TELEARUBA — broadcast
20260825 053000 UTC
351 transcript segments
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[00:00:00] to those who request a tourist visa. Is that not a form of
[00:00:03] censorship, that is, is it not something that
[00:00:06] extend to other countries in damages the image of the United States and that can also destroy the
[00:00:10] tourism industry in the United States? Look, in that particular case, I think it was a
[00:00:14] correct decision. Why? Because there are many people who enter the United
[00:00:17] States with objectives that are not positive for the United States,
[00:00:21] people who come and start protesting, start generating
[00:00:25] controversies, and the objective of an immigration system
[00:00:28] is to allow people who want to migrate, in this case to
[00:00:31] the United States, to make a positive contribution to the country.
[00:00:35] I'll give you an example of the former president of Colombia, whose
[00:00:38] visa was revoked for entry, because when he goes to New York to give his
[00:00:42] speech before the United Nations, he goes to a neighborhood in New
[00:00:45] York to tell the military not to obey the orders of the
[00:00:49] commander-in-chief. People who have a
[00:00:52] history like that, people who on social media promote
[00:00:56] violence, actively promote civil
[00:00:59] disobedience. I don't think they should have permission to enter the United
[00:01:03] States freely, unlike those who want to do legitimate tourism, who want to come to
[00:01:07] invest and who want to come and have a good time in the United States.
[00:01:10] Reviewing social media is not a form of censorship? No, I think it's
[00:01:14] using the available
[00:01:17] cocaine laboratories in the tools to ensure that everyone who enters the United States enters for the right reasons,
[00:01:21] and today we know that people freely express what they think on social
[00:01:24] media, and they are a very useful tool to know
[00:01:28] why they want to come to the United States. Carlos Rosillo, we'll be back with
[00:01:32] you later in the program, we have to take a break. When we return, we will
[00:01:35] analyze whether the Trump government is planning
[00:01:38] joint military attacks against drug traffickers in several
[00:01:42] Latin American countries. Don't go away.
[00:01:45] Let's talk.
[00:01:50] Every night there is the
[00:01:52] What excites me most is possibility of a bombing, without
[00:01:55] we return, my reflection on what filters, they should not treat our young people
[00:01:58] like that anywhere. Here it is asked, is there freedom
[00:02:02] of belief in the country, in Spain, one hears,
[00:02:05] this type of phenomenon is not that they are the generators of change,
[00:02:09] they are the expression of a change, and it is debated, will its foreign policy
[00:02:12] be like this, lukewarm, without taking firm stances? Conclusions
[00:02:16] with Fernando del Rincón, Monday to Friday on
[00:02:19] CNN. The news does not stop and
[00:02:23] CNN is always present to bring you the most relevant
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[00:04:51] I am Mexican-British. I have been working in
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[00:04:58] States, and now in Miami for CNN. CNN
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[00:05:42] CNN América with Rebeca Kelly, Monday to Friday
[00:05:45] on CNN.
[00:05:47] Hello, Mr. Openheimer, if you are interested
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[00:08:16] Thank you for staying with us. The US Secretary of Defense
[00:08:19] announced that Colombia requested to carry out joint military
[00:08:22] operations with the United States against drug
[00:08:25] traffickers, operations like those already existing between the military forces of the United
[00:08:29] States and Ecuador, although Colombia has not officially confirmed
[00:08:32] it yet. So the big question is, will these joint
[00:08:36] military operations extend to other Latin American
[00:08:39] countries, and could there be unilateral
[00:08:42] military actions by the United States, for example, against drug
[00:08:46] laboratories in Mexico? We resume
[00:08:49] the conversation with Ambassador Brian Nichols, who until recently,
[00:08:53] until less than 2 years ago, was in charge of the State Department
[00:08:56] for all of Latin America and the Caribbean, that is, the head of
[00:09:00] all US ambassadors in the region. Let's go
[00:09:08] that Colombia asked to conduct joint military operations with the United States
[00:09:12] against NATO. And that would be in addition to
[00:09:15] Ecuador and perhaps other countries. The Colombian government did not confirm
[00:09:19] it, but it also did not deny it. Do you believe that
[00:09:22] President Trump's government will expand its recent
[00:09:26] attacks on vessels of alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean and Pacific,
[00:09:30] to military operations on land? Obviously, the
[00:09:33] Shield of the Americas is a priority for the
[00:09:37] Trump administration and for Secretary
[00:09:40] Hecset. I believe that the
[00:09:43] military and intelligence
[00:09:46] resources that are needed to
[00:09:49] expand military
[00:09:53] or quasi-military operations in the
[00:09:56] region, I don't
[00:09:59] know if they have those
[00:10:02] resources at this time because we see that there is a
[00:10:05] war in Iran
[00:10:08] in the Strait of Hormuz.
[00:10:10] That
[00:10:13] indicates that
[00:10:16] we cannot always bring everything on
[00:10:20] warships to our region. However,
[00:10:23] we have seen that something
[00:10:26] is happening in the Pacific Ocean
[00:10:30] near the coast of Ecuador, that attacks against
[00:10:33] fishermen there
[00:10:36] have been reported. I think the use
[00:10:40] of that as another weapon against
[00:10:44] drug trafficking or illegal
[00:10:48] armed groups is something that is
[00:10:52] desirable, Secretary Heksa
[00:10:55] and also the President of Colombia. However,
[00:10:58] using more
[00:11:01] intelligence, police
[00:11:04] investigation, those are, in
[00:11:08] my opinion, a
[00:11:12] better way to deter
[00:11:15] drug trafficking and crime.
[00:11:18] But regarding your first point about military force, you don't need to send an
[00:11:21] aircraft carrier, you can send a drone to destroy a drug
[00:11:25] lab. But that's
[00:11:28] not something
[00:11:31] new in Colombia's case, as Colombia has always
[00:11:34] used a variety of
[00:11:38] tools against
[00:11:42] jungle. They have had
[00:11:45] rockets, bombs
[00:11:48] and troops
[00:11:51] that have attacked
[00:11:55] those sites in the country.
[00:11:58] That was the case during my time
[00:12:02] in Colombia from 2007 to
[00:12:06] 2010. So that's nothing new. Critics
[00:12:09] of the Trump government's attacks against alleged drug traffickers' boats
[00:12:13] in the Caribbean and Pacific say they are
[00:12:17] death sentences without prior trial. If
[00:12:20] you were in charge of the State Department for Latin America, as you
[00:12:24] were until recently, what would you advise the president: to continue
[00:12:27] with this or to use more resources, as you
[00:12:31] said, for intelligence, for prevention, for other types of
[00:12:34] things? Killing
[00:12:37] people
[00:12:39] is not the way to solve the problem
[00:12:43] of drug trafficking.
[00:12:46] Look, if
[00:12:49] they are killing the crew of a
[00:12:52] ship or a speedboat,
[00:12:55] the result is that there is no
[00:12:59] intelligence to follow
[00:13:02] the information to the
[00:13:05] drug lords. That's
[00:13:08] what's important. Those people, a sailor
[00:13:12] there in the crew
[00:13:15] is not very important in
[00:13:19] solving the problem, because there are always
[00:13:23] poor people, resources without options in life
[00:13:26] or who want to earn
[00:13:30] money the easy way.
[00:13:34] Those people can be easily
[00:13:38] replaced, and the price of
[00:13:41] cocaine and other drugs in the United
[00:13:44] States has not gone down, so it is not
[00:13:48] affecting the situation on the street
[00:13:51] in the United States. That is what is important for
[00:13:55] American citizens: to reduce the
[00:13:59] flow of drugs, especially
[00:14:03] cocaine or fentanyl, into the United
[00:14:06] States. And for the people in Colombia
[00:14:10] or other countries like Mexico or other countries, it is to reduce
[00:14:13] the violence by drug
[00:14:17] cartels, and that is something
[00:14:20] that has not yet been seen. And how is
[00:14:24] that achieved? Ambassador, we must investigate
[00:14:27] drug trafficking networks,
[00:14:31] detain, arrest drug kingpins,
[00:14:35] fight official corruption,
[00:14:38] maintain trust control in the
[00:14:42] police, and provide life
[00:14:45] options for people who join these
[00:14:48] drug cartels, and that starts with
[00:14:51] a social and
[00:14:55] educational structure that works in
[00:14:58] countries. It is
[00:15:01] a complicated solution, but
[00:15:05] very important for the people, and
[00:15:08] something that I believe Colombia
[00:15:12] historically has been making much progress on
[00:15:16] in recent years, not
[00:15:19] so much during the Petro administration. However,
[00:15:21] hopefully, there will be more
[00:15:25] efforts in this regard during the
[00:15:29] current government.
[00:15:33] Ambassador B. Nichols, thank you very much for this interview. We have to take a break. When we talk, we
[00:15:36] will continue analyzing whether the joint military operations
[00:15:40] of the United States against drug traffickers will
[00:15:44] the region, including Mexico. We are going to hear
[00:15:47] another perspective, don't go away, we'll be
[00:16:01] right back. Yes, yes, it's clear, and it's very good that you come back, you said it at the
[00:16:05] beginning of the program, that
[00:16:09] this transition should happen because there are a series of
[00:16:12] questions that you have explained very well, that is, that from the beginning
[00:16:16] it is to say, well, perhaps this is not as immediate
[00:16:18] as we think. Second, the point of transparency, of maintaining
[00:16:22] transparency, which bueno,
[00:16:25] Bernanke put us in a dance, he has been tremendously
[00:16:28] a positive asset and a great asset of the
[00:16:31] institution, and then fundamentally
[00:16:35] the structure of a...
[00:16:38] a strong Fed, with
[00:16:41] that complexity it has right now of being regional,
[00:16:45] it's a strength, it's a fortress.
[00:16:58] To understand the world you need to seek the
[00:17:01] truth. Let's return to the era when we had to be much
[00:17:04] more human. That's why we follow the lord.
[00:17:38] no matter where life takes you,
[00:17:41] we follow what matters to you,
[00:17:44] we forge a path towards truth and understanding of the world.
[00:19:15] Thank you for staying with us. We continue analyzing whether joint military
[00:19:19] operations of the United States with various Latin American
[00:19:22] countries against drug traffickers will increase. We resume
[00:19:25] the conversation with Carlos Díaz Rosillo, former White House official
[00:19:29] during President Trump's first administration, a man close to the
[00:19:32] current US government. Carlos Díaz
[00:19:36] Rosillo, do you believe that President Trump's government will
[00:19:39] expand the current attacks on suspected
[00:19:42] drug trafficking boats at sea to military actions
[00:19:45] on land against drug traffickers? I believe that President
[00:19:49] Trump's government will go all out to eradicate the problem
[00:19:52] of drug trafficking and organized crime, and the president of the
[00:19:56] primaries, when he was a candidate in the campaign, said
[00:20:00] again and again that he wanted to have a closer relationship with the United
[00:20:03] States, that he was going to ask the United States to enter this
[00:20:07] Shield of the Americas program, which has already happened and which will allow a
[00:20:11] much closer collaboration between the Colombian armed
[00:20:14] forces and the US armed forces. For
[00:20:17] decades, the relationship between Colombia and the United States has been
[00:20:21] exceptional. Many have said that Colombia was the jewel in the
[00:20:25] crown in the US-Latin America relationship. From the
[00:20:28] Plan Colombia until recently, it was an exceptional relationship, and what
[00:20:32] we have seen for 4 years in the previous government is that this
[00:20:35] relationship deteriorated. And now we are returning to what was
[00:20:39] previously a solid relationship of collaboration
[00:20:42] and cooperation on the most important bilateral issues, precisely like
[00:20:46] drug trafficking and the attack on organized crime.
[00:20:50] But how do you respond to critics who say that attacks on suspected drug
[00:20:53] trafficking boats, for example, are pure show, and that it would be much more
[00:20:56] effective to apprehend those young people, the crew members of those
[00:21:00] boats, so that they can provide information and capture the drug
[00:21:03] lords? And how do you respond to the second criticism, that
[00:21:07] killing them without prior trial is equivalent to an illegal
[00:21:10] execution? You can say, as former Undersecretary of Defense of
[00:21:13] the United States during President Trump's first term,
[00:21:17] that these types of decisions are not made
[00:21:20] lightly, they are not made for a show. They are made because there must be
[00:21:23] very concrete evidence that they pose an imminent
[00:21:27] danger to the national security of the United States. Now, something
[00:21:30] that obviously arises
[00:21:33] from these actions is a very forceful communicative
[00:21:37] message that illicit activity that affects
[00:21:40] the interests of the United States will not be tolerated. So
[00:21:44] one thing does not negate the other, that it is something that responds to
[00:21:48] concrete intelligence but that also has a very clear
[00:21:52] communication message that the United States government will use all the
[00:21:55] necessary tools to combat this great problem that affects not only the United States
[00:21:59] but the entire region, including Colombia, of course. And regarding
[00:22:03] the second criticism, that they are executions without prior trial,
[00:22:06] that is, they are not extrajudicial
[00:22:09] executions, because in any justice system it is assumed that one is
[00:22:13] innocent until proven guilty. Of course, and I think that is a very
[00:22:16] important principle of justice, and in cases
[00:22:20] where there is evidence that due process was not followed, there must
[00:22:24] be an investigation, without a doubt. The fact that it is a national
[00:22:27] security action does not mean that it is carried
[00:22:31] out outside the framework of the law. I totally agree that
[00:22:34] there should be investigations and that it should be ascertained whether all due
[00:22:38] processes were followed or not. Carlos Rosillo, thank you very much for your
[00:22:42] time. We have to go to a break. When
[00:22:45] we talked about today. Don't go away, we'll be
[00:22:47] right back.
[00:29:18] Thank you for staying with us. Will US military actions
[00:29:22] against drug traffickers in Latin America
[00:29:25] increase, and if they do, will they be
[00:29:28] effective or will they be a show? Note that in a
[00:29:31] meeting with defense ministers and generals from 18
[00:29:35] countries in Panama a few days ago, the Secretary
[00:29:39] of Defense announced that the United States will intensify its joint
[00:29:43] military operations with allied countries that authorize these
[00:29:46] actions. Hexes said that the new president of Colombia, Belardo de la Espriella, has
[00:29:50] already requested to carry out joint military actions against drug
[00:29:53] traffickers in Colombia. The previous government had not
[00:29:57] authorized this, and the current government of de la Espriella has not officially
[00:30:00] confirmed it, but neither has it denied it.
[00:30:03] And Trump has been escalating his offensive to use US military
[00:30:06] force against cartels, bombing more than 65
[00:30:10] boats of suspected drug traffickers in the Caribbean and Pacific, leaving at
[00:30:14] least 221 dead, despite
[00:30:17] criticism that people were being executed
[00:30:21] without prior trial. Now, the
[00:30:24] big question is whether these bombings will extend to
[00:30:27] joint military operations on land, and if
[00:30:31] Washington will launch unilateral, not joint,
[00:30:34] unilateral attacks against drug laboratories in Mexico,
[00:30:38] for example, or other countries that have not agreed to joint
[00:30:42] operations. Today, for example, Mexico authorizes
[00:30:45] cooperation with the United States in intelligence and
[00:30:48] training, but not for joint military
[00:30:52] operations in Mexican territory.
[00:30:55] And the fundamental question, as we said at the beginning of this commentary,
[00:30:59] is whether these.