TELESUR — broadcast 20260806 163000 UTC 430 transcript segments Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (https://www.gdeltproject.org/), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Machine transcription. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a verbatim quotation record. [00:00:25] How are you doing? This is Jorge Gestoso. On today's [00:00:28] program. Fujimori assumes the presidency of [00:00:32] Peru with another notable [00:00:35] guest, Juan Diego Mota, [00:00:38] lawyer, political analyst [00:00:40] directly from Lima, Juan Diego Mota, [00:00:44] a warm welcome to the program, thank you very much for the invitation and [00:00:48] winner, and then over I remain attentive in these minutes to be able to talk with you and [00:00:51] with your listeners, Juan Diego, why [00:00:55] to begin with, in a country like ours [00:00:59] that has survived first [00:01:02] a pandemic, a crisis with the COVID-19 pandemic, very [00:01:06] strong, which generated or ended up [00:01:10] having the regrettable figure of being the country with the highest [00:01:14] mortality in the world, [00:01:16] that is, at the level of percentages, a [00:01:20] country that has experienced an internal [00:01:23] armed conflict in the 80s and 90s with more than [00:01:27] 70,000 dead and disappeared, and a [00:01:30] country where we lived a bloody dictatorship throughout [00:01:34] the 90s, I'm not the only one who says [00:01:36] it, but [00:01:39] demonstrated, that is what this is something that can be verified, I'm referring to Alberto Fujimori, [00:01:42] father, with multiple sentences at national and [00:01:45] international levels, and the [00:01:49] candidate who represents [00:01:51] in a way all these evils [00:01:59] etc. The legislative no, the daughter of the dictator Alberto Fujimori, responsible for implementing a program [00:02:02] to deepen the [00:02:05] without a doubt, no, one of neoliberal model where the economy [00:02:08] in power, we have seen it with of large companies is privileged no, that is what over the lives of citizens, and that this was evidenced [00:02:12] especially in this pandemic crisis, and that has been [00:02:14] characterized a lot by violence and repression, [00:02:18] that she is the one who ends up winning the electoral process that [00:02:23] out, they did not let him govern from we are now experiencing or suffering its consequences. You have said and I read your exact [00:02:27] words, you have said that Fujimorism [00:02:30] is much more than a political [00:02:33] party and constitutes a power [00:02:36] structure with influence in [00:02:39] institutions, how would you explain precisely [00:02:42] to a Latin American [00:02:45] Keiko Fujimori tried to audience who hears this conception for [00:02:48] the first time? To understand it, I think we would have to take into account that [00:02:53] all, they gave him the coup d'état because of what Fujimorism is a very, very particular phenomenon [00:02:57] of Peru. I don't think it is repeated in [00:03:01] other parts of Latin America. It has similarities with other [00:03:04] authoritarian, dictatorial processes, but it is [00:03:07] very particular. I think it is part of this [00:03:11] wave of far-right governments that are [00:03:14] coming to power in Latin [00:03:18] start a game, the first America through processes labeled or with [00:03:21] indications of fraud with [00:03:24] the coup d'état that was given to the legitimate president Pedro [00:03:28] Castillo, orchestrated from Congress, [00:03:32] which has been controlled by Fujimorism, [00:03:35] specifically by Keito Fujimori, who [00:03:38] then placed puppet presidents, several puppet presidents, [00:03:42] and who no longer only has control [00:03:44] of the legislative power, now has control of the executive [00:03:48] power, in addition to most of the [00:03:51] institutions, the institutions [00:03:54] that govern all electoral processes, the judicial [00:03:58] power, the public ministry, the constitutional tribunal, the armed forces, the police [00:04:01] have been occupying all these scenarios, and that is a characteristic [00:04:05] of Fujimorism, and in that sense I believe that there is [00:04:08] continuity but also the novelty of deepening the model, [00:04:12] no, it is a dictatorship [00:04:16] that is going to be enthroned and that has been [00:04:19] managed to be legalized, so to speak, with this electoral process. What country does Kiko [00:04:22] Fujimori receive when he gives his speech on taking office this July 28th? [00:04:26] He receives a country in chaos with [00:04:30] high rates of citizen insecurity, with [00:04:33] an El Niño phenomenon at the gates and that [00:04:36] everyone will see that we are not prepared to receive that El Niño phenomenon, [00:04:39] despite the fact that everyone already knows well in advance that it will come, with [00:04:43] a political and institutional crisis, we have had 10 [00:04:46] presidents in the last 10 years and also [00:04:49] an economic period of [00:04:52] deceleration. There are [00:04:56] signs of an economic crisis. [00:04:58] But what Keiko Fujimori doesn't say is that all this [00:05:02] framework has been the product of her [00:05:05] government, because she is the one who has governed in recent [00:05:09] years, you said. December 2022, clearly [00:05:12] illegally, she has had power from Congress and [00:05:16] most of the institutions occupied, and she is the one who has placed the puppet presidents, but [00:05:20] also for many years, no, [00:05:24] she removed President Pedro Pablo [00:05:27] Kuczynski in the period 2017, from [00:05:31] 2018 onwards, [00:05:34] from the total power she had in Congress, [00:05:38] and she already had it before, didn't she? The previous [00:05:41] Congress was also occupied, so she has had [00:05:44] legislative power in her hands, so she [00:05:48] is the one who has generated this country, our country, in a permanent [00:05:51] crisis, however, she tries to blame [00:05:54] this on the left, which only governed for a year and a [00:05:58] half, which is what they allowed Pedro Castillo to govern, well, governing in quotation marks, [00:06:01] because here we are also talking to an audience [00:06:05] that does not know the details of Peru, and at least [00:06:08] to paint it in broad strokes, here we are talking about a rural [00:06:12] teacher who came to power [00:06:15] through sheer effort, from the interior of the country, when the [00:06:19] history is that the Lima elite is the one that has [00:06:22] governed Peru for at least decades. The rural [00:06:26] teacher manages to take her to a second [00:06:30] round, she wins, so from [00:06:33] then on, this lady Keiko Fujimori does not accept the [00:06:37] results, it takes at least more than a month for [00:06:41] them to twist her arm and for her to have no [00:06:45] choice but to accept that Pedro Castillo won. [00:06:49] He then arrives at the government palace and [00:06:53] they put him against the ropes, from a year and a half through lawfare they [00:06:56] give him a constitutional coup, a coup, what [00:07:00] we experienced from 2021 onwards, no, [00:07:04] in effect, what we had was a [00:07:08] coup, not a congressional coup perpetrated against the [00:07:12] legitimate president Pedro Castillo, who [00:07:15] was, and this is important, the first president of popular [00:07:19] origin, representing the popular sectors [00:07:23] and a political position to the [00:07:25] left who won in Peru [00:07:28] electorally, not the first in history, [00:07:31] and as you have rightly pointed [00:07:35] day zero of his mandate, and [00:07:39] a year and a half later they gave him this coup, [00:07:42] not from the legislature, but it must be pointed out that the [00:07:46] armed forces, the national police, all the [00:07:50] institutions had a hostile position towards the [00:07:53] president, even with very harsh statements, [00:07:56] and what can I say about lukewarm reforms, [00:07:59] perhaps to the liking of many, but he [00:08:02] tried to do it, and above [00:08:06] he represented, no, he represented the [00:08:09] oppressed sectors of the country, especially from the interior of the country, [00:08:13] the provinces, the forgotten regions, the southern [00:08:15] Andes, among others, so that [00:08:18] we can take into account [00:08:22] to understand a little bit of the idiosyncrasy, the [00:08:24] social dynamic of Peru, [00:08:28] the right [00:08:30] is positioned especially in what is known as modern Lima, [00:08:34] Peru is a very centralist and very racist country, [00:08:38] also, a third of the population resides in [00:08:41] Lima, and with that power and from there they [00:08:44] govern, and that is what happened in the last electoral [00:08:48] process as well, an electoral process that [00:08:51] leads to a second round in a runoff, precisely [00:08:54] Keiko Fujimori, who was the heir of Alberto [00:08:58] Fujimori and all the most rancid right wing, [00:09:01] no, the Peruvian bourgeoisie, and on the other side, Roberto [00:09:04] Sánchez, who appears [00:09:08] as a representative delegate of Pedro Castillo, representing the vast [00:09:11] majorities of the country, let us remember that Pedro Castillo is currently imprisoned [00:09:15] or kidnapped, no, [00:09:18] who has said that [00:09:21] Mr. Pedro Castillo is innocent, that his right to defense and due [00:09:25] process were not respected, of course, he has recommended [00:09:29] that he be released immediately, and of course, this government has turned a [00:09:33] deaf ear to that [00:09:36] call, despite the fact that the people have mobilized demanding his [00:09:40] release, so it is in that context that this electoral [00:09:44] process takes place, and furthermore, in the second [00:09:47] round, Keiko Fujimori wins with serious [00:09:51] accusations [00:09:53] of fraud and very murky things that happened in that electoral [00:09:57] process. Juan Diego, I invite you to take a short break, we are [00:10:00] talking with Juan Diego Mota directly from [00:10:03] Lima. Juan Diego is a lawyer and political [00:10:06] analyst, we are talking about Keiko [00:10:10] Fujimori and her [00:10:13] assumption of the presidency of Peru. We'll be [00:10:15] right back. [00:10:39] Telesur Reports presents a [00:10:42] tribute in five reports on the revolutionary who marked an [00:10:46] era in world geopolitics. His [00:10:49] deliveries document his political career, his leadership and the [00:10:52] influence he exerted during [00:10:55] five decades on the international scene. The [00:10:58] strategist, the thinker, the man who inspired [00:11:01] generations beyond his borders, Fidel [00:11:04] Castro Rus, every Saturday in [00:11:08] August, only on [00:11:11] Telesur, [00:11:13] in the heart of each country beat the stories that its peoples [00:11:17] tell from [00:11:19] time immemorial, [00:11:23] a range of customs, traditions, [00:11:26] music, painting, literature, theater, [00:11:29] sculpture, cinema and popular [00:11:32] art. [00:11:35] It allows us to know the cultural richness that surrounds us and that [00:11:39] is important to preserve. [00:12:12] We continue talking with Juan Diego Mota directly from [00:12:15] Lima. Juan Diego is a lawyer and political analyst, [00:12:19] we are talking about Heiko Fujimori who assumes [00:12:23] the presidency of Peru. To put it in [00:12:25] perspective, a tool that has been used for [00:12:28] 10 years of Alberto Fujimori's dictatorship, in which he has been [00:12:31] accused, he has been condemned also for human [00:12:35] rights violations left and right, he practiced [00:12:39] and the word is "terruquear", [00:12:42] "terruqueo", basically, as we understand [00:12:45] it, is to accuse [00:12:48] everyone who is an opponent [00:12:52] of the government of being a terrorist. [00:12:55] So not only are you labeled as [00:12:58] being part of that [00:13:01] "terruqueo", but since they put the [00:13:05] label of terrorist on you, you can be put through a legal [00:13:08] process where you can end up in jail for the simple [00:13:11] real fact of disagreeing with, [00:13:14] for example, in the case of Alberto Fujimori, with a ferocious [00:13:18] dictatorship. That "terruqueo" that today [00:13:21] is also practiced by those who come from the north and [00:13:25] opponents who are now given the title of terrorist for coming [00:13:29] out to protest, as they do in Argentina of Milei, [00:13:33] for human rights, [00:13:36] this lady Keiko Fujimori, heir to all [00:13:40] that, continues practicing or is [00:13:42] practicing "terruqueo", without a doubt, let's [00:13:46] remember that Alberto Fujimori Sr. [00:13:49] was convicted, he [00:13:53] passed away, he was convicted [00:13:55] to 25 years in prison by national courts, [00:13:59] previously there was an international process [00:14:01] for crimes against humanity in this type, in this [00:14:05] matter, what is known as the massacre at La Cantuta [00:14:09] University, where a paramilitary [00:14:12] commando, following direct orders from his [00:14:15] government, kidnapped students and a [00:14:18] professor to assassinate them, because they were [00:14:21] in opposition. The massacre of Barrios [00:14:25] Altos, where also the same paramilitary commando under [00:14:29] his orders entered a popular [00:14:32] party in a popular place in Lima [00:14:35] and massacred everyone who was at that meeting, including [00:14:39] children, a 9-year-old child was assassinated. [00:14:43] In addition to a sentence for [00:14:46] kidnapping journalists, even some [00:14:49] businessmen, that is not [00:14:52] fiction, that is not just literature, those are sentences [00:14:56] against Alberto Fujimori Sr. in addition to sentences, [00:14:59] mind you, for corruption and embezzlement, 15 [00:15:03] million soles, approximately 5 million dollars, which were [00:15:06] paid from the national treasury by order of Fujimori [00:15:09] to his crony, his 15 million soles [00:15:13] for concepts of compensation for length of service, [00:15:16] which was totally illegal. Another [00:15:19] sentence also for 15 million soles [00:15:22] for paying parliamentarians, [00:15:25] congressmen, to change sides, to change their vote, [00:15:29] that is also even recorded in videos when they received the [00:15:32] money, wad by wad, to buy media, [00:15:36] to buy polling companies, all of that [00:15:39] is in judicial processes, in sentences, [00:15:42] so one of the mechanisms that Alberto Fujimori [00:15:46] used was repression to silence his [00:15:49] opponents. Fujimori Sr. used populism on [00:15:53] the one hand, he gave money, injections [00:15:56] of money, and on the other hand, [00:15:59] repression, no, that has been the logic, no, the logic of the [00:16:03] carrot and the stick, well, the daughter repeats and perfects [00:16:08] that mechanism. For example, with the speech of taking [00:16:11] office, she has given a populist speech promising [00:16:14] to deliver money, bonds, she has [00:16:18] promised to deliver even school kits, [00:16:21] sweaters, that is what she said in her speech of taking office, that is, at that [00:16:25] elementary level her populist speech reaches, [00:16:29] I am going to give sweaters to the children, I am going to give this, [00:16:32] but the issue of repression continues [00:16:35] in the government. [00:17:07] innocence, no, when that does not resist the slightest [00:17:11] legal analysis, no, innocence is presumed, it does not have to be [00:17:16] Fujimori's legacy has done and what Fujimori continues to do. [00:17:20] Juan Diego, you have used the exact [00:17:22] words, the weakening of Peruvian [00:17:26] democracy and the crisis of political [00:17:30] representation, you have warned about this on numerous [00:17:33] occasions, are we facing another [00:17:36] chapter of the same, of the same disease? Yes, [00:17:42] the characteristics of Fujimorism [00:17:46] the father and with the daughter from Congress, is the [00:17:50] takeover of all democratic, [00:17:53] legal institutions in the country, they control the [00:17:57] constitutional court, they control the judiciary, [00:18:00] they control the public ministry, that is, the [00:18:03] prosecutor's office, and now they have taken control [00:18:07] of the electoral bodies and this last point, just to make a [00:18:11] parenthesis, it has been very surprising and [00:18:15] serious because in the last electoral process [00:18:19] that the country experienced, where Keito Fujimori was proclaimed president, [00:18:23] there were two [00:18:27] rounds, two rounds, not the first round and then the second round, the [00:18:30] runoff, and the curious thing is that between those two [00:18:34] rounds, when the electoral process was already called, [00:18:38] breaking any rule of the existing democratic [00:18:41] institutionality today, the [00:18:45] person who directs the electoral [00:18:48] body was changed, and the rules of the electoral [00:18:52] process were changed, it's like you [00:18:55] half with a referee with some [00:18:58] rules, and in the second half they change the [00:19:01] referee and change the rules, that's what happened in the [00:19:04] electoral process that resulted in Keiko [00:19:08] Fujimori winning, among other things, because she takes control through [00:19:11] Congress of this body, these [00:19:15] organizations, these electoral institutions, so yes, Fujimorism [00:19:19] tends to destroy [00:19:22] democracy, let's say a true democracy, popular [00:19:25] democracy, demonstrating the [00:19:28] limits of representative democracy and converting it into a [00:19:31] democracy that serves its interests, not a democracy [00:19:35] faithful to the interests of the bourgeoisie [00:19:39] that she represents. Well, for example, in Ecuador, Luisa [00:19:42] González, who was the rival of Daniel Noboa, the [00:19:45] son of the richest man in Ecuador, [00:19:48] born in the United States, and whose organization [00:19:52] linked his father to the export of [00:19:55] bananas and inside the bananas, [00:19:57] cocaine, Luisa González [00:20:01] fraud, here the court, in some way [00:20:04] Roberto Sánchez orally [00:20:07] and Keiko Fujimori made sure that these [00:20:10] accusations by Roberto Sánchez became a reality, that in the end what happened [00:20:14] here was a fraud. I believe that yes, there are enough indications [00:20:18] that show great irregularities in the process that could [00:20:21] lead us to say that it is a fraudulent process, and [00:20:24] note that this unfortunately [00:20:27] are no longer isolated [00:20:30] symptoms, but rather they show a systematic [00:20:33] action not only in the country but in Latin America. [00:20:37] Look at what is happening in Colombia, what you have commented on in [00:20:40] Ecuador, what happened in Honduras, no, in the last [00:20:44] electoral processes and what was [00:20:47] later testified, known as the Honduras gate, [00:20:50] no, where sinister powers from abroad, [00:20:54] basically in North America and Israel, [00:20:58] would have been behind many [00:21:01] pronouncements in official documents such [00:21:04] as regaining control of their [00:21:07] space for [00:21:10] this a [00:21:12] rear [00:21:16] discourse. [00:21:19] So that has also [00:21:22] been seen in this electoral process [00:21:25] where, as I was telling [00:21:28] you, the first [00:21:31] results, even from right-wing pollsters, gave [00:21:35] Roberto Sánchez as the [00:21:38] the course of the days, in a vote count that lasted [00:21:42] almost a month, which was also [00:21:45] unheard of, the result started to turn around [00:21:48] and turn around, mainly due to votes from [00:21:51] abroad, no, citizens abroad, and what happened abroad? [00:21:55] Well, the rules of the game were changed from the first to the [00:21:59] second round, before it was allowed or it was [00:22:03] mandatory that the votes be digitized [00:22:07] electronically and be sent both [00:22:10] in diplomatic pouch abroad, instead of the vote, no, [00:22:14] in front of all the witnesses who had seen the observers from each [00:22:18] group, the members of the polling station, and [00:22:21] the chain of custody is broken, in some cases [00:22:25] it took 3 days, for example, for the votes from Argentina [00:22:29] to Peru, on a flight that normally takes 4 hours, 5 [00:22:33] hours, it took 3 days to arrive, so what is said [00:22:36] is that in all that transfer, there are also [00:22:39] multiple complaints from citizens who say [00:22:42] that they were impersonated, no, and they prove it [00:22:46] with evidence, there are even videos, [00:22:49] hypothesis that is being considered is that there would have been [00:22:52] vote manipulation there, [00:22:56] is being denounced, moreover, another curious [00:22:59] fact is that days before, weeks before, [00:23:02] the ambassadors of Argentina, [00:23:06] Spain, the United States, [00:23:09] where irregularities in the handling [00:23:12] of the vote were precisely [00:23:16] denounced, all of that leads us to believe that indeed this [00:23:20] occupation of institutions and the electoral process have [00:23:23] placed Teiko as an illegitimate [00:23:26] president. Finally, Juan Diego, here we are talking [00:23:30] about this being the fourth time that [00:23:35] reach the presidency, she achieved it this fourth time. Where does the [00:23:39] Peruvian left stand in this whole panorama, [00:23:43] emerging as representing the popular sectors, it is a new left that [00:23:47] found in a citizen like Pedro [00:23:50] Castillo, without much political [00:23:53] training, one of its representatives, and now with [00:23:56] Roberto Sánchez as the follower of those [00:24:00] sectors that mainly come from the interior of the country, from the [00:24:04] southern Andes, among others, I believe that it is the [00:24:07] hope of what is being cooked up in Peru from [00:24:11] the most humble and organized sectors that, for [00:24:15] example, on July 28, when Keite Fujimori was giving her [00:24:18] speech of taking office, mobilized [00:24:22] a large number of people in the streets, [00:24:25] protesting, opposing and not recognizing the [00:24:28] government of Cairo Fujimori, a very important gesture was that [00:24:32] Roberto Sánchez and the congressmen who [00:24:36] were able to reach the Senate and the Chamber of [00:24:39] Deputies left Keiko Fujimori [00:24:43] speaking alone in the hemicycle and joined the [00:24:46] protests, that is something important, because the [00:24:50] link between the representatives [00:24:53] and these officials, so to speak, [00:24:57] who are in power in Congress and the [00:25:01] masses is re-established, and that is the right thing to do, the masses must [00:25:04] rule, and the representatives are simply the agents of the masses, [00:25:08] and that is a good sign that the people do not forget, the people are alert, the people [00:25:12] mobilize and do not recognize Mrs. [00:25:15] Fujimori as a legitimate president. Juan Diego Mota, [00:25:18] thank you very much for being with us, thank you. [00:25:40] Hyperconnectivity changes at a converging rhythm to reach [00:25:43] orbit, through the impressive universe of science, [00:25:47] technology and innovation. [00:25:53] Join us every Thursday in this immersive [00:25:56] experience with the most current trends in the digital [00:26:00] and technoscientific world. [00:26:05] Stay tuned to our knowledge log and be part of [00:26:08] Atomum every Thursday, only on Telesur. [00:26:38] How are you doing? Welcome to this edition of Economic Impact on Telesur. [00:26:42] I'm Aron Romero and these are our [00:26:45] headlines. [00:26:48] Here we begin, we talk about Venezuela, the government has delivered [00:26:52] 212 homes, all this to the families affected [00:26:56] by the seismic [00:26:57] double. [00:27:02] In our analysis space, we talk about artificial intelligence.