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[00:00:30] takes over the presidency of Peru with
[00:00:32] half, they change the referee or indications of an economic another notable guest, Juan
[00:00:36] Diego Mota, lawyer and political analyst
[00:00:40] directly from Lima, Juan Diego Mota,
[00:00:44] a warm welcome to the program. Thank you very much for the invitation and I remain
[00:00:48] attentive in these minutes to be able to talk with you and with
[00:00:51] your listeners, Juan Diego, why,
[00:00:54] to begin with, why has Keiko
[00:00:58] Fujimori's arrival in Peru, the presidency, attracted
[00:01:01] so much attention both nationally
[00:01:04] and internationally?
[00:01:06] faithful to the interests Well, because it is not normal
[00:01:09] that in a country like ours
[00:01:13] that has survived,
[00:01:16] first a pandemic, a crisis with the COVID-19
[00:01:19] pandemic, very strong, that
[00:01:22] generated or ended up having the regrettable figure
[00:01:26] of being the country with the highest mortality in the world.
[00:01:30] That is to say, in terms of percentages,
[00:01:34] a country that has experienced an internal
[00:01:37] armed conflict in the 80s and 90s with more than 70,000 dead and
[00:01:41] disappeared, and a country where
[00:01:45] we lived a bloody dictatorship throughout the 90s,
[00:01:48] not only do I say it, but
[00:01:52] this is something that can be verified, I mean that of Alberto
[00:01:55] Fujimori Father, with multiple sentences at national and
[00:01:59] international levels. that
[00:02:02] the candidate who represents
[00:02:06] in a way all these evils, no,
[00:02:09] the daughter of the dictator Alberto Fujimori,
[00:02:12] the person responsible for implementing
[00:02:15] a program of deepening the neoliberal model where
[00:02:19] the economy of large companies is privileged
[00:02:22] over the lives of citizens, and that this was evident
[00:02:25] especially in this pandemic crisis and that it has been characterized a lot by
[00:02:30] violence and repression, is the one who ends up winning
[00:02:34] the electoral process that we are now
[00:02:37] experiencing or suffering its consequences. You have
[00:02:40] said, and I quote your exact words, you have
[00:02:43] said Fujimorism is much more than a political
[00:02:46] party and constitutes a
[00:02:51] prison and this lady ends up power structure with influence in institutions,
[00:02:54] how would you explain to a Latin American
[00:02:58] audience who hears this conception
[00:03:02] of Latin America, from 2021 onwards. for the first time? To understand it, I think we have to keep in mind that
[00:03:06] Fujimorism is a very, very particular
[00:03:09] phenomenon of Peru. I think
[00:03:12] it is not repeated in other
[00:03:16] give away this, that, parts of Latin America. It has similarities with other authoritarian, dictatorial
[00:03:19] processes, but it is very particular. I
[00:03:23] think it is part of this wave of far-right governments
[00:03:27] that are coming to power in Latin America
[00:03:31] through processes
[00:03:33] you have rightly pointed labeled or with indications of being fraudulent. Would you say
[00:03:36] it is a government of change that we can expect or is it a government
[00:03:40] of continuity? There will be changes yes,
[00:03:44] in the sense
[00:03:46] Roberto Sánchez as the winner, that we are facing a new stage of
[00:03:49] what I would call a congressional dictatorship that began
[00:03:53] on December 7, 2022
[00:03:56] with the coup d'état against the legitimate
[00:04:00] president Pedro Castillo, orchestrated
[00:04:02] from the congress
[00:04:06] that has been controlled by Fujimorism and specifically by
[00:04:10] Keiko Fujimori, who then placed puppet
[00:04:13] and above all, they gave him presidents, several puppet presidents, and who no longer only
[00:04:17] has control of the legislative branch,
[00:04:20] now she has control of the executive branch,
[00:04:23] in addition to most of the institutions,
[00:04:26] the institutions that govern all electoral processes,
[00:04:30] the judiciary. the public ministry, the constitutional
[00:04:33] court, the armed forces, the police, they have been occupying all
[00:04:36] these scenarios, and this is a characteristic of Fujimorism,
[00:04:40] and in that sense, I think
[00:04:42] there is continuity, but also the novelty of deepening the
[00:04:46] model. It is a dictatorship that will be
[00:04:49] enthroned and that has managed to be legalized,
[00:04:52] so to speak, with this electoral process. What country does Keiko
[00:04:56] Fujimori receive when she assumes the presidency? Look,
[00:04:59] here it's something particular because
[00:05:03] what she has tried to sell in her discourse,
[00:05:06] especially in her inaugural address this July 28,
[00:05:10] is that she receives a country
[00:05:13] with high rates of citizen insecurity, with
[00:05:16] an El Niño phenomenon on the horizon,
[00:05:19] and everything indicates that we are not prepared to receive
[00:05:23] that El Niño phenomenon, despite the fact that everyone already knows in advance
[00:05:27] that it will come, with a political
[00:05:30] and institutional crisis. We have had 10 presidents in the last 10
[00:05:33] years, and also a period of
[00:05:36] economic
[00:05:39] slowdown. In other words, there are signs
[00:05:44] crisis, but what Keiko Fujimori doesn't say is
[00:05:47] that this whole framework has been
[00:05:50] a product of her government, because she is the one
[00:05:54] who has governed in recent years, since December 7,
[00:05:58] 2022, clearly illegally. She has
[00:06:01] had power from Congress and most of the institutions taken over,
[00:06:05] and she is the one who has placed the puppet presidents, but also for
[00:06:08] many years now she removed President Pedro Pablo
[00:06:12] Kuczynski in the period 2017
[00:06:15] onwards,
[00:06:17] 2018, from the total power she had
[00:06:21] in Congress, and she already had the previous
[00:06:25] Congress taken over, so she
[00:06:28] had the legislative power in her
[00:06:31] hands. So she is the one who has generated this
[00:06:34] country, our country, in a permanent crisis. However,
[00:06:38] she tries to blame the left, which only governed
[00:06:41] for a year and a half, which is what they allowed Pedro
[00:06:45] Castillo to govern, well, govern in inverted commas, because
[00:06:48] here we are also talking to an audience that does not know
[00:06:52] the details of Peru, and at least to paint it in broad strokes,
[00:06:56] here we are talking about a rural teacher who came
[00:06:59] to the presidency by his own efforts,
[00:07:02] who came, let's say, from the interior of the country,
[00:07:05] when the story is that the Lima elite is the one
[00:07:08] that has governed Peru for at least decades. The rural
[00:07:12] teacher manages to take her to a second
[00:07:15] round, wins, so from
[00:07:19] then on, this lady Keiko Fujimori does not accept
[00:07:23] the results. It takes her at least more than a month to twist her
[00:07:27] arm and have no choice but to accept that Pedro
[00:07:31] Castillo won. She then arrives
[00:07:34] at the government palace and they push her against
[00:07:37] the ropes from Congress, as you say,
[00:07:41] and they have given her no mercy
[00:07:44] from the first day, even before the first day,
[00:07:48] they corner her, they don't let her govern, and in the
[00:07:51] end, after a year and a half, through a
[00:07:54] legal maneuver, they give her a constitutional
[00:07:57] coup, a legislative coup, and today she ends up in
[00:08:03] as president. That is also part of how this lady
[00:08:07] Keiko Fujimori has acted. You have made an excellent summary
[00:08:10] of what we have experienced
[00:08:14] Indeed, what we had was a
[00:08:17] legislative coup, a congressional
[00:08:21] coup against the legitimate president Pedro
[00:08:25] Castillo, who was, and this is important,
[00:08:28] the first president of popular origin representing
[00:08:32] popular actors and of a political
[00:08:35] position towards the left to win in
[00:08:38] Peru electorally, not the first
[00:08:42] in history, and as
[00:08:45] out, they did not let him govern from
[00:08:48] day zero of his mandate, and a year and a half
[00:08:52] later they gave him this coup, not only from the legislature,
[00:08:56] but also, it must be said, the armed forces, the national
[00:08:59] police, all the institutions had a hostile position
[00:09:03] towards the president, even with very strong pronouncements,
[00:09:06] and what can I tell you about the big companies and the media?
[00:09:09] Pedro Castillo began to implement a program
[00:09:13] of some reforms, not even profound ones,
[00:09:17] timid reforms perhaps to the liking of
[00:09:20] many, but he tried to do it,
[00:09:26] the coup d'état because of what he represented. He represented
[00:09:29] the oppressed sectors of the country, especially from
[00:09:32] the interior of the country, the forgotten provinces,
[00:09:35] the Andean south, the
[00:09:37] Andes, among others, so that we
[00:09:41] can understand a little the idiosyncrasy, the
[00:09:45] social dynamics of Peru.
[00:09:48] In the right, it is
[00:09:51] positioned mainly in what is known as Lima, modern
[00:09:55] Lima. Peru is a very centralist and very racist
[00:09:57] country, by the way. One third of the population
[00:10:01] resides in Lima, and with that power,
[00:10:04] and from there they govern, and that is what happened
[00:10:07] in the last electoral process as well, an electoral
[00:10:11] process that leads to a second round,
[00:10:14] precisely Keiko Fujimori, who was the leader of Alberto
[00:10:18] Fujimori and all the most rancid right, the Peruvian
[00:10:22] bourgeoisie, and on the other side, Roberto Sánchez,
[00:10:25] who appears as the delegate representative
[00:10:29] of Pedro Castillo and representing the large oppressed majorities
[00:10:33] of the country. Let's remember that Pedro Castillo is currently imprisoned
[00:10:37] or kidnapped. A side note, the UN,
[00:10:40] through its Working Group on Arbitrary
[00:10:44] Detention, issued a very important
[00:10:48] report less than a
[00:10:51] month ago stating that Mr. Pedro Castillo
[00:10:55] was detained, and that his right to defense and due
[00:10:59] process were not respected. Of course, it recommended
[00:11:02] his immediate release, and of course, this government
[00:11:06] has turned a deaf ear to that
[00:11:10] call, despite the fact that the people have mobilized demanding
[00:11:14] his release. So, it is in this context that
[00:11:18] this electoral process takes place,
[00:11:21] in which Keiko Fujimori also wins in the second
[00:11:25] round with serious accusations of fraud
[00:11:28] and very murky things that happened in that electoral process. Juan
[00:11:32] Diego, I invite you to take a short break. We are
[00:11:35] talking with Juan Diego Mota directly from
[00:11:39] Lima. Juan Diego is a lawyer and political
[00:11:42] analyst. We are talking about Keiko Fujimori
[00:11:46] and her inauguration as
[00:11:47] president of Peru.
[00:12:14] In the face of adversity, the will of the people is never
[00:12:17] broken.
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[00:13:00] Enjoy the centenary and the 25th edition of
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[00:13:21] through our multiplatform.
[00:14:03] We continue talking with Juan Diego Mota directly
[00:14:07] from Lima. Juan Diego is a lawyer and political
[00:14:10] analyst. We are talking about Keiko Fujimori,
[00:14:14] who assumes the presidency of Peru, to put into
[00:14:17] perspective a tool that
[00:14:20] Alberto Fujimori used for 10 years
[00:14:23] of dictatorship, during which he was accused and
[00:14:26] also convicted of human rights violations left and
[00:14:30] right. Here we are talking about a term that
[00:14:34] in Peru, in some way, I don't know if Alberto Fujimori
[00:14:37] implemented it, but in his
[00:14:41] decade
[00:14:43] he practiced it, and that is the
[00:14:47] word "terruquear", "terruqueo".
[00:14:50] Basically, as we understand, it
[00:14:53] is to accuse anyone who is an opponent
[00:14:57] of the government of being a terrorist.
[00:15:00] So they not only label you
[00:15:03] as part of that "terruqueo",
[00:15:06] but because they label you as a terrorist,
[00:15:10] they can put you through a legal process where you can
[00:15:13] end up in prison for the simple fact
[00:15:16] of disagreeing with, for example, in the case of Alberto
[00:15:20] Fujimori, with a ferocious
[00:15:23] dictatorship. This "terruqueo" that today
[00:15:26] they also practice, coming from the north, and they practice
[00:15:30] it against opponents, giving them the title of terrorist
[00:15:33] for demonstrating, as they do in Argentina, for human
[00:15:37] rights. This lady Keiko
[00:15:41] Fujimori, heir to all that, continues
[00:15:44] to practice or is practicing "terruqueo".
[00:15:47] Undoubtedly, let's remember that
[00:15:51] Alberto Fujimori senior was
[00:15:55] convicted, he has already passed away, he was
[00:15:59] sentenced to 25 years in prison by national
[00:16:02] courts. Previously there was an international
[00:16:06] process for crimes against
[00:16:09] humanity for human rights violations. Basically there were
[00:16:12] three cases in this regard, what is known as the La
[00:16:16] Cantuta university massacre where
[00:16:20] a paramilitary commando obeying direct orders
[00:16:23] from his government kidnapped students and a professor
[00:16:26] to assassinate them because they were
[00:16:28] opposition. The Barrios Altos massacre
[00:16:32] where the same paramilitary commando under his
[00:16:36] orders entered a popular
[00:16:39] party in a popular area of Lima
[00:16:43] and massacred everyone at that meeting, including
[00:16:46] children, a 9-year-old child
[00:16:48] was murdered, in addition to
[00:16:52] a sentence for kidnapping
[00:16:55] journalists, even some businessmen.
[00:16:58] That is not fiction, that is not only
[00:17:01] literature, those are sentences against Alberto
[00:17:04] Fujimori Senior, in addition to sentences,
[00:17:07] pay attention, for corruption and embezzlement,
[00:17:11] 15 million soles, approximately 5 million dollars,
[00:17:14] that were paid from the national treasury by order of
[00:17:16] Fujimori to his accomplice, his right-hand
[00:17:20] man Vladimir Montesinos, the man who managed the entire
[00:17:24] intelligence service, also linked to the CIA and
[00:17:27] so on, and to drug trafficking.
[00:17:30] This gentleman was paid 15 million soles
[00:17:34] for compensation for time of service, which was completely
[00:17:38] illegal. Another sentence also for
[00:17:41] 15 million soles for paying
[00:17:44] parliamentarians, congressmen, to change
[00:17:47] sides, to change their vote. That is also even
[00:17:50] recorded in videos receiving the money in bundles.
[00:17:54] Buying media, buying
[00:17:57] pollsters, all that is
[00:18:00] judicial processes, in sentences. So
[00:18:03] one of the mechanisms Alberto Fujimori used
[00:18:07] was repression to silence his opponents. Fujimori
[00:18:10] senior used populism on one side,
[00:18:13] he gave money, injection of money,
[00:18:17] and on the other side, repression.
[00:18:20] That has been the logic, the logic
[00:18:23] of the carrot and the stick. Well, the
[00:18:26] daughter repeats and perfects that
[00:18:29] mechanism. For example, with the inauguration
[00:18:33] speech, she gave a populist speech promising
[00:18:35] to deliver money, bonds.
[00:18:39] She has promised to deliver even school kits, sweaters.
[00:18:43] She said that in her inauguration speech, at that
[00:18:46] basic level her populist discourse reaches. I'm going to give
[00:18:50] away sweaters to children, I'm going to
[00:18:53] but the repression continues.
[00:18:56] In the picketed government of Dina Boluarte,
[00:19:00] who takes over after Pedro Castillo,
[00:19:03] promoted by Congress, after the coup d'état,
[00:19:06] promoted by Fujimorism, more than 50 Peruvians
[00:19:09] were killed, electoral processes were opened,
[00:19:13] and all based on this issue you mentioned, "terruqueo,"
[00:19:16] that is, accusing opponents of participating
[00:19:20] in terrorist organizations, without any proof,
[00:19:23] simply accusing them, and well, once imprisoned,
[00:19:27] defend yourselves, prove your innocence, when that does not
[00:19:31] withstand the slightest legal analysis. Innocence is presumed,
[00:19:35] it does not have to be demonstrated. That is what
[00:19:38] Fujimori has done and is doing. Juan Diego, you have
[00:19:42] said, and I quote your exact words, "the weakening
[00:19:46] of Peruvian democracy and the crisis of political
[00:19:49] representation." You have warned about this on numerous
[00:19:52] occasions. Are we once again facing
[00:19:56] another chapter of the same disease?
[00:19:59] Yes, undoubtedly. One of the characteristics of Fujimorism
[00:20:03] in power, we have seen it with the father and with the
[00:20:07] daughter from Congress, is the co-optation of all
[00:20:10] democratic, legal institutions
[00:20:14] of the country. They control the constitutional
[00:20:18] court, they control the judiciary, they
[00:20:21] control the public ministry, that is,
[00:20:24] the prosecutor's office. Now, most recently, they have
[00:20:28] taken control of the electoral bodies, and this last
[00:20:31] point, just to make a parenthesis, has been
[00:20:34] very surprising and serious because
[00:20:38] in the last electoral process that the country experienced, where Keiko Fujimori
[00:20:42] was proclaimed president, there were
[00:20:45] two rounds, two turns, the first round and then
[00:20:49] the second round, the runoff. The curious thing is
[00:20:52] that between those two rounds, when the electoral process had already been
[00:20:56] called, breaking any rule
[00:21:00] of existing democratic institutionality, the person
[00:21:04] in charge of the electoral body was changed,
[00:21:08] and the rules of the electoral process were changed.
[00:21:11] It's like you start a game in the first
[00:21:15] half with a referee and certain rules,
[00:21:19] and in the second
[00:21:22] and change the rules. That's what happened in the electoral
[00:21:26] process that declared Keiko Fujimori the winner, and among
[00:21:29] other things, because she took control through
[00:21:33] Congress of these electoral organizations,
[00:21:37] these electoral institutions. So yes, Fujimorism
[00:21:39] tends to destroy democracy,
[00:21:43] let's say a true popular democracy,
[00:21:46] demonstrating the limits of representative democracy
[00:21:50] and converts it into a democracy for its
[00:21:53] interests, a democracy
[00:21:56] of the bourgeoisie that she represents. Well, for
[00:22:00] example, in Ecuador, Luisa González, who
[00:22:03] was Daniel Noboa's rival, the son
[00:22:06] of Ecuador's richest man, born
[00:22:09] in the United States, and whose organization
[00:22:12] links his father to the export of
[00:22:14] bananas and cocaine inside the
[00:22:18] bananas.
[00:22:20] Luisa González says that the playing field is
[00:22:24] tilted and that's why she lost, because
[00:22:27] there was fraud. Here, the playing field, in some
[00:22:30] way, Roberto Sánchez, let's say, Pedro
[00:22:33] Castillo's heir, also suggests that
[00:22:37] the playing field is tilted, because as
[00:22:40] you say, when it seems like Infantino
[00:22:43] is halfway through the game, he changes the rules of
[00:22:47] the game. So the issue is,
[00:22:50] is the playing field tilted
[00:22:53] from an electoral point of view? And Keiko
[00:22:56] Fujimori made sure that Roberto Sánchez's accusations
[00:23:00] came true, that in the end there was fraud here.
[00:23:04] I believe so, there are enough indications that
[00:23:07] show great irregularities in the process that could
[00:23:10] lead us to say that
[00:23:12] it is a fraudulent
[00:23:15] process, and look, unfortunately, these are no longer isolated
[00:23:19] symptoms, but they show a systematic action,
[00:23:22] not only in the country, but in Latin America. Look
[00:23:26] at what is happening in Colombia, what you mentioned in Ecuador,
[00:23:29] what happened in Honduras, in the last electoral
[00:23:33] processes, and what was later testified, what became
[00:23:36] known as the Honduras Gate, where
[00:23:39] sinister foreign powers, basically from North America,
[00:23:43] from Israel, would have been behind
[00:23:47] many of these electoral processes to ensure control
[00:23:52] what Donald Trump and
[00:23:55] the US government have called in official
[00:23:59] statements and documents
[00:24:02] "retaking control of their
[00:24:05] space." For
[00:24:07] this, a
[00:24:09] vital
[00:24:14] and backward discourse,
[00:24:18] so
[00:24:21] that has also been seen in this electoral
[00:24:24] process where, as I was
[00:24:27] telling you, the first results,
[00:24:30] even from right-wing pollsters, gave
[00:24:36] and then, as the days went by, in a vote
[00:24:38] count that lasted almost a month,
[00:24:42] which is also unheard of, the result was
[00:24:46] turned around, and it was turned around mainly
[00:24:49] by the votes of Peruvians abroad. And what happened
[00:24:53] abroad? Well, the rules of the game were changed,
[00:24:57] from the first to the second round. Before, it was
[00:25:00] allowed or mandatory that the votes be digitized
[00:25:04] electronically and sent, both in
[00:25:08] diplomatic pouch, the physical vote, the ballot,
[00:25:11] in Peru, people still vote by hand,
[00:25:15] as well as the digitized voting result, sent
[00:25:18] together to Peru. Well, that changed,
[00:25:21] it was no longer digitized in situ abroad,
[00:25:25] at the polling place, in front of all the witnesses
[00:25:29] who had been present, the party representatives of each group,
[00:25:33] the polling station members, etc., but only the
[00:25:36] bags were sent, and without the strict control that
[00:25:40] there used to be, it was no longer sent by diplomatic
[00:25:44] pouch but by any pouch, and
[00:25:47] the chain of control was broken. In some
[00:25:51] cases, for example, the votes from Argentina
[00:25:55] to Peru took three days to arrive, on a flight
[00:25:58] that normally takes 4 or 5 hours. So what
[00:26:02] is said is that throughout that transfer, there are also
[00:26:06] multiple complaints from citizens who say that they were
[00:26:09] impersonated, and they prove it with evidence, even
[00:26:12] there are videos, etc. The hypothesis that
[00:26:16] is being handled is that there would have been
[00:26:19] vote manipulation. That is what is being
[00:26:23] denounced. Also, another curious fact is that
[00:26:26] days before, weeks before, ambassadors from
[00:26:29] uh Argentina, Spain, the United States, uh.
[00:26:33] where irregularities in the
[00:26:36] handling of the vote
[00:26:39] have just been denounced, so all that leads us to think that indeed this
[00:26:43] takeover of the institutions and the electoral
[00:26:45] process has placed Keiko as an
[00:26:49] illegitimate president. Finally, then, Juan Diego, we are
[00:26:53] talking about this being the fourth time
[00:26:56] that Keiko Fujimori tried to reach
[00:26:59] the presidency, she achieved it this
[00:27:02] fourth time. Where does the Peruvian left stand in the face of all
[00:27:06] this panorama? The Peruvian left, to talk about
[00:27:10] the left, there are several sectors of the left, right? There is an institutional
[00:27:13] left, let's say, a left uh
[00:27:17] more connected with the past and a new left, right?
[00:27:20] that is emerging, that represents the popular sectors,
[00:27:24] that new left is the one that found in a citizen like
[00:27:27] Pedro Castillo, without much political
[00:27:30] training, one of its representatives. before and then now with Roberto
[00:27:34] Sánchez as a follower. These
[00:27:37] sectors, especially those from the interior of the country, from the southern
[00:27:41] Andes, among others, I think they are the
[00:27:45] hope of what is being cooked up in Peru
[00:27:48] from the humblest and organized sectors that, for
[00:27:52] example, on July 28th, when Keiko Fujimori
[00:27:55] gave her inauguration speech, they mobilized
[00:27:59] a large number of people in the streets
[00:28:03] protesting, no, opposing and not recognizing the
[00:28:06] government of Keiko Fujimori. A very important gesture was
[00:28:09] that Roberto Sánchez and the congressmen
[00:28:12] who have been able to reach
[00:28:16] the Senate, the Chamber of Deputies,
[00:28:19] left Keiko Fujimori talking to herself in the chamber
[00:28:22] and joined the protests. This is important, right?
[00:28:26] Because the link between the
[00:28:29] representatives and
[00:28:32] the officials, let's say, who are in power in
[00:28:36] Congress and the masses is being re-established, and
[00:28:40] that's right, the masses should lead. The representatives are
[00:28:43] simply the messengers of the masses, and
[00:28:45] that's a good sign that the people don't forget, the
[00:28:49] people are alert, the people mobilize and do not
[00:28:52] recognize Ms. Fujimori as a legitimate president. Juan Diego Mota,
[00:28:55] thank you very much for being with us, thank
[00:28:58] you.
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