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20260806 043000 UTC
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[00:00:00] for location consultation and promote democratic
[00:00:03] similar to the vast majority of countries in participation of the people, which is the 90s, but it also has many similarities with what what we are seeing here, the expression
[00:00:07] of the people, he turned his back on us,
[00:00:10] it hurts, that is the word, it tears the soul, to know that with
[00:00:14] the amount of life there, the Department of Natural Resources, which is called
[00:00:18] to protect our natural resources, all the life that
[00:00:21] exists there is not fulfilling its ministerial duty and that they do not
[00:00:25] care. On the other hand, we spoke with the mayor of
[00:00:28] the municipality of Cabo Rojo, who was in favor of said
[00:00:32] project. We asked him what the benefits would be for the
[00:00:36] about this beginning of people of Cabo Rojo, since the
[00:00:38] project has tax decrees and
[00:00:42] break and when we return, a White House even exemptions for the payment, for example, of
[00:00:45] Ibu, among others. The economic benefit that a project
[00:00:48] of this magnitude can represent is the jobs it can
[00:00:52] create for the citizens of Cabo Rojo and the economy it can
[00:00:56] generate for local businesses, it is always there.
[00:01:00] the difference that exists in relation to the decrees has been discussed,
[00:01:03] eh, we understand from what we have read that the decrees
[00:01:06] only apply to the tourist
[00:01:11] States within the framework of this Shield not to the residential part of the people who buy
[00:01:14] for residence, this could mean for us construction taxes
[00:01:17] and payments in crime. Regarding the water problem, the mayor
[00:01:21] denied that his municipality has this situation.
[00:01:24] water supply problems in Cabo Rojo we really do not
[00:01:28] have them, there may be a problem.
[00:01:30] of water because the light goes out and there is no pumping
[00:01:34] generated
[00:03:52] time Fujimorism resorts
[00:04:03] violation of human rights by the
[00:04:43] I wanted to watch a movie in
[00:04:58] Hello, hello, good evening. Welcome to Conclusiones, Mario González greets you from Mexico City
[00:05:02] today for my colleague Fernando del Rincón.
[00:05:05] Keiko Fujimori begins her government in Peru with a
[00:05:08] central commitment: to return the armed forces
[00:05:12] to a key role in the fight against organized crime, a decision
[00:05:16] that revives the debate on security, military power and
[00:05:19] the legacy of her father Alberto
[00:05:21] Fujimori.
[00:05:24] A Salvadoran man, Edwin López Cornejo, died in immigration
[00:05:27] custody in New Jersey. His death once again puts the conditions
[00:05:31] inside ICE detention centers
[00:05:34] under scrutiny.
[00:05:36] 25 US states sue Donald Trump's government over his new
[00:05:40] tariffs, while Mexico warns about the impact of this
[00:05:43] commercial measure:
[00:05:47] in Guatemala, a new eruption of the Fuego volcano forces the evacuation
[00:05:50] of dozens of families living on the slopes of the
[00:05:54] volcano. With all this, in conclusions,
[00:05:57] we begin.
[00:06:04] And I ask you to join me from this moment on using the hashtag
[00:06:07] Conclusecurity P, Conclusecurity P, all together
[00:06:11] there I remind you. that I receive all your comments to my account on
[00:06:14] X, formerly known as Twitter
[00:06:16] @mariocnn.
[00:06:19] Let's go with Peru, in Peru, the return of Fujimorism to
[00:06:22] power begins to take shape, and one of the first
[00:06:25] measures of Keiko's government, Keiko Fujimori, the president
[00:06:29] aims at security. The new president
[00:06:32] announced that in areas declared in a state of emergency for security
[00:06:35] reasons, the armed forces will temporarily assume
[00:06:39] internal order control operations,
[00:06:42] in coordination with the national police. The measure
[00:06:46] that suspends some rights applies to some provinces of
[00:06:49] the departments of Tumbes and La Libertad and
[00:06:52] the regions of Ayacucho, Junín and
[00:06:55] Cusco.
[00:06:58] During states of emergency, the armed
[00:07:01] forces will temporarily assume
[00:07:05] leadership of security operations and internal
[00:07:09] control.
[00:07:12] The objective, according to the authorities, is to confront organized
[00:07:15] crime, extortion, drug trafficking, illegal
[00:07:18] mining that have grown in recent years. The president also stated
[00:07:22] that her government will recover every neighborhood, every road, every
[00:07:25] public space for Peruvian families. The strategy is not
[00:07:29] limited to the deployment of military personnel. Fujimori also
[00:07:32] announced more resources for the police, a national network of
[00:07:35] surveillance cameras, artificial intelligence to
[00:07:38] identify criminal patterns, better communication
[00:07:41] systems and new command centers to coordinate
[00:07:45] operations against criminal organizations. Fujimori's
[00:07:48] security strategy also seeks support outside Peru. The president
[00:07:52] said she spoke with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and that
[00:07:56] she expressed her government's interest in joining the so-called Shield of the
[00:08:00] Americas that she announced together with the presidents of the
[00:08:03] region with, eh, with her allies,
[00:08:06] of course, I mean the United States. Let's remember that this is the
[00:08:10] initiative promoted by Donald Trump to coordinate efforts against organized
[00:08:14] crime in the region. The logic behind this
[00:08:17] decision is that criminal networks no longer
[00:08:20] operate within a single country, which is why countries must
[00:08:24] share information and work together. But
[00:08:28] this decision should not be read only from the present, it also
[00:08:32] has a long political, eh, surname
[00:08:35] that accompanies Keiko Fujimori, she is the daughter of Alberto
[00:08:39] Fujimori, the president who in the 90s put
[00:08:42] the armed forces at the center of the fight against the armed groups of
[00:08:46] Sendero Luminoso and the Túpac Amaru revolutionary
[00:08:49] movement. For his followers, that strategy allowed
[00:08:52] him to regain control of the country in the face of terrorism, but that period
[00:08:55] was also identified by serious human rights violations
[00:08:59] and by the judicial conviction against the former president. That is why every
[00:09:05] to the military again, the discussion about security and about
[00:09:08] the limits of state power opens again in
[00:09:12] Peru, with the background of the
[00:09:16] armed forces. The big question is whether using
[00:09:19] military personnel solves insecurity and will
[00:09:22] solve it in the country or is it only a
[00:09:25] popular media strategy by President Fujimori to
[00:09:29] begin her mandate. We are going to analyze all this, the scenario and I will
[00:09:33] introduce you to the next
[00:09:34] guest.
[00:09:40] I welcome the former Minister of the Interior of
[00:09:43] Peru, José Luis Pérez Guadalupe, thank you for being with
[00:09:46] us, José Luis, welcome, let's see, eh, we have to remember that
[00:09:50] this also has a context, we were already talking about the internal
[00:09:53] context, the context with the United States, but we also have to say that there is a regional
[00:09:57] context, practically in all political campaigns
[00:10:00] a topic appears that did not appear with such resonance before,
[00:10:04] the topic of security, of security against criminal
[00:10:08] groups, although before Peru faced security
[00:10:11] problems related to subversive or terrorist
[00:10:15] groups, now the topic is criminal organizations.
[00:10:19] How do you see the situation, José Luis?
[00:10:23] Thank you very much, Mario, for the invitation. The situation in Peru, very
[00:10:28] the region, is critical in terms of citizen
[00:10:32] security. We have seen the neighboring
[00:10:35] country of Chile, which has just had
[00:10:38] a government, but it has also entered with
[00:10:41] great difficulty
[00:10:44] into the, let's say, traditional crime of our
[00:10:47] countries. Foreign crime, which we would call
[00:10:51] foreign, basically Venezuelan,
[00:10:54] has been added. This has come to exacerbate not only
[00:10:57] the number of crimes but also the classification of crimes such as, for example, extortion,
[00:11:00] which has practically invaded all the cities
[00:11:04] of the country. In this context, we have 10
[00:11:08] years of misgovernment, eh, in my
[00:11:11] opinion, mostly due to President
[00:11:14] Fujimori herself, who did not let Pedropallo Kuchinski or the
[00:11:18] subsequent presidents govern, and we had eight presidents
[00:11:22] in 10 years. But
[00:11:26] now, as a Brazilian saying goes, one day the spell can go against
[00:11:29] the sorceress, and I think we are at that moment because
[00:11:32] previously, under the aegis of the Fujimorist
[00:11:36] congressmen, what is called pro-crime laws in Peru
[00:11:40] have been passed, which do not help
[00:11:44] in the fight against criminal organizations, and the proposal
[00:11:47] that President Fujimori is clearly putting forward
[00:11:51] is the militarization of citizen security,
[00:11:54] which is a temptation that we have already seen in
[00:11:58] other countries in the region, and failed temptations, of
[00:12:01] course, that is, they have not yielded results anywhere. What needs to be done is
[00:12:04] police investigation, police intelligence, a lot of
[00:12:07] support and, above all, action against internal
[00:12:11] corruption, because many times it has been naively believed that
[00:12:15] criminal organizations exist when there is no
[00:12:18] state, and that is false, eh, they
[00:12:21] precisely manage to undermine, manage to penetrate state
[00:12:25] actors to move forward with organized
[00:12:27] crime.
[00:12:31] Of course, now, eh, the nature of the armed forces is
[00:12:34] very different from police work, as we mentioned a
[00:12:38] moment ago. Alberto Fujimori, well, I think he, eh, reached a
[00:12:42] moment where he fought subversive and
[00:12:45] terrorist movements. Now the fight is
[00:12:48] different, although we are talking about security, but they are different
[00:12:52] movements. Much has been debated, for example, in Mexico, about whether
[00:12:55] the armed forces are trained to confront
[00:12:59] criminal groups that are involved in the social fabric,
[00:13:03] José Luis. Look, I believe that the armed forces not
[00:13:06] only can, but must intervene in the
[00:13:10] fight against organized crime in favor of citizen
[00:13:13] security. I am convinced that the role of the armed forces has to change
[00:13:17] and has to be a much more active actor, which at this
[00:13:20] moment is wasted along with the intelligence service, the intelligence
[00:13:24] services in general fight against organized
[00:13:27] crime. I believe in principle that there has to be
[00:13:30] participation, the question is what type of participation, what type of
[00:13:34] role can be assigned to the armed forces and it has to be based
[00:13:38] on their preparation and their capacity, their expertise, their core
[00:13:41] competence. For example, now it has been proposed that they participate and be more active
[00:13:45] in border areas and in areas of illegal mining. Personally, I think
[00:13:49] it's fine, but there is a proposal that the president has made that the
[00:13:52] military personnel should now be prison directors. And
[00:13:56] that seems as absurd to me as pretending that military personnel should now be
[00:14:00] police chiefs, or delegates,
[00:14:03] of the police stations that are purely police. So there are
[00:14:06] roles that are intended to be given under the cloak,
[00:14:10] the myth that military personnel will bring more security or
[00:14:13] that, eh, certain functions will be attributed to them that
[00:14:17] will unfortunately fail. What needs to be done is, first of all, to
[00:14:20] identify that we are not in the 90s, and that
[00:14:24] is a big mistake of the entire Fujimorist
[00:14:27] campaign to always allude to the
[00:14:30] father, everything he did in the 90s, as if that were going
[00:14:33] to work when Sendero Luminoso, which was the great
[00:14:36] enemy of the country, has nothing to do with the current criminal
[00:14:40] organizations. The actions that could be taken in the 90s have nothing
[00:14:44] to do with our current reality, and remember that it was
[00:14:47] the police that captured Abimael Guzmán
[00:14:50] and the entire Sendero leadership
[00:14:52] based on intelligence, not the military, but the
[00:14:56] police. But now we are in a 90s
[00:14:59] fashion, retro fashion, okay, that now
[00:15:02] it turns out that everything military is good, so, eh,
[00:15:06] they are going to be given, as I said, not only
[00:15:09] general security in the streets, which at this moment we are already in many
[00:15:13] parts of the country in states of emergency, that is, the military is already in the
[00:15:17] streets, but they want to give them even the direction,
[00:15:20] not, not the perimeter, not the security, no, the
[00:15:23] direction of the prisons, and that seems to me a
[00:15:27] quite clueless measure,
[00:15:29] mistaken and that will fail, yes, now
[00:15:31] uh-huh,
[00:15:34] eh, eh, it has, let's see, eh, you talk about a film, it's retro politics from
[00:15:40] is being proposed in other parts of Latin America, as we started the conversation, that is, for us not
[00:15:44] to go so far, El Salvador has also proposed a strengthening
[00:15:47] of even detention centers, exemplary
[00:15:50] prisons, eh, eh, are there differences or
[00:15:54] are we talking more or less about the same
[00:15:57] proposals that are being launched, thank
[00:16:01] you very much, Mario, because there is this Bukelization of security
[00:16:04] policies in our country, we must understand that
[00:16:07] the context of El Salvador is very
[00:16:10] particular, I believe that President Bukele implemented a very
[00:16:13] good criminal policy regarding gangs, and it is effective
[00:16:17] and that must be recognized, everyone in El Salvador recognizes it, but
[00:16:21] his penitentiary policy is another thing, there, for example,
[00:16:24] the secod, but of course when we talk about the secot in
[00:16:28] countries with authoritarian presidencies, the
[00:16:32] first victim is the truth, right? So, in truth, we cannot
[00:16:35] know what is happening in El Salvador, only what
[00:16:39] his tweets or the images that President
[00:16:43] Bukele allows give us. So, let's say, I start from the premise that everything that comes from
[00:16:47] news from El Salvador is not necessarily true or may be
[00:16:50] exaggerated, since Bukele himself was an expert in
[00:16:54] political communication, but let's suppose that the sekot
[00:16:57] model works, okay, but the secot is made and
[00:17:00] there is a big difference with the prisons in the rest of Latin America, the
[00:17:04] secot is made for people who will not leave prison.
[00:17:09] They are for life sentences, while in Peru only
[00:17:12] 2% of prisoners in Peru have life
[00:17:15] sentences, so the question is another, that is,
[00:17:19] 98% of prisoners in Peru, we have
[00:17:22] capacity for 41, and there are
[00:17:25] and at this moment there are 106 prisoners and it has been 10 years since not a
[00:17:29] single prison has been built, okay, 98% of our prisoners will
[00:17:33] leave, so the question is how do we want them to
[00:17:35] leave, so there has to
[00:17:38] be a different policy, especially
[00:17:42] for the recovery, reintegration of those inmates, if you put
[00:17:46] the military there, I doubt very much that they know what
[00:17:49] to do to reintegrate or in the very
[00:17:52] same tasks of surveillance, order, conduct
[00:17:56] within the prisons themselves, so I think there has been
[00:18:00] haste, there has been, let's say,
[00:18:03] punitive populism, penal populism focused on the
[00:18:08] militarization of citizen security, which is no
[00:18:10] novelty in our
[00:18:14] continent, yes, with all the risks that it also implies and which we will talk about, when we return, if you allow me, José
[00:18:18] Luis Pérez Guadalupe, former Minister of the Interior of Peru, we return with
[00:18:21] him,
[00:18:25] I'm Juan Carlos López, welcome to Clash of Opinions,
[00:18:29] diplomacy, you know very well what is said in private is not what is said in public, well
[00:18:33] let's see what is said in private, Clash of
[00:18:36] Opinions. Sunday, on
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[00:21:45] Guadalupe, former Minister of the Interior of Peru, about the security
[00:21:48] policy announced by President
[00:21:52] Keiko Fujimori. Does it make sense, José
[00:21:55] Luis, this announcement of rapprochement with the United
[00:22:01] of the Americas? Could there be, let's say,
[00:22:05] something bigger that contemplates,
[00:22:08] well, extraterritorial
[00:22:09] actions?
[00:22:19] Eh, there are some assumptions that must
[00:22:23] be taken into account, that organized crime effectively has no
[00:22:26] borders, and viewing this in isolation, each country
[00:22:30] independently, does not make much sense, that is, organized crime
[00:22:33] walks around as if it were at home in all our
[00:22:37] countries, so regional policies,
[00:22:40] global policies, integrating
[00:22:43] coordinated policies, I think it's good on the one hand,
[00:22:46] now logically entering this Shield of the Americas. it will have
[00:22:50] its reservations, eh, and we will also see how Trump does in the
[00:22:54] November elections and if he will have the same leadership
[00:22:58] or not, but what I do think is that definitively, whether in the
[00:23:02] Shield of the Americas or any other shield, there has to be a much
[00:23:05] greater coordination
[00:23:08] between, eh, the states of the continent for
[00:23:12] this fight that, as I say, eh, Peru, for
[00:23:15] example, in Peru, we are not consumers of
[00:23:18] drugs, we produce coca leaf, we produce
[00:23:22] basic cocaine paste, cocaine hydrochloride, we export, but we do
[00:23:25] not consume, while Brazil does not
[00:23:27] produce coca, but it is the second largest
[00:23:31] consumer of cocaine and the United States is the first,
[00:23:35] so we cannot take these issues and not to mention illegal
[00:23:39] mining that is taken from Peru, passes through Bolivia and then
[00:23:42] reaches Europe, especially gold,
[00:23:45] so we cannot see these issues of organized
[00:23:48] crime in isolation. I think it has to be seen as a whole,
[00:23:52] and I agree with that, there is a regional
[00:23:54] integrating policy, whether the Shield of the
[00:23:58] Americas is the best option,
[00:24:02] well, I don't know if there is
[00:24:03] another of that dimension, to
[00:24:08] begin with, now José Luis, would the president face
[00:24:11] legal problems, that is, for the implementation of her plan, would she have to seek
[00:24:15] constitutional reforms, legal reforms, at
[00:24:17] least.
[00:24:20] what we have seen in recent years is that Congress has practically
[00:24:23] changed the entire constitution of the country
[00:24:26] through Congress, where she
[00:24:29] played a fundamental role, Fujimorism,
[00:24:32] so now she no longer
[00:24:34] has a majority in the deputies, she has a
[00:24:38] technical tie in senators, but it would
[00:24:41] be necessary to see if she will be able to change the laws as
[00:24:44] she did before during these 10 years, as I say, 10 years, which
[00:24:48] is a decade. for Peruvian politics,
[00:24:52] which has not been lost for the economy, fortunately, but the Peruvian economy would
[00:24:56] have been able to grow much more if it had had political
[00:24:59] stability, so now I think that in general the
[00:25:03] consensus among Peruvians is that we all want
[00:25:06] to return to the political stability that we have had
[00:25:10] for decades, decades, and that we have lost
[00:25:13] precisely in my opinion due to Mrs. Fujimori's
[00:25:17] whim not to accept her three previous
[00:25:20] electoral defeats.
[00:25:24] Wow, we can say that we have already seen
[00:25:28] this movie in Peru and in Latin
[00:25:31] America.
[00:25:34] Yes, we are talking, I don't know if it's a remake
[00:25:37] or a déjà vu, but well, we want
[00:25:41] the ending to be different,
[00:25:44] eh, even if the actors are the same, but we are all
[00:25:48] betting that... not only Peru, I repeat, because
[00:25:52] what happens in Chile or Colombia or Bolivia or
[00:25:55] Brazil affects us all, so I think we have
[00:25:59] to bet on the governments we have now. and rather
[00:26:03] collaborate with ideas and
[00:26:06] move towards the best options. For example, yesterday
[00:26:09] a Sparta, which is a large plane of the
[00:26:13] Peruvian armed forces, was sent carrying three
[00:26:17] Venezuelans to Caracas, three, the plane is for
[00:26:20] 80,
[00:26:21] 80,
[00:26:26] Wow, we had a problem with José Luis's signal, unfortunately it's José
[00:26:30] Luis Pérez Guadalupe. whom I thank for these minutes to
[00:26:34] talk with Conclusiones
[00:26:38] Keiko Fujimori's administration, thank you and see
[00:26:41] you soon. We are going to take a
[00:26:45] decision that seeks to pressure the world, now faces
[00:26:48] resistance within its own country, what is at stake behind
[00:26:52] this battle for Donald Trump's tariffs,
[00:26:54] we'll be back.
[00:26:59] The news doesn't stop and CNN is.
[00:27:02] Always present to bring you the most relevant
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[00:27:08] Rodríguez, who leads the World View team, your reference
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[00:27:30] It is important to have a clear perspective of
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[00:27:52] perspectives, perspectives with Mario González, Monday
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[00:27:57] CNN.