TRTHABER — Omur Dedigin
20260808 170000 UTC
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[00:00:00] In the hours-long talks, but it still causes deputies shared the views us a lot of concern.
[00:00:03] of their parties. AK Party In this regard, we have a few measures that we presented to our President, and we are implementing them. But what I can tell the public is that we have called on both sides to establish a mechanism for a moratorium on this issue. But when you look at the course of the war, both sides are targeting each other's important logistical facilities. This is very dangerous, the war has spilled over to the civilian side, yes, it has spilled over. We saw this. Unfortunately, in its 5th year, the war has come to this point. Now, why aren't mediators acting quickly? The first reason is that when mediating parties get involved, especially the Americans, they say this. Deputy Group Chairman Abdülhamit Gül
[00:00:06] said that the proposal submitted with 367 signatures
[00:00:10] was an unprecedented consensus in Turkish parliamentary history.
[00:00:13] I submit the entire proposal to your votes. Those who accept?
[00:00:17] Those who do not accept. It has been accepted. Approximately
[00:00:19] 18 hours of intense work
[00:00:23] were carried out. The recommendations of the deputies
[00:00:26] were taken into account. Another threshold in the goal of a Turkey
[00:00:29] without terrorism was crossed. The bill on strengthening
[00:00:33] national solidarity and social integration was accepted by the Parliament's Justice
[00:00:36] Committee. This proposal is not an amnesty regulation.
[00:00:39] Secondly, this proposal is not a personal
[00:00:43] regulation. The closing speech of the committee discussions was made by
[00:00:46] AK Party Deputy Group Chairman Abdülhamit Gül. He stated that 367 deputies
[00:00:50] signed the bill. He drew attention to the strong
[00:00:53] consensus. Considering the number of signatures
[00:00:57] on the proposal and the distribution of the signatories to political
[00:01:01] party groups, it shows that there is an unprecedented historical
[00:01:05] consensus, a political
[00:01:08] consensus, in Turkish democracy history and Turkish
[00:01:11] parliamentary history. Tensions rose from time to time
[00:01:14] during the talks, the work was long, and participation
[00:01:18] was intense. Deputies contributed by sharing the views of their
[00:01:22] parties on the proposal. MHP Deputy Chairman Fetih Yıldız
[00:01:25] was one of the names who spoke on behalf of his party in the committee.
[00:01:29] We are about to send terrorism,
[00:01:32] which has caused the loss of tens of thousands of our people
[00:01:35] and the waste of enormous resources, to the dark
[00:01:39] abyss of history. So, how will the process proceed
[00:01:43] from now on? The proposal is expected to be on the agenda
[00:01:46] of the General Assembly on Monday. No legal regulation
[00:01:50] will come into force before the disarmament process is completed and declared
[00:01:54] by the National Security Council.
[00:01:58] Dear viewers, another strategic step
[00:02:01] was taken in terms of global security architecture. A tripartite
[00:02:05] defense alliance was established with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.
[00:02:09] The Mecca Agreement, which includes counter-terrorism and cooperation,
[00:02:12] will also contribute to the goal of a Turkey without terrorism,
[00:02:16] a region without terrorism. Regional
[00:02:16] security will be strengthened.
[00:02:22] Collective defense step, common projects and cooperation
[00:02:25] in the fight against terrorism. The agreement was signed
[00:02:29] between Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. So, what
[00:02:32] will be the contribution of the agreement to reinforcing the goal
[00:02:36] of a Turkey without terrorism? A Turkey without terrorism also
[00:02:39] means a region without terrorism. You need to strengthen it outside
[00:02:42] as well as inside. This common defense agreement between
[00:02:46] Turkey, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, which is open to sister
[00:02:49] countries, should be read as an initiative to strengthen
[00:02:53] security in the region and external foreign policy.
[00:02:56] One of the most striking aspects of the agreement is its goal
[00:03:00] of consolidating regional peace and stability. In this context,
[00:03:03] the agreement is also open to the participation of other countries. It is not
[00:03:07] an agreement that will harm the alliance system of Turkey, Pakistan
[00:03:11] and Saudi Arabia. It is an agreement that includes legitimate
[00:03:14] defense. It is open to sister countries that want to participate.
[00:03:18] So, if there is anyone who wants to be on the side
[00:03:21] of stability and security in the region, come on in.
[00:03:24] There was also an article that said an attack on one of the countries
[00:03:28] would be considered an attack on all countries. Military,
[00:03:32] political and logistical support will be provided to the attacked
[00:03:35] country. Cooperation will be carried
[00:03:36] out in the field of cyber
[00:03:41] security and intelligence, and joint projects will be developed
[00:03:45] in the defense industry. The world is talking about
[00:03:48] the Mecca Agreement signed by Turkey, Pakistan and Saudi
[00:03:51] Arabia. International Press described the agreement as historic.
[00:03:55] Attention was drawn to the military,
[00:04:00] economic and regional advantages of the three countries that signed
[00:04:03] the agreement. The Mecca Agreement, signed between Turkey, Pakistan
[00:04:07] and Saudi Arabia, was on the headlines of the world press.
[00:04:10] American CBS News, in its news about the Mecca Agreement,
[00:04:14] included the sentence "three regional powers strengthened
[00:04:17] cooperation". It emphasized the importance of Turkey's rapidly
[00:04:21] growing defense industry. Bloomberg also titled its news
[00:04:24] "A new Middle East security framework is taking shape
[00:04:27] in Mecca". The British newspaper The Telegraph
[00:04:31] described the Mecca Agreement as historic.
[00:04:35] In the news of the British broadcaster BBC, it was stated
[00:04:39] that the Mecca Agreement was signed by the three most
[00:04:42] powerful Muslim countries in the world. The French newspaper
[00:04:46] Le Monde published its news with the title "Saudi Arabia,
[00:04:48] Turkey and Pakistan signed an unprecedented Defense Alliance
[00:04:52] in Mecca". It was stated that the agreement marked
[00:04:54] a turning point in the security balances of the Middle East.
[00:04:58] France 24 also gave extensive
[00:05:13] coverage to the Mecca Agreement. The newspaper Pentapostagma
[00:05:16] wrote that the Mecca Agreement was a diplomatic victory
[00:05:20] for President Erdoğan. Al Jazeera, based in Qatar,
[00:05:23] emphasized that the agreement was signed amidst regional
[00:05:26] turmoil. It was stated that the agreement marked the beginning
[00:05:30] of a different security architecture in the region.
[00:05:34] The Indian Express, based in India, drew attention
[00:05:37] to the fact that the agreement
[00:05:38] was signed at a time when the
[00:05:41] balances in the region had completely changed.
[00:05:45] Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz said that the Mecca Defense
[00:05:48] Agreement was not a threat to any group or country.
[00:05:52] He emphasized that it was a structure that would complement other alliances.
[00:05:56] Yılmaz, who also evaluated the bill on strengthening national
[00:05:59] solidarity and social integration
[00:06:03] towards the goal of a Turkey without terrorism, stated
[00:06:06] that everyone who lays down their arms will surrender, knowing
[00:06:09] the legal process. We are surrounded by a circle
[00:06:13] of fire, geopolitical tensions are extremely high. In this
[00:06:16] environment, this agreement between three countries with
[00:06:20] complementary characteristics is very valuable. The Mecca
[00:06:24] Agreement was on the agenda, it was described as a historic
[00:06:27] day, and its importance was emphasized. Speaking
[00:06:30] on a television program, Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz underlined
[00:06:34] that the agreement was created to strengthen deterrence.
[00:06:37] This is not an alternative structure
[00:06:40] to NATO or any alliance we are in.
[00:06:43] It is not an alternative structure
[00:06:45] to our other alliance relations or multilateral
[00:06:48] relations. We can also state that it is a structure
[00:06:51] that complements and strengthens them. Therefore, this
[00:06:55] structure is not a threat to anyone, any group, or any
[00:06:58] country. Yılmaz also evaluated the bill on strengthening
[00:07:01] national solidarity and social integration. He emphasized
[00:07:05] that weapons would first be laid down, and after this was determined,
[00:07:09] other legal processes would be initiated. Everyone will lay down their
[00:07:12] arms, knowing what kind of legal process
[00:07:15] they will face. We need to be very careful about certain
[00:07:19] circles that do not want Turkey to get rid of this scourge
[00:07:22] of terrorism and engage in disinformation and provocation
[00:07:25] on social media and other platforms.
[00:07:29] AK Party prepared
[00:07:31] two clips
[00:07:35] special for its 25th anniversary. In the clip
[00:07:39] shared with the slogan "The color of each page, the story
[00:07:42] of each day is different, AK Party is a book of Turkey",
[00:07:46] President Erdoğan's speeches were included. In the clip
[00:07:49] shared with the slogan "A quarter century with our nation, Turkey
[00:07:53] is ready for the future", the works brought to Turkey
[00:07:56] under Erdoğan's leadership
[00:07:58] were included.
[00:08:06] In our Turkey, nothing will
[00:08:09] be the same as before.
[00:08:13] The pages of the book that started on August 14, 2001,
[00:08:15] election victories.
[00:08:19] We walked these
[00:08:20] roads together.
[00:08:23] The "one minute"
[00:08:25] incident in Davos.
[00:08:33] And messages that are etched in memory.
[00:08:36] I would like to emphasize that
[00:08:40] the world is bigger than five.
[00:08:43] Moments that left their mark on Turkish politics were shared
[00:08:45] one by one. AK Party prepared a special
[00:08:49] clip for its 25th anniversary. The clip, which includes President
[00:08:52] Erdoğan's important messages throughout a quarter century,
[00:08:55] was shared with the message "The color of each page, the story
[00:08:59] of each section is different.
[00:09:12] AK Party is a book of Turkey." The 25-year logo, consisting
[00:09:16] of works brought to Turkey during the AK Party governments,
[00:09:18] was featured.
[00:09:21] Footage of President Erdoğan driving the domestic and national
[00:09:24] automobile Togg with his wife Emine Erdoğan. "We will
[00:09:27] fight to bring Turkey together
[00:09:30] with its dreams, working day and night."
[00:09:33] National Technology Move, signature projects in defense,
[00:09:37] aviation and space industries were also
[00:09:40] included in the clip. The clip also featured
[00:09:44] the slogan "A quarter century with our nation, Turkey
[00:09:47] is ready for the future",
[00:09:49] determined by the AK Party
[00:09:57] for its 25th year. Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan
[00:10:01] is answering questions at the Anadolu Agency Editor's Desk.
[00:10:04] Let's watch. They need to go to more institutional points
[00:10:07] that actually guarantee their own stability,
[00:10:11] their own development, their own prosperity.
[00:10:14] We have very good relations with almost all of the countries
[00:10:17] in the region, but these were relations that were based
[00:10:20] on conjunctural political perceptions and understandings
[00:10:24] that could change. But Turkey's policy, under the leadership
[00:10:27] of our President, has been the same for a long time.
[00:10:31] We have always thought that it would be more beneficial
[00:10:34] to make this more permanent, that is, the issues we call
[00:10:38] brotherhood relations or relations should be more structural,
[00:10:41] more professional, more self-sustaining
[00:10:44] for the stability of the entire region. From this perspective,
[00:10:48] we, as Turkey, were always asked, "What is your regional
[00:10:51] vision?" We always said that there is actually a need
[00:10:55] for a defense alliance in the region. That is,
[00:10:58] countries cannot build economic structures without being
[00:11:02] sure of each other's security. This is a fact that history
[00:11:06] has shown. We saw this in the European Union as well. We saw that
[00:11:10] the European Economic Community came into being in the atmosphere
[00:11:13] provided by the American security umbrella and later evolved.
[00:11:16] Here, too, there is a great will to eliminate,
[00:11:20] or at least stop, the instabilities in the region and to manage
[00:11:23] the prosperity of the people of the region by providing
[00:11:26] greater economic and social integration. This is not an easy
[00:11:30] task. We are at the very beginning. We are aware of this. There are mental and conceptual
[00:11:33] preparations and plans for this. We have studies on how
[00:11:37] we will institutionalize these. And we know what kind of problems
[00:11:40] we will face while doing these. We have been continuously
[00:11:44] talking about these for exactly 2 years and 8
[00:11:48] months with our partners with whom we signed and other
[00:11:52] countries in the region. Our President always brings
[00:11:55] this up in his meetings at the leader level.
[00:11:59] So, this has been on our shoulders
[00:12:02] for 2 years, was this agreement being prepared for 2 years?
[00:12:04] Of course, it takes time for it to
[00:12:08] go from an idea to a concept and from a concept
[00:12:11] to an agreement. Now, Mr. Minister,
[00:12:15] I would like to gradually delve into the details
[00:12:18] of the agreement with my editor friends.
[00:12:21] First of all, is the principle that any attack on one of the three
[00:12:25] countries, which is said to be similar to Article 5 of NATO,
[00:12:29] will be considered an attack on all parties
[00:12:32] the same as Article 5 of NATO? What is our approach here?
[00:12:35] Technically, it is the same.
[00:12:39] Technically, it is the same.
[00:12:42] That's why you are establishing a security pact.
[00:12:45] That's why other countries are deciding
[00:12:49] to join a final alliance,
[00:12:53] to benefit from each other's
[00:12:56] protective support.
[00:12:59] There is no problem here. It imposes an obligation on the signatory
[00:13:02] countries. So, is this a situation that will be activated
[00:13:06] immediately? Can you elaborate on this? Let me elaborate
[00:13:09] on it without going into too much detail and boring our viewers.
[00:13:12] Essentially, this kind of agreement, look, we have been in NATO since 1952, for many
[00:13:16] years. We go to NATO meetings, we participate. We hosted the last
[00:13:20] NATO summit. We prepared the concept papers. We contribute to strategies,
[00:13:24] plans, and programs. That is, NATO, in its entire history,
[00:13:27] has probably only once or twice, when I last checked, made
[00:13:31] a decision for joint intervention and entered an operation.
[00:13:35] It supported an issue in Afghanistan and it also supported
[00:13:37] this in Kosovo.
[00:13:41] Other than that, NATO's preparations,
[00:13:44] NATO's greatest deterrence is
[00:13:47] to develop a deterrence
[00:13:49] capability in a defensive position. That is,
[00:13:53] if you attack me, I have made my preparations.
[00:13:57] Do not test my power,
[00:13:59] which has such a large
[00:14:02] military force. Therefore, I am not being attacked.
[00:14:06] In the geography I am in, by solving all political
[00:14:09] and economic problems, it is developing and going on a more
[00:14:13] normal path. Now, this is important because what blocks
[00:14:16] all developments is violence, war,
[00:14:20] and tears. You are increasing
[00:14:23] your deterrence power. Secondly, the way to enter such alliances
[00:14:27] is not so much to send a message to the outside,
[00:14:30] but rather that the countries signing this alliance
[00:14:33] will not be a threat to each other's security,
[00:14:36] and in fact, will guarantee each other's security.
[00:14:39] They are committing to this. This is the starting point.
[00:14:43] When you enter a security alliance, it is not against
[00:14:46] an external actor, but rather that "we are now in solidarity
[00:14:50] with each other,
[00:14:51] and no harm will come from one of us to the other."
[00:14:55] This is an important starting point. Then,
[00:14:58] you need to work according to the existing
[00:15:01] threats. Now, I was talking about NATO,
[00:15:04] there are preparatory works, there is joint
[00:15:07] interoperability. Here, too, if you ask later
[00:15:11] how it will work, there are a few issues.
[00:15:14] The most curious issue is whether
[00:15:18] an obligation arises immediately in case
[00:15:21] of an attack, and how this obligation
[00:15:24] will become functional. When you look at the agreement
[00:15:28] text, there are general commitments. How these general commitments
[00:15:32] will be implemented in practice always depends on, as I said,
[00:15:35] a discussion and the decision of the relevant boards.
[00:15:39] That is, a country must make a call in this regard,
[00:15:43] saying, "I am in trouble with this, help me with this."
[00:15:46] The country also defines the nature of the aid. It says,
[00:15:49] "I need intelligence, I need logistics, I need ammunition,
[00:15:53] or, at a more advanced stage, I need military units."
[00:15:57] That is, these are multi-stage issues that vary according
[00:16:00] to the dimension of the threat.
[00:16:03] So far, in the studies carried
[00:16:07] out, the perspective we put forward is
[00:16:10] that we will have a structurally ministerial committee,
[00:16:14] just like in NATO, there is a political
[00:16:17] and military committee consisting of Foreign Ministers,
[00:16:21] Defense Ministers, and the Chief of General Staff. This political
[00:16:24] and military committee is the committee that makes decisions
[00:16:28] and carries out the work within this alliance
[00:16:31] based on the vision set by the leaders.
[00:16:34] There will be a general secretariat that will implement
[00:16:38] the vision it sets forth, there will be an organization.
[00:16:42] This is also an important structural step, meaning
[00:16:45] we did not sign and leave. This general secretariat
[00:16:49] will closely follow the issues related to this defense
[00:16:53] alliance between the three countries, and the implementation of the
[00:16:56] decisions taken. We have not started working on this yet,
[00:17:00] the signatures have just been made. After the first
[00:17:03] committee meeting, the issues that we, as ministers, will submit
[00:17:06] to the leaders for approval will probably be the establishment
[00:17:10] of the secretariat, its structure, operation, and the initial
[00:17:14] directives to be given. There are many issues here,
[00:17:17] military issues, that is, what we call joint interoperability,
[00:17:20] which is a very important issue conceptualized as
[00:17:23] "interoperability" in NATO. That is, countries with different
[00:17:27] army structures being able to work together, mutual
[00:17:31] training support issues, logistical matters, threat analyses,
[00:17:35] intelligence sharing, and most importantly, cooperation in defense
[00:17:38] industry. The most discussed topic among leaders yesterday
[00:17:42] was cooperation in the defense industry and the benefiting
[00:17:46] of countries from each other's technologies. As I said,
[00:17:49] this is a serious and institutional work that requires continuity.
[00:17:53] It will also have its own automatically running
[00:17:56] work. That is, countries will not be in a situation where they say, "Oh, what
[00:18:00] were we going to do together?" when they are in trouble.
[00:18:04] As you can see, the issue we always emphasize
[00:18:07] is that success in foreign
[00:18:11] policy or any matter should not
[00:18:14] be left to chance. It needs to be institutionalized,
[00:18:17] it needs to be made continuous. Rather than being good today and bad tomorrow,
[00:18:21] countries need to be members
[00:18:24] of an alliance around certain interests.
[00:18:28] Another issue is whether these three
[00:18:31] countries are core countries. I will ask that.
[00:18:34] Before that, Mr. Yusuf, you had a question. You said
[00:18:38] it's essentially the same as Article 5, and it was also
[00:18:42] declared that the agreement targets no country. However,
[00:18:45] there is currently an ongoing Iran war, the Houthi threat,
[00:18:49] and Israel's aggression in the region. What
[00:18:52] is the deterrent objective of this
[00:18:55] agreement, and what does it define as the main threats?
[00:18:59] Well, as I said, we don't
[00:19:03] have a common threat that is written down
[00:19:06] or signed by us. We are committing to being
[00:19:10] closely involved in each other's
[00:19:12] security. This is a starting point, but let me tell
[00:19:16] you the spirit of the event, that is, how the spirit
[00:19:19] developed, how the discussions were held, and you will see
[00:19:23] that in practice, both in writing and in the formation
[00:19:26] of units and actions, it was acted upon in that
[00:19:30] spirit. Our discussions started before the current
[00:19:32] political ground, before the war ground.
[00:19:36] That is, there was no Iran-America War,
[00:19:39] Iran-Israel War at that time.
[00:19:43] But we always knew that in the region, America's
[00:19:47] security concerns would change, there were
[00:19:50] other events that would happen. Turkey has its own fight
[00:19:53] against terrorism. We always knew these would come up.
[00:19:56] Now, frankly, when countries
[00:19:59] enter this alliance,
[00:20:01] it needs to be underlined that
[00:20:04] Saudi Arabia, Pakistan,
[00:20:08] and Turkey, looking at their foreign
[00:20:11] policy stances,
[00:20:16] are not expansionist countries. They are busy with their
[00:20:19] own problems, their development within their
[00:20:23] own borders, and if possible, they are countries that want
[00:20:26] to contribute positively to the environment they are
[00:20:30] in through good relations and neighborhood. They have
[00:20:33] different styles, different capacities,
[00:20:36] but that's the thing. Now, when we come together
[00:20:40] with these countries, naturally, we become a defensive
[00:20:44] organization. It's not an offensive approach of "let's go there
[00:20:48] and do this together." Therefore, as long as
[00:20:52] this alliance is not attacked from within the region
[00:20:55] or from outside the region, it cannot have anything
[00:20:59] against any country. However,
[00:21:02] this power composition we have put
[00:21:06] forward to contribute to regional stability
[00:21:09] will naturally have a constructive contribution. That needs to
[00:21:13] be said as well. We are establishing it for this purpose.
[00:21:16] The reason we are carrying this forward is this,
[00:21:20] but I emphasize that Iran is not the target of this
[00:21:23] organization. Israel, Iran, because the region,
[00:21:27] look, don't attack us as a conflict element.
[00:21:31] No country that does not attack us is our target.
[00:21:33] When I say "we", do I mean the three
[00:21:37] countries? Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.
[00:21:40] Mr. Minister, Turkey is also a NATO country.
[00:21:43] Was this issue discussed with your allies in NATO?
[00:21:47] Will there be any transition
[00:21:50] between Turkey's obligations and Turkey's
[00:21:54] obligations in this new defense pact?
[00:21:57] Well, this was a technical
[00:22:01] issue that we thought about a long time ago.
[00:22:04] We thoroughly examined this issue both
[00:22:07] legally and strategically.
[00:22:11] The short answer is no, there is no conflict here,
[00:22:15] there is no problem. We are not the first
[00:22:19] to do this. For example,
[00:22:21] America has similar agreements
[00:22:24] with many non-NATO countries. It has
[00:22:28] one with Israel. There is the system we call
[00:22:32] Quat, it has agreements with Australia, New Zealand,
[00:22:35] and Japan in Asia Pacific. It made this agreement
[00:22:39] with Saudi Arabia, it made this agreement with Qatar.
[00:22:42] As you know, they also made this agreement last year.
[00:22:45] So, these countries,
[00:22:48] for example, France has advanced
[00:22:51] military issues with the Greek Cypriot
[00:22:54] administration, which is not in NATO.
[00:22:58] Macron even said when he was in the Greek Cypriot
[00:23:01] administration recently, "If anything happens to you,
[00:23:05] we are here." So, this is
[00:23:07] not a new phenomenon. Such alliances exist
[00:23:10] within NATO. Turkey
[00:23:14] is also a country that is aware of its
[00:23:17] responsibility and we are
[00:23:21] not in a position to keep these different
[00:23:24] geographies and different priorities in conflict
[00:23:28] with each other. Is it an area that needs to be managed?
[00:23:32] Yes, it is an area that needs to be managed, but in our broad
[00:23:35] comments, we even brought it up today when I was
[00:23:38] talking to my German counterpart. I said at the time,
[00:23:42] what we are trying to do here is regional ownership
[00:23:46] and regional security architecture. As you know,
[00:23:50] we have influence in 3-4 strategic locations.
[00:23:53] We also need to do this in Europe. As you know,
[00:23:56] we have very serious discussions about what we can do in terms
[00:24:00] of security architecture with Europe. Turkey,
[00:24:03] due to its geography, has a strategic
[00:24:07] orientation towards Europe via the Caucasus, the Middle
[00:24:10] East, the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, and the Balkans,
[00:24:14] and a wider European geography. For each strategic basin,
[00:24:17] you need to develop a perspective
[00:24:20] and harmonize these perspectives if areas
[00:24:24] of tension arise. Because,
[00:24:27] we saw this in NATO for a strategic Balkans,
[00:24:30] were involved, we experienced all the problems in the Middle East,
[00:24:34] because no NATO country other than us had a border with the Middle East,
[00:24:38] we learned from this, we analyzed it,
[00:24:42] at that time, similarly, there was no other country
[00:24:45] in a unique position like Turkey in the Caucasus
[00:24:49] within NATO." they already
[00:24:51] have a transatlantic relationship,
[00:24:54] meaning Europe and the Atlantic, i.e., America. military
[00:24:57] solidarity in the geography now,
[00:25:01] since our own strategic basin is not
[00:25:04] single, each strategic basin contains different
[00:25:07] positions and conditions. We need to develop
[00:25:11] a security architecture for these, we need to develop an economic architecture,
[00:25:15] and since we are not approaching this with a hegemonic understanding, we need to do this
[00:25:18] together with the regional countries. After the agreement
[00:25:21] in the Caucasus, hopefully,
[00:25:25] there is a working ceasefire right now. Armenia and
[00:25:28] Azerbaijan are moving towards a lasting peace agreement, and
[00:25:32] we support this. While supporting this, we have a security and
[00:25:36] economic architectural perspective in mind. The same applies to the Middle East
[00:25:39] and Europe. Can a similar micro-defense pact be established
[00:25:43] in the Caucasus region and the Central Asian region
[00:25:47] as well? These can be established when necessary.
[00:25:50] From time to time, there might be more need for economy,
[00:25:54] but the biggest problem in Europe and the Middle East right now is, you know,
[00:25:57] mutual wars, insecurities, and conflicts,
[00:26:01] so we need to start with a security architecture.
[00:26:04] There is also a search for a security architecture in Europe, I was explaining that, it was cut short.
[00:26:08] It is possible to harmonize the European and Middle Eastern
[00:26:12] security architectures through Turkey
[00:26:15] in the long term, and even in the medium term. The mental and intellectual
[00:26:18] preparations for this are actually in place.
[00:26:22] That is, when we work on scenarios in this regard,
[00:26:25] because there is not much expansionist understanding in Europe either. They also
[00:26:29] want no one to attack them where they are,
[00:26:32] they want their economy to be good,
[00:26:35] to be in a competitive position. This is the
[00:26:39] prevailing perception of the state. We think
[00:26:43] that these strategic positionings
[00:26:47] can be harmonized, but as I said, these
[00:26:49] are issues we have been discussing for a long time with our partners
[00:26:53] in both the Middle East and Europe. They are slowly
[00:26:56] coming to fruition. These are generally accepted
[00:27:00] issues, but it takes time
[00:27:03] for them to be implemented in practice. That is, the transformation in Europe
[00:27:07] will be a longer-term transformation. Mr. Yahya, please. Thank you very much. Sir,
[00:27:10] now there is an important issue that might fall within the scope of this agreement.
[00:27:13] As you know, in the Red Sea, there is a serious
[00:27:17] discussion regarding Saudi Arabia's navigation safety in the Red Sea.
[00:27:21] There are Houthi attacks, especially on Saudi Arabian ships. Saudi Arabia is seeking
[00:27:24] to establish a multinational force here. In recent days,
[00:27:28] approximately 40 countries gathered at the level of Chiefs of Staff.
[00:27:31] Will Turkey join this international force, considering
[00:27:34] this agreement? If it joins, what will be the framework of its contribution?
[00:27:37] I am curious about this.
[00:27:41] Now,
[00:27:44] when you look at how Saudi Arabia presents the situation
[00:27:47] in the Red Sea, you need to pay attention to that.
[00:27:50] In fact, it brought the issue to the agenda from the perspective of global trade security
[00:27:54] and the security of Bab al-Mandeb, not as a personal problem
[00:27:58] with the Houthis, asking for help. It didn't come to a point of asking for help.
[00:28:01] getirmedi.
[00:28:02] in terms of energy supply. Because we have secured this in the Persian Gulf right now, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz,
[00:28:15] we had said before that
[00:28:18] the war and struggle
[00:28:22] does not directly affect us much
[00:28:28] through pipelines over many years. There are countries that are affected much more differently
[00:28:31] and cannot get energy even if they have money. It affects us economically,
[00:28:35] but
[00:28:37] the closure of the Red Sea trade basin is, of course,
[00:28:41] directly related to our interests. The other one is too, but this one
[00:28:45] is even more directly related. Therefore, it was quite normal for us to show military interest
[00:28:49] in this, while the international community was gathered there wondering
[00:28:52] what measures to take here.
[00:28:55] Our President also gave the necessary approvals
[00:28:58] for this. Our Chief of General Staff attends the meetings.
[00:29:02] So, there needs to be a big perspective for Turkey's security here.
[00:29:06] The Red Sea opens to the Mediterranean through the Suez Canal
[00:29:10] further north. Who is the most important country in the Mediterranean?
[00:29:13] We are. We are still the port where all cargo ships in the Mediterranean
[00:29:16] carrying goods from one place to another definitely stop,
[00:29:20] with large ports and commercial activity. Therefore,
[00:29:24] we need to be present to have a say
[00:29:27] in any formation there.
[00:29:31] There is nothing more normal than that. Mr. Minister, here's one of the most critical questions,
[00:29:35] I think: Turkey has always played
[00:29:39] a calming, sometimes a mediating role in these regional crises,
[00:29:42] showing leadership in this regard. However, in the Saudi Arabia-
[00:29:45] Iran tension, it is evident
[00:29:49] that hot conflicts occur from time to time.
[00:29:52] It is suggested that this pact, this defense
[00:29:56] agreement, could affect Turkey's
[00:29:59] role in this matter. "How does Turkey
[00:30:03] plan to manage this?"
[00:30:06] Here, of course, you should think
[00:30:09] that Russia has
[00:30:12] an allergy towards NATO, and it is at war with Ukraine. Turkey is
[00:30:16] a NATO member country, and many NATO countries support Ukraine,
[00:30:20] but there is no obstacle to mediation. This is a bit about
[00:30:23] where your country stands and how you conduct business.
[00:30:27] Here, your political leadership, that is, everyone's trust in our President
[00:30:30] is very high at this point." I frankly
[00:30:34] don't see any problem here, meaning that when the parties
[00:30:37] need a mediator and believe that Turkey is
[00:30:41] the right mediator, there is no reason for Turkey
[00:30:44] not to overcome this. So, I don't see a problem here.
[00:30:48] Sometimes they ask, "How will you be affected by the Saudi Arabia-Iran tension?"
[00:30:51] This is a bit of a black and white area with no gray,
[00:30:55] so it's asked directly. But when we talk to Saudi Arabia,
[00:30:59] they also make their biggest declaration regarding Iran.
[00:31:03] That is, they don't have a strategy or intention
[00:31:06] to fight Iran, destroy Iran, or do this or that in Iran.
[00:31:10] They think differently on this matter.
[00:31:14] The biggest advice they gave to the Americans was to stop the ongoing violence as soon as possible.
[00:31:17] A few days ago, when we were
[00:31:19] in Mecca, Prince Mohammed bin Salman explained this.
[00:31:22] In his meeting with President Trump, he stated that
[00:31:25] this war should end as soon as possible, and that military intervention
[00:31:29] against Iran is not a solution.
[00:31:32] They have a stance that this issue should be resolved
[00:31:35] through talks and agreements.
[00:31:38] Now, Saudi Arabia also sees this, that any war
[00:31:41] in the region, no matter how many allies you have,
[00:31:45] does not prevent you from being harmed.
[00:31:48] However, you need to be deterrent enough
[00:31:52] not to be attacked. But problems
[00:31:56] need to be managed in different ways.
[00:31:59] Now, the Saudi Arabian issue is not about
[00:32:03] a problem between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
[00:32:06] It's because there's a problem between them and America and Israel
[00:32:09] that the question arose at some point.
[00:32:12] Secondly, there is the issue
[00:32:16] of who would be most affected by the Strait of Hormuz.
[00:32:20] Here, Saudi Arabia, due to the measures it has taken
[00:32:23] and its geographical location, is not affected as much as
[00:32:27] Iraq, Qatar, or Kuwait by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
[00:32:31] They are among the 100% affected countries.
[00:32:34] Saudi Arabia is affected
[00:32:37] by 45% to 60%, depending on the products
[00:32:41] and cargo. So, this is a gray area.
[00:32:45] But have you discussed
[00:32:48] these issues with your Iranian counterparts regarding
[00:32:51] the defense agreement? No, with the Iranians,
[00:32:55] as I mentioned, we have been discussing this in the region
[00:32:59] for more than two years. There were times when we discussed these with the Iranians
[00:33:03] as well. That is, when Iran solves
[00:33:06] its own problems in the region, when it is necessary to enter
[00:33:09] a collective area to contribute to the constructive
[00:33:13] policies of the region,
[00:33:15] their role is also needed. We always say that the Iranians
[00:33:19] are not strangers to this. Mr. Faruk,
[00:33:23] please continue. Mr. Minister, does the joint defense
[00:33:26] agreement foresee an institutional structure within the framework of the agreement?
[00:33:29] Is it expected that structural institutions such as
[00:33:33] a permanent joint military command center, coordination
[00:33:36] council, or secretariat will be established within the framework
[00:33:39] of the agreement? Will we model it after NATO,
[00:33:43] or in other words?
[00:33:45] "Of course, we will learn from our experiences
[00:33:49] in NATO. There are
[00:33:51] best practices, as we call them,
[00:33:55] and there aren't many large permanent defense
[00:33:58] organizations outside of NATO, which provides a tremendous
[00:34:02] amount of experience. The examples here will, of course,
[00:34:05] be presented. Now, as I said, there is a ministerial
[00:34:08] committee for making strategic decisions at the political and military
[00:34:11] levels, and NATO also has a foreign ministers' committee."
[00:34:15] There is a Ministers' committee, and we have merged this committee,
[00:34:18] establishing a single strategic, political, and
[00:34:21] military committee. The Foreign Minister, the Minister of National Defense,
[00:34:25] and the Chief of General Staff of the countries are on this committee.
[00:34:29] The decisions made by this committee will, of course, be within the framework
[00:34:32] of the leaders' vision. They need to meet several times a year.
[00:34:36] There is also a secretariat, which is an institutional
[00:34:39] arrangement. A secretariat, a general secretariat
[00:34:42] will be established. The details regarding
[00:34:45] its establishment, structure, and operation will be discussed
[00:34:48] with our counterparts at our first meeting.
[00:34:52] The headquarters of the secretariat will be in Saudi
[00:34:55] Arabia. We decided on that.
[00:34:59] Afterwards, we will decide among ourselves
[00:35:02] how other units, military and civilian, will be established.
[00:35:06] There will also be military exercises. Exercises
[00:35:09] will be held, and trainings will be provided.
[00:35:13] These are already inherent aspects of joint military
[00:35:16] alliances. Without doing these, you cannot achieve interoperability
[00:35:20] and common action, because after a while,
[00:35:24] you will realize that when you find yourself in a joint, God forbid,
[00:35:27] combat scenario, how will your
[00:35:30] weapon systems, communication
[00:35:32] systems communicate with each other,
[00:35:35] how will they harmonize?
[00:35:39] These are important issues. But as I said, these are the tasks
[00:35:43] of the secretariat after it is established. The civilian and military committee there needs to do
[00:35:46] these. It needs to develop standards
[00:35:50] for this. Analyses and evaluations are a separate
[00:35:53] issue, but they have a lot of work to do. As you know, NATO has
[00:35:57] a large NATO General Secretariat in Brussels, and
[00:36:01] a large military headquarters in Mons. There are subordinate headquarters to that military headquarters.
[00:36:05] These are, of course, very large structures.
[00:36:07] NATO is currently a huge
[00:36:11] and massive military alliance with 32 member countries.
[00:36:15] We have started with three countries here right now,
[00:36:18] taking very modest but concrete steps. At that point, Ms. Büşra has a question,
[00:36:22] please. Mr. Minister, is the expansion of this mechanism
[00:36:25] to include other countries on the agenda? Are there other
[00:36:29] countries that want to join? What kind of mechanism will we see in the future?
[00:36:33] I don't want to name them, but there are other countries that want
[00:36:35] to join this.
[00:36:39] When we were forming and signing this agreement,
[00:36:42] there was an issue that we had some difficulty
[00:36:45] deciding on. The prevailing preference
[00:36:48] of our other partners was that,
[00:36:51] as stated in the relevant article
[00:36:54] of this agreement, the three countries
[00:36:58] should be the founding core countries, and they should play
[00:37:01] an active role in determining the principles,
[00:37:04] standards, and the survival of this structure,
[00:37:07] but other countries should join this
[00:37:11] with the approval of these core countries. In our President's vision,
[00:37:15] we already have a vision
[00:37:18] not to be limited to three countries, but to grow further,
[00:37:21] and if possible, for all countries in the region to gather under this roof
[00:37:25] one day.
[00:37:27] This is the most important step that will bring lasting
[00:37:31] stability to this region. Look, this region has been known
[00:37:35] for instability for the last 100 years since the Ottoman withdrawal
[00:37:38] from the region, one way or another. But
[00:37:42] now, the regional countries are coming together
[00:37:46] and taking an important step by taking
[00:37:50] responsibility. Until now, things have been tried
[00:37:53] with bilateral steps, but now
[00:37:57] a bigger step is being taken. I would like to emphasize one more thing:
[00:38:00] when you look at Pakistan's geographical location, we are actually going beyond
[00:38:03] the classic definition of the Middle East. So,
[00:38:07] we are looking at the issue from a broader
[00:38:10] region, which is also an important point for us.
[00:38:13] Thank you. Do we have any other questions regarding the agreement?
[00:38:17] May I ask one last question, sir? There is a mechanism
[00:38:20] called the regional quartet, and it has been named.
[00:38:23] How does this relate to this alliance? In fact, part
[00:38:27] of the alliance is also within that regional quartet. You are talking about the agreement with Egypt.
[00:38:30] Yes, there is an agreement, but has this alliance
[00:38:34] also been named?
[00:38:37] The name of it is, of course,
[00:38:40] generally being called the Mecca Alliance.
[00:38:44] However, some also call it the Mecca Defense
[00:38:47] Alliance. That will probably settle down over time,
[00:38:51] and it's also related to the partners' decision.
[00:38:54] But when we shorten it, we usually say the Mecca
[00:38:58] Alliance. Mecca is a very important place for all of us.
[00:39:00] Egypt and the
[00:39:03] regional quartet, the regional quartet is a very important
[00:39:06] political platform, an informal
[00:39:10] political platform. It provides a lot of flexibility.
[00:39:13] This will continue to exist, and it has to.
[00:39:17] Egypt is already a natural
[00:39:20] partner for us in all matters.
[00:39:23] I believe that in the next stage, Egypt will also
[00:39:27] be among us as an alliance. We already act
[00:39:30] like allies towards each other, and relations with all countries are like
[00:39:34] that. There are a few technical issues, and once these are implemented,
[00:39:37] there is no reason for Egypt
[00:39:40] not to be there. But the regional quartet
[00:39:43] maintains its importance. Egypt is an important country.
[00:39:47] Neither Pakistan nor Saudi Arabia has any disagreement on this.
[00:39:50] We will continue this together. Thank you. If we have finished
[00:39:54] our questions regarding the agreement,
[00:39:57] let's return to the Iran war. Perhaps this defense pact
[00:40:01] was also an outcome of this war.
[00:40:04] Because there were some thoughts and ideas,
[00:40:08] but the war accelerated them. We understand this. What stage
[00:40:11] do you think this crisis between the US and Iran
[00:40:14] is at right now? They say we are close to an agreement
[00:40:18] regarding the Strait of Hormuz. But it changes
[00:40:20] every day. Different approaches
[00:40:24] are displayed every week. What is the current situation
[00:40:28] in the US-Iran crisis, in your opinion? The most important priority everyone is working on
[00:40:31] is to achieve
[00:40:34] that will ensure
[00:40:37] the opening of the strait, even if it's for a temporary period,
[00:40:41] which is described as 60 days. The proposals on this
[00:40:44] have matured, the writings have reached
[00:40:48] a certain point, and now
[00:40:51] a result will emerge from the complete agreement
[00:40:55] between Oman and Iran, one located north and the other south of the strait,
[00:40:59] on a regime and procedure between themselves. I honestly think
[00:41:02] we are close to this. Of course,
[00:41:06] we sometimes see that decision-making processes
[00:41:09] within Iran can take a long time,
[00:41:13] for understandable reasons. The situation the leadership is in,
[00:41:17] of course, the security threat and so on, accessibility
[00:41:21] also carries importance.
[00:41:24] But right now, the regional countries,
[00:41:27] America, Western Europe, everyone, actually Asia,
[00:41:31] demands that this strait be opened
[00:41:34] as soon as possible. There is a lot of pressure on this.
[00:41:38] As Turkey,
[00:41:42] as Turkey, we are currently talking to the parties.
[00:41:46] If we think there is a deadlock in the matter,
[00:41:49] we try to resolve it. Here, actually,
[00:41:52] the parties currently have a preference on certain issues. They don't have
[00:41:56] any communication problems; they even talk to each other directly. They have no problems in that regard.
[00:41:59] They have reached that speed now. So, the mediation
[00:42:03] that all of us have put forward has actually
[00:42:07] reached a point where the parties can directly communicate with each other.
[00:42:11] Right now, as I said, there is a procedural
[00:42:13] situation. The issue is how to regulate
[00:42:17] the passage in its current form. They are discussing this
[00:42:21] among themselves. Perhaps
[00:42:23] one or two countries bordering the strait
[00:42:27] can provide some additional contribution.
[00:42:30] Thanks, Yusuf. Please go ahead. Another major issue, of course, is the peace plan in Gaza.
[00:42:34] Here too, the second phase has begun, Mr. Minister.
[00:42:38] In this regard, we see that Hamas has especially shown
[00:42:42] its will to fulfill the requirements
[00:42:45] of this phase. However, Israel is currently
[00:42:49] backtracking on these issues. What kind of sanctions
[00:42:52] can be imposed? What kind of pressure mechanisms can be put in place
[00:42:56] to address Israel's non-compliance with this situation?
[00:42:59] I would like to hear that from you.
[00:43:02] As you stated, for the second
[00:43:05] phase of the peace talks to begin,
[00:43:08] the biggest condition was
[00:43:12] Hamas laying down its weapons
[00:43:16] in return for certain conditions.
[00:43:19] An agreement was reached on this, and immediately afterward,
[00:43:23] the second phase was supposed to begin, meaning
[00:43:27] that a committee composed of Palestinians
[00:43:31] was to enter to take over the administration of Palestine,
[00:43:35] and a stabilization force was to be deployed.
[00:43:38] Now, Israel hesitated to begin this. We know Israel's strategies very well.
[00:43:41] Israel never thought that certain issues
[00:43:45] could be solved diplomatically by Hamas
[00:43:49] and the Palestinians. So, it always
[00:43:53] adopted such an attitude in these matters.
[00:43:56] And when a solution was found, it always postponed it to the next point.
[00:43:59] As you know, about 4-5
[00:44:02] hours after Hamas accepted the offer,
[00:44:06] Israel carried out an attack that resulted in the martyrdom
[00:44:10] of 18 people. This is something Israel always does,
[00:44:13] but now no one has even a single sentence
[00:44:16] to support Israel on this matter. Even the Zionist circles
[00:44:20] that support Israel the most cannot support it
[00:44:23] when this happens. Here,
[00:44:26] Hamas's approach, which prioritizes
[00:44:29] the Palestinian people, placing their
[00:44:33] existence before its own, is commendable.
[00:44:37] The Palestinian people will surely reward
[00:44:40] and appreciate this. Work in this direction
[00:44:44] must continue as it is. But as long as Israel's primary
[00:44:48] goal is to de-Palestinianize Gaza,
[00:44:51] it will continue to resort to such
[00:44:54] games. So, how will this be prevented?
[00:44:58] Here, international
[00:45:02] political mobilization
[00:45:04] must be continued without interruption.
[00:45:07] Creative ideas and keeping the issue on the agenda
[00:45:11] are necessary. The thing Israel fears most is international
[00:45:14] isolation. Until today, it has created
[00:45:17] an illusion in the world using the very wide opportunities
[00:45:20] it possesses, opportunities that other countries don't have.
[00:45:24] There is a political practice built upon this illusion
[00:45:27] that constantly works in Israel's favor, no matter the circumstances.
[00:45:31] Even when it commits genocide, nothing may happen.
[00:45:34] But now the whole world sees the diabolical
[00:45:38] difference between its conscience
[00:45:41] and the illusion created. It sees
[00:45:44] that this is not a simple
[00:45:47] delusion or a mistake to be corrected,
[00:45:51] and that it should increasingly turn into an independence
[00:45:54] struggle. The world actually knows
[00:45:57] that people's minds are being shaped
[00:46:01] at many points by such an octopus-like
[00:46:04] movement of information and illusion. This
[00:46:08] is a multi-layered, very practical, very systematic movement.
[00:46:11] We, the politically conscious people living in this geography
[00:46:15] with high awareness, already know this.
[00:46:18] This is not news to us. We have always
[00:46:22] been aware of this since childhood. We just saw its mechanism
[00:46:26] as we grew up and interacted with world events, realizing that this is truly how it works.
[00:46:29] But for the rest of the world, especially the West,
[00:46:32] this is big news for many large masses.
[00:46:36] And Israel has exploited the fact that these masses
[00:46:41] were unaware of this issue for years.
[00:46:45] Now, as awareness increases, it sees that there will be more
[00:46:49] isolation. A new story might be created,
[00:46:52] a new provocation might be started, a new narrative might be produced,
[00:46:56] and we need to be prepared for these.
[00:47:00] But things are no longer as easy as they used to be.
[00:47:03] I had always said, with a heavy heart at the time,
[00:47:07] but since we see other events, this is always
[00:47:11] the case. There is such a dynamic
[00:47:15] in its operation. in the sunnatullah,
[00:47:17] that is, when the blood of innocent martyrs, as many as Palestinians,
[00:47:20] flows in Gaza,
[00:47:23] it immediately turns into a victory there,
[00:47:27] but it opens the door to good
[00:47:30] in many other places, and we often
[00:47:34] cannot know what this good is, unless
[00:47:37] we look very closely, a mental organization, a rise
[00:47:41] in awareness, people waking up to a different
[00:47:43] world, a new spirit regarding
[00:47:46] the oppressor, the oppressed, the exploiter, the exploited, a new
[00:47:49] consciousness, that is,
[00:47:53] how a world where their opportunities are exploited without even their partners
[00:47:56] realizing it
[00:47:59] is secretly built, I think
[00:48:03] this salvation is a very great salvation, that is, everything
[00:48:06] is progressing against Israel from one perspective,
[00:48:10] you say, by killing children and committing
[00:48:13] genocide, there has never been a victory in world
[00:48:17] history. Mr. Yahya, please let's continue with you, sir.
[00:48:21] There is another crisis point that concerns Turkey very closely,
[00:48:24] Ukraine-Russia, there is a strategic
[00:48:28] is deepening, Russian territories have also become a part
[00:48:31] of the war with Ukraine's attacks, but most importantly, Turkish ships
[00:48:34] are especially targeted in the Black Sea. There are two problems here. One,
[00:48:38] in the context of the Black Sea, Ankara is of course warning
[00:48:42] both Kiev and Moscow, but
[00:48:45] saldırıların Türk gemilerini özellikle Karadeniz'deki saldırıların
[00:48:49] durması için bir mekanizma devreye girebilir mi? Burada bir plan var mı?
[00:48:52] de Karadeniz'in tamamı oldu, ilk önce askeri tarafları. ikincisi siz Moskova'ya da gittiniz
[00:48:54] geçtiğimiz ay çok kritik bir ziyaretti o sonra Kiev'e gittiniz,
[00:48:58] barışacakları çok konuşuluyordu ama bir anda iş bambaşka bir
[00:49:01] noktaya gitti, eee Rusya Ukrayna arasındaki anlaşmanın
[00:49:05] önündeki en en önemli engel şu anda nedir, bu konuda ne
[00:49:08] düşünüyorsunuz?
[00:49:10] Yani sorunuzun ilk kısmından
[00:49:12] başlayacak
[00:49:15] olursak eee uyarılarımız maalesef çıkıyor, işte savaşın
[00:49:18] yaygınlaştığı alanlardan biri
[00:49:22] limanları vuruyorlardı, askeri gemileri vuruyorlardı, şimdi
[00:49:25] ticari bütün gemileri vuruyorlar şey yapmadan, ayrım
[00:49:29] yapmadan, maalesef burada eee türk gemileri yani türk sahipli
[00:49:32] veya türk bayraklı gemiler de eee nasibini alıyor
[00:49:36] can a mechanism be put in place
[00:49:40] to stop these attacks on Turkish ships, especially the attacks in the Black Sea?
[00:49:43] Is there a plan here? Secondly, you went to Moscow last month,
[00:49:46] it was a very critical visit, then you went to Kiev,
[00:49:50] it was talked about that they would make peace,
[00:49:53] but suddenly things went in a completely different direction.
[00:49:57] What is the biggest obstacle to the agreement between Russia and Ukraine
[00:50:00] right now? What do you think about this?
[00:50:03] So, to start with the first part of your question,
[00:50:07] unfortunately, our warnings are coming true. One of the areas
[00:50:11] where the war has spread is the entire Black Sea. First, they were targeting
[00:50:15] military sides. They were hitting ports, military ships,
[00:50:18] now they are hitting all commercial ships without discrimination. Unfortunately,
[00:50:30] Turkish ships, that is, Turkish-owned or Turkish-flagged ships,
[00:50:34] are also affected. So, sometimes they are foreign-flagged
[00:50:37] but Turkish-owned, sometimes
[00:50:40] they are foreign-flagged and foreign-owned but
[00:50:44] have Turkish crews working on them.
[00:50:47] There are three categories of ships. We are closely monitoring
[00:50:50] all of them. Currently,
[00:50:54] the number of Turkish ships being targeted is relatively
[00:50:58] lower compared to other targeted ships,