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20261011 030000 UTC
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[00:00:27] explaining, what
[00:00:50] An unexpected result had qualified Lula to lose in the
[00:00:54] first round of the Brazilian election, the last one he will dispute in his
[00:00:57] life. Bolsonaro, with cunning, has managed to identify
[00:01:01] Lula's PT as if it were the party of the
[00:01:04] system, of the status quo, attributing
[00:01:07] to him the blame for the high prices of the basic
[00:01:10] food basket, the biggest complaint of the
[00:01:12] voters, urging an extraordinary
[00:01:16] recovery of the minimum
[00:01:17] wage.
[00:01:20] Lula decided to moderately raise only the value of the Bolsa
[00:01:23] Familia. In addition, Lula's proposal for
[00:01:26] reducing the work day
[00:01:30] went unnoticed in the massive web of fake news
[00:01:34] that large media outlets hostile to the
[00:01:37] PT. There are spaces for recovery and
[00:01:40] comeback.
[00:01:44] He still has in his hands government levers.
[00:01:48] He can adopt more
[00:01:50] forceful measures.
[00:03:00] you for the invitation to this
[00:03:24] undoubtedly be analyzed for a long
[00:03:27] time.
[00:03:30] Given the richness they entail in terms of experiences,
[00:03:34] successes, errors, ultimately,
[00:03:36] definitiva,
[00:03:39] I believe that not only yesterday's elections, but elections
[00:03:43] in all their aspects, including the second round
[00:03:47] and the context in which elections are held in
[00:03:50] Brazil and in the world,
[00:03:53] will be the subject of study by future
[00:03:56] historians and also future political scientists.
[00:04:06] next week with another
[00:04:10] If you ask me for a first assessment, I would say that these
[00:04:13] are elections that pose perhaps the greatest challenge for Brazilian
[00:04:17] democracy since its re-democratization,
[00:04:20] redemocratización
[00:04:24] since the recovery of democratic space in the
[00:04:28] 80s, and perhaps to... set a more concrete date,
[00:04:32] since the proclamation of the 1988
[00:04:34] constitution, the constitution that was called
[00:04:38] the citizen constitution because it introduced a series of
[00:04:42] innovations, rights enshrined in
[00:04:46] it, that reflect the mood
[00:04:49] of that moment, as well as a
[00:04:53] correlation of forces also at that very
[00:04:56] special moment,
[00:04:59] and this... Despite the amendments and some controversial
[00:05:02] issues related precisely to the way said
[00:05:06] constitution was
[00:05:07] modified.
[00:05:12] for the democratic rights of
[00:05:14] Brazil, rights that in my
[00:05:17] opinion are currently facing a
[00:06:31] Diplomacy as a means of resolving disputes regarding human rights, the denunciation
[00:06:34] of flagrant violations of international law and human
[00:06:38] rights, was very forceful in its condemnation of the genocide.
[00:08:18] that remains in the collective memory, is considered the great
[00:08:21] promoter of a modern Brazil
[00:08:25] with important labor legislation, therefore, then
[00:08:28] he represents that to the other
[00:08:31] candidacy
[00:08:36] that surprisingly became the most
[00:08:40] voted.
[00:08:52] that for much of the counting remained at a level that
[00:08:56] allowed to foresee a result in the first
[00:08:59] round,
[00:09:04] but those differences were narrowing as
[00:09:07] results started to come in, especially
[00:09:10] from the northeast.
[00:09:14] which remains one of the great regions where President
[00:09:17] Lula and the Workers' Party
[00:09:21] maintain their influence and
[00:09:23] support,
[00:09:29] Flavio Bolsonaro's candidacy is the antithesis of what President
[00:09:33] Lula represents from many points of
[00:09:36] view,
[00:09:42] he is I don't know if I should call him.
[00:09:51] a proposal that goes against the state, against the state, less
[00:09:55] so in what concerns a state that cares about
[00:09:59] social
[00:09:59] justice.
[00:10:04] Evidently, all the policies and practices that President
[00:10:08] Lula has defended to reverse Brazil's historical social
[00:10:12] gap.
[00:10:25] large in terms of resources and
[00:10:27] numbers,
[00:10:31] an elite that relatively views with extreme concern
[00:10:35] and displeasure any minimal social policy, but this
[00:10:38] is also historical in Brazil, as our esteemed
[00:10:42] Darcy
[00:10:43] Ribeiro said,
[00:10:49] that the Brazilian elite is an elite that turns its back
[00:10:52] on any aspiration of the Brazilian people.
[00:11:13] He is a representative of that option for an extremely intolerant Brazil with
[00:11:16] any program of social progress in the most
[00:11:20] popular sectors.
[00:11:27] It is a candidacy that has repeatedly shown minimal
[00:11:31] respect for the rule of
[00:11:33] law
[00:11:37] with accusations that are often based on
[00:11:40] lies, but ultimately all the criticisms
[00:11:43] that the candidacy has made against democratic institutions.
[00:11:46] democratic institutions.
[00:12:25] and malicious to identify the
[00:12:28] PT as if it were the party of the system, the
[00:12:31] party of the status quo, when talking about rising
[00:12:34] prices, that people cannot fill their supermarket
[00:12:37] carts, about high taxes, that
[00:12:41] people really feel that prices are high, that fuels
[00:12:45] are expensive, and that President Lula's responses in this
[00:12:49] regard, such as wage increases and the increase
[00:12:52] in Bolsa Família in recent days,
[00:12:55] have been, however, very timid, there was also that
[00:12:58] danger,
[00:13:02] I believe that a large part of the
[00:13:04] abstention votes
[00:13:08] that were high and a large part of the support for Flavio
[00:13:12] Bolsonaro's candidacy
[00:13:15] does not come from an electorate that is 100% co-opted by
[00:13:19] an extreme right-wing proposal like the one the
[00:13:23] candidate represents, but rather it is a...
[00:13:46] because it must be explained that people have the right to feel
[00:13:49] dissatisfied,
[00:13:52] because life is indeed expensive.
[00:13:56] In fact, the salary is not enough to make ends meet for a large
[00:13:59] part of the Brazilian
[00:14:00] population,
[00:14:07] it is necessary to bring up issues that do not have such a simple
[00:14:10] explanation, because what happens on the
[00:14:14] right
[00:14:18] and unfortunately this has been the case for a long
[00:14:21] time, is not even that this candidacy. So,
[00:14:35] why is life still difficult for the working class,
[00:14:39] even though this
[00:14:43] government has perhaps done the most for it, at least
[00:14:46] since re-democratization, re-democratization,
[00:14:49] because this government is within a
[00:14:52] system where the rules of neoliberalism
[00:15:07] that is, investment in public education, in public health, in
[00:15:11] public transport, in decent housing, not as
[00:15:14] investment, but as expenditure, and it is
[00:15:17] fought and not approved, and
[00:15:20] furthermore, as President Lula expressed at the
[00:15:23] time. The government's budget was
[00:15:27] hijacked, that was the word, if I'm not mistaken, that
[00:15:30] he used
[00:15:34] secret secret.
[00:15:52] An attempt is made to exercise control, but deep down there
[00:15:55] isn't,
[00:15:57] Supreme Court member Dino Flavio Dino tried to
[00:16:01] provide some degree of transparency on the destination of
[00:16:04] those resources, but on the one hand.
[00:16:08] We have a state budget that is incompatible with the real
[00:16:12] needs of the Brazilian
[00:16:13] people,
[00:16:18] there is all this spending cap that is part of that
[00:16:22] neoliberal framework that was imposed and inherited by the
[00:16:26] Workers' Party governments.
[00:16:29] This comes from previous administrations and in
[00:16:32] particular since the coup against the
[00:16:36] president. they greatly
[00:16:46] limit the resources
[00:16:49] that the state has to invest in these
[00:16:52] public policies on the one hand, and on the other hand,
[00:16:56] part of that budget hijacked by a congress
[00:16:59] and by deputies.
[00:17:13] This generates this, this needs to be explained, but it
[00:17:17] is too complex a topic to address in a campaign
[00:17:21] debate,
[00:17:23] where that cannot be achieved, that is
[00:17:26] where I believe there is a topic that is not for now, for this
[00:17:30] campaign, right, but rather it is a topic for the
[00:17:33] future for all progressives, right?
[00:17:54] I remember that it was extremely important and that it was carried
[00:17:58] out with great, let's say, responsibility on the part
[00:18:02] of the political world, political
[00:18:03] education.
[00:18:09] political education, because in a campaign there is no way to
[00:18:13] explain that complexity to the voter who is hungry
[00:18:16] at home, a work of years and years, even with
[00:18:20] popular media,
[00:18:24] we are here talking with Beatriz Vicio, here at Latitud
[00:18:27] Brasil, professor at UFRJ, the Federal
[00:18:31] University of Rio de Janeiro, historical
[00:18:33] representative of the notebooks.
[00:20:07] Today we are talking here at Latitud Brasil with Beatrice Vicio,
[00:20:11] professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro,
[00:20:13] journalist and also historical representative of the
[00:20:17] Third World Notebooks about the elections in Brazil that
[00:20:21] gave an unexpected result with Flavio ahead of
[00:20:24] Lula.
[00:20:30] He is now talking about appointing
[00:20:31] Acienda.
[00:21:29] He has rightly said that he will try or will work with those who abstained in the elections, those who did not
[00:21:32] vote, who abstained, which is
[00:21:35] extremely important, because we see that he lost, today I
[00:21:38] have been analyzing in each state how the
[00:21:41] vote went,
[00:21:45] compared to the votes he obtained in
[00:21:47] 2022.
[00:21:50] He lost 4 million votes, many of
[00:21:54] which are interpreted as coming from
[00:21:57] voters who did not even go to the
[00:21:59] polls, not necessarily those who switched to the
[00:22:03] opposite side, but also obviously a part that
[00:22:07] voted for candidate Bolsonaro, but many of
[00:22:10] those who were, shall we say, disappointed with democracy, with the
[00:22:13] PT's management and administration, did not go to
[00:22:16] vote.
[00:22:28] So he lost four and compared to the current
[00:22:32] candidate, they are separated by 2 million, so
[00:22:36] that's where he can really work, on the other
[00:22:39] hand, within the scheme, so to
[00:22:43] speak, of the upper class.
[00:22:47] The situation is different, I think.
[00:23:06] perhaps with one or the other it is possible, but there are those who are more
[00:23:09] linked to a productive sector and who
[00:23:12] in fact,
[00:23:52] there I enter another field because it is a difficult
[00:23:56] area to work in,
[00:24:01] I think, although there are possibilities, but I think
[00:24:04] it is one of the ways of working in this brief experience that the
[00:24:08] president has ahead,
[00:24:11] with a three-week campaign and I think the base
[00:24:14] too.
[00:24:55] It is in the progressive sectors, more or less the
[00:24:57] left, they have acted together in
[00:25:01] the campaign,
[00:25:03] they have been very united and I think that has been a great
[00:25:07] achievement.
[00:25:12] There have not been those disputes, that discomfort within the
[00:25:15] progressive forces, as there were in the
[00:25:18] campaigns. I think that the experience of Bolsonaro's
[00:25:22] four years of government, with all that it has
[00:25:25] meant, loss of sovereignty, loss of
[00:25:28] rights, loss of human lives, more than 600,000
[00:25:32] Brazilians deceased in the pandemic and losses and
[00:25:36] losses and
[00:25:37] losses,
[00:25:42] has forged a unity among progressive
[00:25:45] forces.
[00:26:13] because that is truly what we want for our children and
[00:26:16] grandchildren,
[00:26:17] exactly,
[00:26:20] from an international point of view, Lula represents
[00:26:23] Brazil in the BRICS, Brazil in CELAC, Latin American
[00:26:26] integration as a living
[00:26:28] flag, the revitalization.
[00:27:08] All of progressive Latin America feels Brazil's
[00:27:11] campaign as
[00:27:12] its own,
[00:27:15] because in some way the destiny of Latin America, and especially
[00:27:18] that of South
[00:27:20] America, is linked to what happens in
[00:27:24] Brazil. Just think or
[00:27:26] remember that in 1964,
[00:27:30] the coup d'état here in Brazil
[00:27:33] was what triggered that domino effect of dictatorships in
[00:27:36] Uruguay, Argentina, Chile and
[00:27:39] so on.
[00:27:43] And decades lost with a human, political and institutional
[00:27:47] cost.
[00:27:50] The consequences of which we are still suffering, so it
[00:27:54] really is a
[00:27:55] loss.
[00:28:14] that represent an alternative to that declining hegemony, although still
[00:28:17] important for the United States, if Latin
[00:28:21] America, which in this case Brazil represents along
[00:28:25] with other
[00:28:30] countries, Brazil brought to the BRICS, loses that link.
[00:28:33] I think that is a problem, even during
[00:28:37] Bolsonaro's time, he did not withdraw from the BRICS,
[00:28:40] but he maintained a very low profile in his actions within
[00:28:44] the BRICS. I was just watching an international
[00:28:47] news program on French television and when reporting on
[00:28:51] the current electoral campaign
[00:28:52] in Brazil,
[00:28:56] they recalled that when Bolsonaro was president and there was a
[00:28:59] meeting, I am not sure if it really
[00:29:03] was a meeting not related to the BRICS, but it was a
[00:29:06] matter that involved an audience that President
[00:29:10] Bolsonaro was going to have with French President Macron
[00:29:13] and President Bolsonaro did not attend the audience because
[00:29:16] he decided to get a
[00:29:18] haircut,
[00:29:21] so I was remembering that, reflecting precisely
[00:29:25] on what a defeat for the president would mean in
[00:29:28] terms of Brazil's position in the world. president's defeat.