261102 213000 UTC
528 transcript segments
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[00:00:01] the purchasing power of all
[00:00:03] a very large percentage is consistent with Syrian citizens, regardless of whether they work
[00:00:06] in the public sector or in the private sector.
[00:00:09] This is very important.
[00:00:13] be in vain, and we will talk Why? Because today, the Syrian lira is the true mirror
[00:00:16] of the Syrian citizen's trust in their economy. Of course,
[00:00:20] regarding the matters that
[00:00:23] between those who lived in I wished the survey would have focused on, which is the extent
[00:00:27] of the efficiency of, for example, economic policies,
[00:00:30] whether it was monetary policy or fiscal policy, or
[00:00:34] the extent of the Syrian citizen's trust
[00:00:37] How should the in the indicators
[00:00:39] government invest in this related to even what the government issues
[00:00:41] in terms of data, which is advanced data in terms
[00:00:45] of transparency, meaning that
[00:00:47] 66% of it will form pillars form of relationship with the and continuous accumulation
[00:00:50] for the continuation of a state
[00:00:52] that they are completely absent, even regarding of transparency and credibility. I also wished
[00:00:55] very much for something related to accountability
[00:00:58] and oversight. Today in Syria, and over the past
[00:01:02] build its approach months, we hear again large numbers related
[00:01:06] occupation in light to corruption. So, where are the indicators related to corruption
[00:01:08] in this survey? I mean, there is,
[00:01:11] there is, there is a survey regarding
[00:01:15] corruption. I will discuss it shortly. But Dr. Abdul Monem,
[00:01:18] is this decline or this delay in achieving
[00:01:23] living on the ground. economic progress, if I may say so, also based on policies
[00:01:27] or political decisions? Who leads to the other,
[00:01:30] in your opinion?
[00:01:34] I will not,
[00:01:37] at how much I will reserve my judgment slightly on the topic of this general title
[00:01:40] that there is a delay, there is no economic progress.
[00:01:44] The sentence that is probably more
[00:01:45] accurate is that the Syrian citizen has become
[00:01:49] suffering more, and therefore, any
[00:01:52] successes that are actually achieved at the level of the Syrian economy
[00:01:55] have not yet been reflected, not only have they not been reflected
[00:01:59] positively, but they have been reflected negatively,
[00:02:01] perhaps, on the Syrian citizen. Therefore, why?
[00:02:05] Simply because the government's priorities are different from
[00:02:09] the Syrian citizen's priorities.
[00:02:12] and media figures. It should, Today, if we look at, for example, legitimacy, which is to be with the government budget,
[00:02:14] the government budget, there are more than two billion or close to
[00:02:18] two and a half billion that the government spent on itself
[00:02:21] in salaries and wages, administrative expenses.
[00:02:25] There is also one billion spent on investment. So, it spent on
[00:02:28] itself four or five times what it spends on all
[00:02:37] it's enough. There are other things also related
[00:02:40] to
[00:02:44] so the people are sensitive the system that manages basic services for citizens. We always talk
[00:02:48] in a negative way, of course, about many
[00:02:52] agree with, I mean, of the realities that we lived Zakaria, I also thank you for as Syrians with the regime,
[00:02:54] they should at least move but we also
[00:02:56] feel that many of
[00:03:00] these
[00:03:01] I mean, Syrians struggled manifestations have not deviated from the context
[00:03:04] that the Syrian citizen lives
[00:03:06] the latest of which was what happened in their daily life. I mean, in the end, can we
[00:03:10] say that these results reflect an economic
[00:03:12] and also a desire from crisis inherited from the previous regime, four
[00:03:16] or 14 years of war, or a gap between
[00:03:20] and the remaining the expectations of Syrians, as you mentioned earlier, and the reality
[00:03:22] of the transitional phase, a reality imposed by the transitional phase in one way
[00:03:26] or another? You asked a little while ago
[00:03:30] the government's policies in about whether political decisions
[00:03:32] dealing with this have an impact on the economic situation. I say
[00:03:35] yes, because there is an experience called the Idlib
[00:03:38] experience, which is now present in
[00:03:41] all of Syria. Therefore, we are talking about the disadvantages
[00:03:44] of the regime's experience and imposing an experience or
[00:03:48] extending or expanding the framework of an experience that was also
[00:03:52] not this angelic experience
[00:03:55] stages that that even if some people talk about it, it is very clear that there is
[00:03:58] a box of names that can
[00:04:02] be chosen to address economic
[00:04:04] files. Also, this box includes
[00:04:08] certain ideas and methodologies. This box,
[00:04:11] declarations I believe, is the main problem today that
[00:04:14] causes what the Syrian
[00:04:16] to reality. Where did citizen is experiencing. A sovereign fund of its relations with means no, no, no, I am not talking
[00:04:22] a decrease in this percentage, but about that, meaning there is a specific framework,
[00:04:24] a specific framework in which economic
[00:04:26] responsibilities are distributed in a way that suits them, or
[00:04:31] circumstances, whether at the regional it is certain that they will follow a specific methodology in
[00:04:34] dealing with economic
[00:04:36] not have many issues. Okay, okay, regarding
[00:04:38] tools corruption, the results actually, or the survey addressed the issue
[00:04:42] of corruption, and I would like to
[00:04:44] ask about that, Mr. Barita. How do we explain the continued
[00:04:48] belief in the spread of corruption among
[00:04:51] 88% of Syrians in
[00:04:53] we criticize and praise institutions?
[00:04:56] Well, in this regard, the absence of transparency
[00:05:00] is very high, and the reality might say that this
[00:05:03] Turkey, with Gulf countries, with percentage is due to the absence of transparency.
[00:05:07] It was a source of problems. Today, It is the cause of all rumors, the main cause of rumors and ambiguity.
[00:05:10] The absence of transparency on the part
[00:05:14] of the government, the gap that exists between employees themselves,
[00:05:17] as we mentioned many times, there is a gap. I mean, the same employee
[00:05:21] in the same position, this one gets a salary, the second one gets
[00:05:24] a salary, and the third one gets a salary according to where he was
[00:05:27] before, and all these places have not yet been resolved.
[00:05:31] The societal gap, the gap that exists
[00:05:36] the previously liberated areas and moved to the areas that
[00:05:39] were liberated by the regime. All of this
[00:05:51] reinforces the existence of corruption. I mean, I say everything is
[00:05:54] corrupt if no evidence,
[00:05:58] proofs, and financial reports are presented to me. The absence of financial reports,
[00:06:01] we know
[00:06:04] the budget. We mentioned previously that the budget figures are unconvincing,
[00:06:08] they are aggregate figures, there are no details. We mentioned
[00:06:11] repeatedly the issue of the sovereign fund and the lack of transparency about it. I mean, 50
[00:06:15] billion dollars that we get from
[00:06:17] foreign magazines, foreign newspapers, and foreign websites,
[00:06:21] and the Syrian government has not announced anything about it at all. This tells
[00:06:25] you that there is corruption. Even
[00:06:29] the issue of work in various fields
[00:06:33] says that there is corruption, and corruption has even been reinforced. I mean, the popular
[00:06:36] view that we hear, unfortunately, I regret to say this,
[00:06:40] is that we used to pay in Syrian pounds, now we pay
[00:06:44] in dollars. This societal view exists
[00:06:47] in all Syrian cities, and therefore, it isolates this percentage.
[00:06:50] I mean, this exists and strongly, and the main reason is
[00:06:54] the lack of transparency and the lack of a regulating law, and transparency is
[00:06:58] a chain that follows accountability,
[00:07:00] and the current authority has not
[00:07:03] followed these matters. There is evidence, Abu Ibrahim, for example, in the foreseeable
[00:07:07] future, a short while ago, Qablawi, for example, was not
[00:07:10] dismissed. He was dismissed. He was not prosecuted, and we know nothing about him, and many like him.
[00:07:14] I mean, it's not enough to dismiss an employee after
[00:07:18] he steals, it's not enough to let him escape and call him corrupt. He must be held
[00:07:22] accountable fairly. I mean, there must be a law.
[00:07:26] We cannot talk about a principle from the principles of governance alone without
[00:07:29] talking about a complete systematic chain related to participation,
[00:07:32] accountability, transparency, and following up on these
[00:07:36] procedures according to an independent judiciary and regulating laws
[00:07:39] that apply to everyone. This is the Syria we dream of, justice and equal citizenship.
[00:07:44] whole thing is related to corruption, it reinforces corruption.
[00:07:48] Dr. Zakaria, or rather,
[00:07:50] Mr. Mohammed Suleiman, how can we interpret the support of 66%
[00:07:54] for Syrian foreign policy? Does that reflect reality? Does that
[00:07:58] also reflect, I mean, the crises that Syria has gone through since the fall
[00:08:02] of the regime until now? I mean, despite the honest
[00:08:06] attempt by Syrian diplomacy to
[00:08:09] project the issue of zero problems with everyone,
[00:08:12] but, I mean, there have been events
[00:08:16] that Syria has gone through,
[00:08:19] with Jordan. Does all of that support this percentage
[00:08:23] of about 66% approval for Syrian foreign policy?
[00:08:25] I mean, undoubtedly, Syrians
[00:08:29] today see that
[00:08:32] there are political files
[00:08:36] on the foreign front that were
[00:08:39] not present during the previous regime's era. I mean, today, Syria is
[00:08:42] part of international organizations, it is part of the international coalition
[00:08:46] to combat terrorism. Its relations have become
[00:08:49] good with neighboring countries, especially the countries that the defunct
[00:08:53] regime fought. I mean, the defunct regime was a rogue state that interacted
[00:08:57] and dealt with several countries and was isolated from the rest
[00:08:59] of the world. Today, no, the situation is different.
[00:09:02] Therefore, I believe
[00:09:06] that the percentage could have been higher
[00:09:09] if it weren't for the recent events that occurred, and
[00:09:13] as a result of varying statements and declarations, the percentage
[00:09:17] would have been higher, I believe. But what
[00:09:20] happened as a result of varying
[00:09:24] in recent days between Syria and Jordan,
[00:09:27] this, yes, yes, it
[00:09:31] caused
[00:09:34] Syrians still look at foreign policy
[00:09:37] as being the best it can
[00:09:41] be under the current
[00:09:44] level or at the international level. I mean, today, Syria also does
[00:09:50] to form partnerships,
[00:09:53] to have a significant weight at the international
[00:09:57] level. It is a country
[00:10:00] that has, I mean, emerged from, from, after
[00:10:03] the Syrian revolution, from a 14-year conflict that the regime
[00:10:07] destroyed at the social level and at the political
[00:10:10] level. I mean, it ended
[00:10:13] relations with all countries, with
[00:10:16] Jordan and others.
[00:10:20] Syrians do not see that foreign policy has succeeded in restoring
[00:10:23] and improving Syria's image in front
[00:10:26] of the international community. It has succeeded in neutralizing many
[00:10:29] dangers from Syria, especially
[00:10:33] the two dangers that were present during
[00:10:35] the years of the revolution: the Iranian danger and the Russian danger. I mean,
[00:10:38] today, there are somewhat balanced and disciplined
[00:10:42] relations with the Russians, and somewhat
[00:10:45] good relations with other parties. Therefore,
[00:10:49] Syrians believe that this policy may
[00:10:52] contribute during the coming period or during the next phase
[00:10:55] to improving conditions, provided that
[00:10:59] the Israeli conundrum in the country
[00:11:02] is resolved or a solution is reached, and the intervention
[00:11:06] is curbed.
[00:11:08] Mr. Mohammed,
[00:11:12] Syrians believe that Israel poses
[00:11:16] a threat to Syria's security and stability.
[00:11:19] And Dr. Zakaria, here is my question:
[00:11:22] how should the government
[00:11:27] to dealing with the Israeli
[00:11:31] of this popular belief that 96% of Syrians
[00:11:34] believe that Israel is the greatest threat to the country's
[00:11:37] security?
[00:11:40] Yes, this is an important question, and I believe the percentage
[00:11:44] of 97 is a large number, one of the highest
[00:11:47] figures, actually, that there is Syrian awareness
[00:11:51] of the extent of the danger of Israeli aggression
[00:11:54] on what is happening. Let me tell you
[00:11:58] frankly, if we look
[00:12:02] this feeling is embodied or represented in
[00:12:05] the authority's discourse, the media discourse, statements, positions, etc.,
[00:12:09] there was there was, I mean, perhaps there
[00:12:13] was a speech at the United Nations delivered by Mr. Al-Shara,
[00:12:16] perhaps it was clear, strong, but other than that, there
[00:12:20] was weakness, and sometimes ambiguity,
[00:12:23] and long silence.
[00:12:26] And, I mean, statements of condemnation and so on,
[00:12:29] knowing that the danger, the danger is great, and there is an acknowledgment that there have been more
[00:12:33] than 1 Israeli targeting. There have been incursions that have increased significantly
[00:12:37] in recent days. The security
[00:12:39] area
[00:12:41] covered by Israel, which it occupied, let's consider it between
[00:12:45] the buffer zone and the areas in the Quneitra countryside, Daraa countryside,
[00:12:49] and Damascus countryside, is about 800 square kilometers.
[00:12:52] The summit of Mount Hermon, 2814 meters above sea
[00:12:56] level, overlooks three countries. It is a strategic
[00:13:00] summit. And there have been visits
[00:13:03] by Netanyahu and Katz, the Chief of Staff, in military
[00:13:07] uniform in Syrian territory. And even Israeli ballot boxes for the first time
[00:13:10] in history have been placed in Syrian territory because
[00:13:14] the soldiers and the workers want to go and
[00:13:18] vote, actually. So, there is a feeling among
[00:13:20] Syrians that there is a real danger from this Israeli
[00:13:23] aggression. But where, in parallel, do you think
[00:13:27] that this feeling of threat and danger from
[00:13:30] Israel has increased in intensity in recent days, especially
[00:13:34] since in the early days of the fall of the regime, after the fall of the regime, there
[00:13:38] was still a popular discourse talking about a danger related
[00:13:42] to or centered on Hezbollah
[00:13:45] Iranian militias in Syria? Today, what does this percentage say
[00:13:49] about this issue and about,
[00:13:52] as you mentioned,
[00:13:57] danger?
[00:14:00] Look, let's be frank today, and this is even
[00:14:04] in the opinion poll among Syrians, and it was clear,
[00:14:07] and it is clear that there is real
[00:14:09] awareness today. The biggest
[00:14:12] and most prominent threat, and it is almost,
[00:14:15] almost, and this is my opinion, the only one, is the Israeli aggression, it is the Israeli
[00:14:19] danger, actually, because it is the one that is
[00:14:22] threatening today, it is the one that is violating Syrian airspace,
[00:14:25] it is the one that is entering with vehicles in
[00:14:29] the village of Joumla, where the person who was killed
[00:14:32] and martyred was a person with special needs and an orphan,
[00:14:36] I mean, and, I mean, humanely, all
[00:14:40] Syrians, I mean, truly. And before him, there were
[00:14:43] martyrs also in Daraa, in Nawa, in other
[00:14:47] areas. So, I mean, there is a real and
[00:14:50] imminent danger. But, actually, regardless, we hear
[00:14:54] some personalities, whether with official
[00:14:58] designation in authority or close to it, I mean, I personally
[00:15:02] hear strangely, I mean, that "Netanyahu forced us to come
[00:15:05] here," I don't know what, I mean, there is
[00:15:08] a danger, and the discourse should be clear. I mean, I
[00:15:11] personally, through follow-up, the discourse of Mr. Al-Shara in the statement
[00:15:15] you are referring to, I think you are referring to Mohammed
[00:15:18] Al-Alabi's statement, he was with us on Syria
[00:15:21] TV. I mean,
[00:15:25] for Mr. Al-Alabi, but it is very unfortunate, I mean, that it is a statement, and similar
[00:15:29] statements should not, in fact, today, I mean,
[00:15:33] politicians and media figures should have a discourse
[00:15:37] whose language public
[00:15:41] opinion and consistent with the magnitude of the danger. Without
[00:15:45] a doubt, we understand that Syria is in a very sensitive situation, but
[00:15:49] if Syria risks a danger and remains silent
[00:15:52] about a danger, we must know this very
[00:15:56] well. But remaining silent about a danger,
[00:15:59] Dr. Zakaria, there is a percentage that I must
[00:16:02] also stop at. There is a rejection by
[00:16:05] almost 74% of Syrians of any
[00:16:09] agreement with Israel without the return of the Golan.
[00:16:16] popular stance in any regulating framework for any relationship, for any
[00:16:21] occupation?
[00:16:24] Look, let me tell you something. A few
[00:16:27] weeks ago, some colleagues wanted to hold
[00:16:31] seminars about, and about condemning the Israeli aggression on Aleppo,
[00:16:34] and they spoke with some directorates. The director apologized.
[00:16:38] Then, when there was a martyr and so on, there was a
[00:16:41] desire for demonstrations to take place. Let's be frank, the opinion
[00:16:44] of Syrians is clear with these percentages,
[00:16:47] sensing the danger from the perspective of their attachment
[00:16:50] to their lands in the Golan, it is clear. There is
[00:16:54] no problem for it to happen, and it is also a conscious
[00:16:57] matter for you to negotiate a new
[00:17:00] security agreement with the Israelis. It is
[00:17:04] concessions. This is also a matter
[00:17:13] the civilian voice, the popular voice helps the authority a lot in
[00:17:17] its positions, in its negotiations, in its discourse, in mobilizing
[00:17:23] in its stance to deter what is happening from aggression. Do
[00:17:26] you think that there has been investment in these
[00:17:29] positions so far? Because we also saw a wave of demonstrations on
[00:17:32] the border in Syria
[00:17:35] specifically. I mean,
[00:17:38] quite frankly, and I have even mentioned incidents to you, it is still
[00:17:42] below, I mean, we do not want the popular stance to be ahead
[00:17:45] of the stance of the authority and politicians
[00:17:49] at least, be consistent,
[00:17:52] harmonious, especially since, I mean, the people
[00:17:55] are aware, understanding of meetings with Israelis
[00:17:58] and negotiations, but the people are holding onto their rights, and the people
[00:18:02] are aware of the danger. I mean, so the matter is rational
[00:18:05] and contains a clear right, I mean, it is
[00:18:08] not an emotional matter, I mean, or
[00:18:11] a popular reaction, no, but rather an understandable matter. There is occupied
[00:18:15] Syrian land, there is a danger,
[00:18:18] to this issue and have
[00:18:22] a stance that politicians and media figures
[00:18:26] should, in fact, at least
[00:18:32] alongside it, not behind it, or
[00:18:35] silently, or vaguely, or unclearly, no.
[00:18:38] and sacrificed a lot to liberate their lands and so
[00:18:42] on. And today they face an
[00:18:45] imminent danger, they have great fear. So,
[00:18:48] this is a very important matter. Uh-huh. Dr. Abdul Monem, can
[00:18:52] political stability be achieved in Syria in isolation from economic justice,
[00:18:56] in isolation from improving the living standards of Syrian citizens, despite
[00:18:59] the fact that you explained the reason for the delay
[00:19:02] in the Syrian citizen not yet feeling an improvement
[00:19:05] in their economic
[00:19:08] reality?
[00:19:11] I firmly believe that the problem has always been, over the past
[00:19:14] decades, a political problem,
[00:19:16] undoubtedly. Today, this political
[00:19:20] problem does not necessarily have
[00:19:23] to be solved by applying the democratic system
[00:19:25] with all its details, principles, values, and so
[00:19:29] on. There are, undoubtedly,
[00:19:33] need to be taken, and
[00:19:36] over the past months, one of the most important demands
[00:19:39] directed at the transitional authority was not the democratic
[00:19:43] system, not elections, and not anything
[00:19:46] else but widening political participation. Widening political
[00:19:49] participation outside the framework of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, outside the framework
[00:19:54] supporting
[00:19:56] countries and so on. Transitioning
[00:19:59] to identifying,
[00:20:03] I wouldn't say lists, but searching for national competencies
[00:20:06] truly connected to the Syrian citizen.
[00:20:10] Consequently, today, when we elevate these individuals to
[00:20:13] political decision-making, this person will undoubtedly be connected
[00:20:17] to the needs of their society and its interests,
[00:20:21] and will not represent the interest of the authority with a particular
[00:20:24] country, or represent the interest of the authority in
[00:20:26] a particular framework. This is very important.
[00:20:30] There are also other things related, as I said
[00:20:34] a little while ago, to the issue of accountability and oversight. Mr. Barita
[00:20:38] spoke very important words. Today, dismissing
[00:20:42] the corrupt is the last reward given
[00:20:45] to them. Where is accountability and oversight?
[00:20:48] Where are the transitional justice files related to the economic
[00:20:51] reality of the Syrian citizen? Today, transitional justice
[00:20:55] is undoubtedly important with regard to victims, detainees,
[00:20:58] arresting regime figures, and so on. But
[00:21:02] there are also very important headings with regard
[00:21:05] to transitional justice related to compensation,
[00:21:09] related to the return of those who left
[00:21:12] the regime, regardless of how they left,
[00:21:15] whether as a political
[00:21:19] stance. One should never
[00:21:22] limit all transitional
[00:21:25] justice only to the issue of victims. Of course, this is the priority,
[00:21:28] undoubtedly. There are also governmental responsibilities that this
[00:21:32] government must feel and address the enormous
[00:21:35] damage caused by the regime in many areas that are still
[00:21:39] celebrating today, after months
[00:21:42] or after two months, the second anniversary of liberation, but
[00:21:46] nothing has changed in their reality, actually. It pertains
[00:21:50] to their homes, their livelihoods, and also
[00:21:54] their return to their jobs that they left because of the revolution.
[00:21:57] Okay, Dr. Abdul Monem, if the index is re-measured after a year, what
[00:22:01] are the transformations that the decision-maker should
[00:22:04] monitor and work on improving,
[00:22:06] in your opinion?
[00:22:10] Well, I mean, this index
[00:22:14] should focus on more detailed
[00:22:17] matters, and of course,
[00:22:20] the political decision-maker undoubtedly monitors everything, actually.
[00:22:24] I mean, we sense this, and there are
[00:22:27] responses, even if they are sometimes delayed or carried out
[00:22:31] in a way that is not the way the Syrian citizen
[00:22:35] or observer or so on wishes.
[00:22:38] Today, we need to survey the basic
[00:22:42] needs of the Syrian citizen and prioritize their true
[00:22:44] priorities. And
[00:22:47] there are duties that the government
[00:22:50] is undoubtedly obligated to fulfill, and they are directly linked,
[00:22:54] and I have said this many times, to its political
[00:22:59] the Syrian citizen in basic services, to be involved
[00:23:02] in transitional justice files, not only in courts,
[00:23:06] but also to provide compensation and help
[00:23:09] and facilitate the return of Syrians and the restoration of the areas
[00:23:12] that were devastated to
[00:23:15] their populated state. Okay, Mr. Mohammed, I mean,
[00:23:18] in short, do you think there are contradictions between
[00:23:22] the results presented by the index and
[00:23:25] reality?
[00:23:27] Is there a contradiction in something you felt was not reflected
[00:23:30] in reality? No, no, there isn't.
[00:23:33] Please go ahead.
[00:23:36] Yes, yes, in most
[00:23:40] of the questionnaires that were presented, they are closer to reality.
[00:23:43] I mean, I mean, there
[00:23:46] were realistic figures, close.
[00:23:50] As a result of the awareness of the Syrian street today
[00:23:53] after the Syrian revolution, also
[00:23:57] as a result of its openness to the world more widely,
[00:24:02] the Syrian people not to have
[00:24:05] a repetition of the same previous
[00:24:08] tragedy. Consequently, there
[00:24:10] was some transparency, some
[00:24:14] opinions, in
[00:24:17] giving observations within this questionnaire.
[00:24:20] I mean, today, the economic reality, the questionnaire made it clear
[00:24:23] that the economic reality in Syria is bad, and this is a lived reality that everyone
[00:24:27] experiences today. Today, we see
[00:24:31] you believe that the results reflect reality. Good, Mr. Mohammed. Good, Mr.
[00:24:34] Mohammed. A question for Mr.
[00:24:37] Barita, too. What do these
[00:24:40] results say about the nature of the state that
[00:24:43] Syrians want it to be?
[00:24:45] Well, I'm going to answer.
[00:24:48] I'm going to allow myself to answer the same question you asked
[00:24:51] my colleague earlier. Well, the extent of the survey
[00:24:55] or the poll and its application to reality, I expect, I mean, there's a distance
[00:24:58] from reality, and I, as a Syrian person, hope
[00:25:02] with all my heart that the results of the survey are close
[00:25:06] you feel it was far from reality, for example? For example,
[00:25:10] in trust in the government. I mean, 55% in the Arab
[00:25:14] Index. I don't, I mean, today's government was appointed
[00:25:18] some time ago, I haven't seen any plans, I haven't seen
[00:25:22] any performance indicators, I haven't seen any impact on... You mean this percentage is
[00:25:25] exaggerated?
[00:25:28] Of course it's exaggerated. Of course, I believe that public awareness
[00:25:31] is not absolute support. Public awareness
[00:25:35] after 14 years of revolution and 50 years of oppression,
[00:25:39] injustice, tyranny, and killing says that
[00:25:43] the positives, and we continue to criticize
[00:25:47] until we overcome all existing negatives. And the negatives...
[00:25:51] Social media doesn't say what you say, Mr. Barita. On the contrary, it perhaps
[00:25:54] reflects even higher percentages than the percentages that
[00:25:58] the barrier of fear, the barrier of fear is still
[00:26:02] present among
[00:26:05] of the Syrian people after all that they have suffered and are suffering.
[00:26:09] We hope that the sacrifices that the Syrian people
[00:26:12] have made will not
[00:26:16] about things by their names, we will call them by their names from
[00:26:19] all sides. I mean, for example, the Syrian parameter,
[00:26:22] the same poll assesses the government by a satisfaction
[00:26:26] rate of 71%. On what basis is it 71%? On the high
[00:26:29] price of diesel by 85%?
[00:26:32] No, on the high price of food items
[00:26:35] by 200%. Where is this? On management
[00:26:39] and governance and corruption and investment files that are being granted
[00:26:42] without tenders, without announcement, and without any transparency? Where is
[00:26:46] this government? On the absence of the government's role? I mean, specifically,
[00:26:49] regarding the education rate, for example, it also caught my attention,
[00:26:52] with a rate of 62% that
[00:26:56] there is a decline in education, or 68%. Do
[00:26:59] you know that, I mean, if I go down to the street now and conduct
[00:27:02] a small survey, I can ask 500 people, and you'll find that
[00:27:06] there is no interest in public schools. Even the first question
[00:27:10] the public school principal asks the student is, "Do you want
[00:27:13] to attend or not?" Where is the percentage? Where is this 62%? Okay, this is your point
[00:27:17] of view. I will ask Dr. Zakaria about it. I am speaking from reality,
[00:27:20] from reality. I am not speaking from my own opinion. These are things we are
[00:27:26] So, in the end, finally, Dr. Zakaria's
[00:27:29] opinion on what you referred to, and do these results reflect the beginning
[00:27:33] of the formation of a new social contract in Syria? Dr. Zakaria, it's a big question, but briefly,
[00:27:36] please.
[00:27:39] Look, first of all, the survey
[00:27:43] covered 25
[00:27:45] and 26, and even the 26 survey,
[00:27:49] I mean, up until two months
[00:27:51] ago. And there is a change between 25
[00:27:55] and 26. So, the polls It changes, I mean what Mr.
[00:27:58] Berta or some young people or colleagues said, change
[00:28:02] exists, meaning people, for example, saw that there were crises that
[00:28:06] the government caused, so it retreated. I mean, in many standards, it was at
[00:28:09] 25 with number 26, it turned into another number
[00:28:12] within a year. So polls change and this is the opinion of
[00:28:16] people changing. It's a natural state, but
[00:28:19] actually, let me say one thing and conclude with it.
[00:28:23] I see that there is awareness among Syrians, there is
[00:28:25] adherence to the main
[00:28:28] goals. Actually, this is an important issue. There is
[00:28:31] a sense of danger coming to Syria or threatening
[00:28:35] Syria, but in a survey I see as very
[00:28:39] dangerous and needs attention, which is the definition or
[00:28:43] sectarian belonging, and this is a real problem. This
[00:28:46] if time allows, Dr.
[00:28:48] يسعفني الوقت دكتور
[00:28:51] focusing on this point. Anyway, thank you
[00:28:54] very much to the academic and political researcher from Damascus, Dr.
[00:28:58] Zakaria Malahfaji. I also thank Mohamed Suleiman,
[00:29:01] researcher at Jisr Center for Studies from Damascus,
[00:29:05] and my thanks to Brietta Haj Hassan, expert in administrative governance from
[00:29:08] Aleppo, and thanks to Dr. Abdel Moneim Al-Halabi, academic
[00:29:12] and economic expert who was with us from Gaziantep.
[00:29:15] Short break and we will return
[00:29:18] to the discussion and ask where will the creation
[00:29:22] of the position of Peace Advisor in the Ministry of
[00:29:24] Foreign Affairs lead?
[00:29:43] The truth does not always lie in what
[00:29:45] we see,
[00:29:49] but in what was absent or made absent from
[00:29:53] the scene. Among the rubble of documents and the shadows
[00:29:56] of maps, we trace the trail, no matter
[00:29:59] how small. We listen.
[00:30:07] We reveal, investigate, research, and discuss, striving to highlight what was missing from the details
[00:30:09] of the picture. The Explorer on Syria TV.
[00:30:43] Minister of Foreign Affairs, Asaad Al-Shaibani, issued a decision to appoint
[00:30:47] Muzna Al-Atrash as an advisor for peace affairs in
[00:30:50] the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Al-Atrash, who comes from
[00:30:54] Suwayda governorate, holds a certificate from the Higher Institute
[00:30:57] of Dramatic Arts.