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00:00:00We give results. Government of
00:00:04Mexico. Next,
00:00:08public
00:00:08debate.
00:00:13belong to the establishment of
00:00:16fear and yes exactly, what Friends, good evening. We are in public debate. A
00:00:21there should be self-criticism on the part of ghost haunts Latin America and it is no longer the military coup of
00:00:24the 70s. Now it is the digital coup of the Trumpian
00:00:27era. A kind of
00:00:30algorithm coup through the large digital platforms, social
00:00:34networks, the use of artificial intelligence with hundreds,
00:00:38perhaps thousands of millions of dollars, which
00:00:41include managers, businessmen, mercenaries
00:00:45and specialized technologists in
00:00:48segmenting lies to voters, and
00:00:52complicity of who undertake cognitive warfare strategies
00:00:55wherever they are, they have undoubtedly advanced
00:00:58in less than 4 years since the end of the
00:01:02COVID pandemic to date,
00:01:05they succeed in Mexico, do they succeed in Mexico, what they have achieved the victory of far-right options in
00:01:07practically all of Latin America, in
00:01:10Argentina with Javier Miley, in Chile with José Antonio
00:01:13Katz, in Bolivia with Rodrigo Paz, recently in
00:01:17Colombia with Abelardo del Espriela, in Honduras with
00:01:20Nasri Azura, in Ecuador with Daniel Novoa, in El
00:01:24Salvador with Bukele, in Peru, with Keiko
00:01:28are indeed behind these ecosystems of Fujimori and they are preparing
00:01:29fit the mold of to strike the big blow in
00:01:32the second round of elections in Brazil next October 25th,
00:01:36Breitbart news, he didn't build what they do not
00:01:36level of a right-wing international, act alone nor uncoordinated, the broad
00:01:39umbrella of digital Trumpism and the aggressive formula of
00:01:43prioritizing the anti-walk, anti-justice,
00:01:46anti-immigrant message and the
00:01:50promotion of a punitive populism that prioritizes
00:01:53a firm hand and the law of the strongest above any criterion of
00:01:57justice, democracy and respect. for the rule of
00:02:00law, the digital right
00:02:03is, as in the case of Mexico,
00:02:07waiting to see how they can
00:02:11counteract alternative,
00:02:13powers and interests, however, with progressive or humanist projects and for
00:02:17that, the bots are as useful
00:02:20as the evangelical religious groups and
00:02:24the promoters of an economic libertarianism, which is nothing more
00:02:28than the path to disaster. We are going to analyze the digital right in this public debate, we begin,
00:02:32good evening, well we begin,
00:02:46thank you very much to Luisa Iglesias for being with us, good evening, thank you for
00:02:49inviting me again, no dear Luisa, host of
00:02:53reference point and also
00:02:56a digital strategist, now really.
00:03:00Would you say right, left or what
00:03:03current, counter current, better let's go the
00:03:06other way, let's try the other way tonight,
00:03:08exactly,
00:03:11a pleasure to be here, thank you very much director
00:03:12digital issue was already starting with the entire of TV emigrant, it is also a pleasure for me to have Ernesto Ángeles, thank you very much
00:03:16good evening, how are we, specialist in artificial intelligence and other
00:03:20types of intelligence also to our
00:03:23dear Gustavo, Gustavo, thank you very much for being here, host of
00:03:27you found coordinator of the agency.
00:03:31of MX Reference or reference point.
00:03:35is what Gustavo, you have followed very well in these last
00:03:38months all this strategy after the
00:03:41Cerimedo scandal. Yes. The
00:03:44Cerimedo scandal is perhaps the clearest,
00:03:48most intricate, criminal portrait
00:03:51of how digital
00:03:55rights operate.
00:03:59And what this case also reveals
00:04:02is that they do not act alone, that they have a
00:04:05kind of
00:04:08intertwining among themselves, how could you describe them Gustavo? Nadia
00:04:12Beller, the lawyer who tried to
00:04:14assassinate Cerimedo, has given
00:04:18several clues and last week she published a photograph in which Cerimedo,
00:04:23the United States is a, and in the Brad Parscal and other publicists appear with Donald Trump's son,
00:04:26Donald Trump Junior, who is Brad Pascal, he is
00:04:30a great link. Brad Parscal was the
00:04:33director of Donald Trump's digital campaign in 2016,
00:04:37supported by all
00:04:38intelligence or the use of the resources that were Cambridge Analytica, all the data resources that were
00:04:42Cambridge Analytica which was the massive leakage of information from millions
00:04:45of Facebook users, after that campaign he developed a
00:04:49communication agency, a campaign agency called nucleus
00:04:53campaign, campaign nucleus and this
00:04:56truly adverse context where they win campaign does microsegmentation
00:04:59which is based on all the data that you can extract from the internet, from
00:05:02social networks, from whatsapp groups, from telegram, all the amount of information that is on
00:05:06the internet they process it with artificial intelligence and they
00:05:09microsegment, so for example they can oh. clearly I'm
00:05:13afraid that the coffee will run out, so they send messages to their whatsapp
00:05:16to their telegram saying the next
00:05:19progressive government will end coffee, so that's how they start segmenting all the messages with
00:05:23artificial intelligence, prioritizing fear, prioritizing
00:05:28artificial intelligence allows you to do is to locate what will motivate you, it can be
00:05:32fear, it can be concern about something, but usually they are negative
00:05:35feelings and what Brad Parscal does with Serimedo is to bring
00:05:39that infrastructure from Nucleus Campaign to Latin America.
00:05:42which is what they have been using to move electoral campaigns in all these
00:05:46countries in favor of right-wing candidates, now
00:05:49this would be possible, Ernesto, all
00:05:53this strategy that we saw from Cambridge Analytica in
00:05:562016 with Brexit, with the triumph of
00:05:59Trump, without the
00:06:04the big platforms in the case of Cambridge Analytica very
00:06:08clearly in 2016 with Facebook, so much
00:06:11so that Zuckerberg, the owner of Facebook, was
00:06:15prosecuted and now without the
00:06:19complicity, well, of X, of Elon
00:06:22Musk, of Google, of
00:06:26TikTok, they sneak in almost invisibly, how would
00:06:30you describe it,
00:06:32Ernesto? I think both, no, if we analyze it over
00:06:36time, at first it was a mechanism more than anything
00:06:39like taking advantage, these powers were adding up, according to their
00:06:43interests, to this evident and clear strategy that
00:06:45there is at an international
00:06:49that occupy the flaws of the
00:06:53algorithms, occupy all these ecosystems to create
00:06:56alternative communication ecosystems and these
00:06:59ecosystems, in the end, attracted new
00:07:02actors, in this case, these
00:07:05actors joined for economic or political interest, no, and we see
00:07:09it very clearly in the case of Mexico, no, around
00:07:122010. 16 we had the digital ecosystem, these mechanics of the
00:07:15digital ecosystem, but there were the ecosystem
00:07:19media, not as separate, separate, no,
00:07:22there were these separate
00:07:26the passage of time, we have seen a symbiosis, a
00:07:29symbiosis between the media, between particular
00:07:33interests and there is an actor that seems very relevant to me that is never
00:07:37mentioned, that beyond the technology companies and the
00:07:41platforms, there are advertising and public relations
00:07:44companies, here I think it is a
00:07:47bit the bridge that exists between these two worlds, between
00:07:51the digital world and the traditional world of the media, no,
00:07:54so you are talking about the advertising campaign consultancies, yes, for example,
00:07:58Trident, this, I don't know if you
00:08:00remember, some years ago
00:08:03in Mexico a company called Trident
00:08:06Acelera came out, which was precisely to create influencers and all
00:08:10that, I think Gabriela. marketing, yes, it was
00:08:13queting who was behind this, well then
00:08:17in the end, I think that at first it was
00:08:20powers that were agglutinating around
00:08:23political and economic interests and now we already have a symbiosis
00:08:27of ecosystems of lies in which
00:08:29participate from the platform that makes the algorithm that gets
00:08:33an economic benefit from these mechanics to the
00:08:36public relations companies that provide consultancy to the large
00:08:40parties, we also have the parties. that in political
00:08:44parties we see a complete transformation and they will
00:08:48not let me lie in cases, these
00:08:51actors, especially from the right, who a few years ago
00:08:55behaved in a different, more institutional way
00:08:58and who now behave like a bot because what
00:09:02we are seeing is that politics is now
00:09:05beginning to adopt patterns from the digital world and not the
00:09:09other way around, so the case of Salinas Pliego is very clear.
00:09:20Its strong core, its core of power lies in these technological ecosystems
00:09:24and what is behind these technological ecosystems, so I
00:09:27would say that there are interests behind the companies, such as, for example,
00:09:31the conversion of X to the far right with the purchase of Musk, but
00:09:35there are also other actors who have been joining, who have appeared and
00:09:38everything revolves around this creation of new ecosystems. that
00:09:42especially the far right has known, has known how to
00:09:46congregate, has known how to take advantage and has known how to feed, how much artificial
00:09:51artificial intelligence has accelerated this process
00:09:55or runs in parallel, how would
00:09:58you describe it, I would say it's more like an
00:10:01accelerator, perhaps a tool, but here the
00:10:04core of the matter for me is not only technical,
00:10:08it is social, it is social, it is social because it is
00:10:12that. and it is economic, because these
00:10:15ecosystems of lies are coordinated,
00:10:18there is a coordination behind and every time the discussion focuses on the
00:10:22bots, it seems a bit arid to me because the
00:10:25bots, how do they move, who buys them, where do they buy them, what do they buy them for,
00:10:29that is, there is a whole social construction behind that seems
00:10:33to me that beyond the algorithms of the
00:10:36artificial intelligence models, the product here that characters
00:10:40like this
00:10:43Cerimedo sell, and let's say the innovation here was
00:10:46to create structures, it was the model of creating disinformation
00:10:49structures where there are elements such as, for example,
00:10:53influencers where there are new traditional media where
00:10:57the formula behind is, for example, these
00:11:00charismatic figures, these easy and
00:11:03emotional messages, so all this whole construction
00:11:07behind it seems to me that it is what has been
00:11:11emulated in the Latin American case, we see
00:11:14it, for example, in Colombia, we see different
00:11:17Cerimedos, Cerimedo is not the only one, that is, it seems
00:11:20to me that we also have to be very clear about that, Cerimedo is one
00:11:23of many. That is, in the end, and he is not the first,
00:11:27that is, this, well, they are disinformation
00:11:31ecosystems that exist and that in the end very probably
00:11:34characters who are public or media that
00:11:38are public participate directly
00:11:41or indirectly, either to hunt for fake news
00:11:45and get views, either
00:11:48with characters who participate in these media and who
00:11:53lies, why are they right-wing,
00:11:56that is, because by nature they are right-wing or
00:12:00because the left or the progressive
00:12:02groups have not known how to use
00:12:06it or have used it and and are marginalized, why
00:12:09is there a clear tendency to the
00:12:12right? I think first of all, if
00:12:16we go to a broader time
00:12:19analysis, the left was the pioneer, progressivism was
00:12:23a pioneer in these digital strategies, of course, however,
00:12:262010, just 2010, large
00:12:29movements,
00:12:32were the pioneers, however the formula and
00:12:35industrialization were adopted by the right,
00:12:38this, the right became rebellious, it didn't become rebellious,
00:12:41it became, the right knew how to adapt to these
00:12:44ecosystems and also had the means to do it because
00:12:48they do start, that is, basically the
00:12:52right starts in this race with a great
00:12:55advantage from the algorithms, from capital, from economic
00:12:58interests, yes, it does start with an advantage, but here
00:13:01also the point is that the right has known
00:13:05how to adapt to these ecosystems and these have known how to transform them,
00:13:08yes, in this case, for example, let's start from the fact that
00:13:12in these ecosystems, easy messages,
00:13:15emotional messages prevail, and especially
00:13:18these emotional messages that lead to radical
00:13:22emotions, anger,
00:13:25fear, also hope, however,
00:13:29anger and fear are easier to evoke,
00:13:32so the right knew how to adapt
00:13:35these structures and take advantage of them, that is, in
00:13:39the end there is a tendency, but this tendency has
00:13:42been appropriated by the right, exactly, Luisa, what do you think?
00:13:45I am very passionate about this topic, I have always thought
00:13:48that the left and the right politically speaking and the center, I don't
00:13:52even want to start, let's make this...
00:13:55analogy with cinema, no, the right would be like
00:13:58Fast and Furious or like a Hollywood blockbuster that has all the
00:14:02money and capitalizes on entertainment because
00:14:04they were born from entertainment, while the left is your favorite
00:14:08independent film or your Tarkovsky film that goes slowly and
00:14:12explains things to you and that also has a much
00:14:16higher language than you can understand, so it is sometimes
00:14:19impenetrable for new generations, no, and when suddenly someone says
00:14:23hey, sorry, I'm not so clear about what Marxism is, five
00:14:27left-wing people turn around to give you an intellectual slap in the face
00:14:31that is not physical to tell you, how can you not understand
00:14:35this, while the right is a totally open space to
00:14:38say be an idiot, no such, I am saying there
00:14:42is a certain arrogance in the left, the left has an
00:14:45arrogance that I think has to do, of course, with the handling of
00:14:49intellectuality, of culture, the social
00:14:52handling, of course, of seeking a better. construction of worlds,
00:14:56the left always looking for better worlds, while the right couldn't care
00:15:00less, all it wants is to capitalize, monetize, keep
00:15:04all this money, why does the right triumph so much on social networks, well,
00:15:07let's think that entertainment, which has always been political and
00:15:11also, rather, politics has always been entertainment, but those who
00:15:15understood it best were those on the right, Volodimir Zelensky, a
00:15:19famous comedian in Ukraine, Jimmy
00:15:21Morales, a very well-known actor for these programs.
00:15:37for an elector who has no, what's more, let's remove all the structure of Cambridge
00:15:41Analytica and all these mechanisms, this
00:15:44right to humor and fear, so to speak, is still
00:15:47more memorable than the right to the obligation and responsibility of
00:15:51thinking, I am saying this in simple terms, because I would consider that we should
00:15:55be pursuing, yes,
00:15:58the left and we were just talking about it a little while ago about
00:16:02where we stand, that the same tools are working for us,
00:16:05why suddenly we have a
00:16:08right that allows Del Espriella to have campaigns with this
00:16:12tiger of pure artificial intelligence that they deliberately
00:16:15knew had no message and that didn't matter,
00:16:19it still worked, why the same thing is happening with
00:16:23Lula for this next second round where we see that Lula had
00:16:26a tangible platform where the benefits
00:16:29he generated for Brazil could be delimited
00:16:33and touched, even so the Bolsonaros came with all these
00:16:36campaigns. that have to do with social conditions and in Brazil there is
00:16:40uberization, I think uberization, I think it is a phenomenon that allows
00:16:43you to explain why campaigns are not connecting, digital campaigns connect
00:16:47when the conversation on networks or on the internet connects with
00:16:50the conversation outside the internet, uberization allows you to explain why the
00:16:54left's conversation does not connect, there are 2 million workers on platform lines
00:16:58in Brazil, of those, 70% are not interested
00:17:02in working formally, why? Because they consider that their free
00:17:05time or the time they can manage on the platform. form they can manage their money, they don't want
00:17:09to connect to a platform, to a formal job, there are 2
00:17:13million people who have this collaborative economy, yes, and
00:17:16they think they are Uber partners and that they are going to become millionaires like Andrew
00:17:20Tate and these conversations from the manosphere come to them and get rich
00:17:24just by thinking because you are going to be rich and these are people who
00:17:27eat every day because the platform gives them food, they got their television,
00:17:31their speaker, they pay Netflix with what they pay from the platform and
00:17:34when they manage to lift their eyes from the screen. the state has not
00:17:38impacted their material reality, so how are they going to,
00:17:41I adore Lula, but Lula is a union leader from 40 years ago, how
00:17:45are you going to talk to a young person who has never had a formal job, who doesn't know what a union is, who
00:17:49has not had to defend their labor rights because they claim labor rights,
00:17:53they are people who are obviously more connected to their reality with what a
00:17:57young person who says you are going to become a millionaire
00:18:00embracing the manosphere, for example, on that topic when the podcast boom occurred
00:18:04during the pandemic, what was studied by the
00:18:07audiences, which I think is super striking for the conversation, is that the most listened to podcasts
00:18:11on the entire planet were horror and comedy and
00:18:14those are exactly the bases that the right uses to promote all its
00:18:18discourses, horror talking about what scares you, does the LGBTQ+ community scare you,
00:18:21well, now we put it in the horror box, do women scare you, well
00:18:25let's put them here, how do I handle it and how do I say it with comedy, and if the
00:18:29left doesn't laugh at your joke, but how
00:18:32can you not laugh, you are too serious when the things that
00:18:36have humor and comedy. and horror are the ones that are most popular on these platforms,
00:18:40which would seem like a market thing, but it is
00:18:43exactly the mechanism that politicians are currently
00:18:46using to transmit these messages, no, which is interesting,
00:18:50striking the podcast market and the influencers that are
00:18:54so popular now. Emerson, well, I
00:18:57agree that rebellion became
00:19:00right-wing, and I think
00:19:04that the right has challenged the left.
00:19:07the capacity for indignation in the face of
00:19:10reality and in that sense I believe that
00:19:13this ingredient of how they incorporate
00:19:17themselves to demonstrate, to
00:19:20protest, I think it is a much longer,
00:19:23broader phenomenon, yes, that
00:19:26is, you were talking about these characters,
00:19:29not mercenaries, there is one that I think is also worth mentioning,
00:19:33who is called Robert Mercer, who is
00:19:36this, let's say, computer scientist
00:19:39who was one of the
00:19:43main investors in Cambridge
00:19:46Analytica in 2013, yes, but this guy, let's say,
00:19:49is a kind of
00:19:52mask of, or rather Steve Bannon is the mask of
00:19:55this Robert Mercer, that is to say, he is the
00:19:58screen, Bannon is the screen of Robert Mercer, not
00:20:02from that, let's
00:20:05say, the specific story in the United States of Bannon and
00:20:09Mercer has to do with the transformation of the same
00:20:13American right,
00:20:16it was supposedly left-wing, what does that mean? That from 2008,
00:20:20that is, there are several analysts who point to 2008 as the turning point,
00:20:23of course the economic crisis in the United States, the world
00:20:27economic crisis, but there is a deep
00:20:31transformation of the Republican Party and the conservative
00:20:35right in the United States that gives rise to the Tea Party which
00:20:38is. a kind of rebellion within the American
00:20:41right, from that moment is when Steve
00:20:45Bannon with Andrew Breitbart, who
00:20:48founded the Breitbart news portal, which
00:20:51was later directed by Steve Bannon, who found that
00:20:54there was a foothold for a right that had been marginalized for years
00:20:58in the Republican Party, that is, those who did not
00:21:03the American right and it was a sector that had a lot of
00:21:07digital activity, which also in 2008, let's say it was not the
00:21:11same as now, no, it was just starting Occupy
00:21:15Wall Street, Tea Party, that is, blogs and podcasts were starting
00:21:18to be used. to activate
00:21:22digitally, no, so I think
00:21:25it is important to go back to that moment because it tells us about a long-term
00:21:29strategy, Bannon as well as Mercer are convinced
00:21:32that a metapolitical approach is needed, that is,
00:21:36we must go for the cultural to influence public
00:21:40political life, so it is a strategy that is a
00:21:44Gramscian slogan, that is,
00:21:47exactly, no, and the cultural battle. I think that in that
00:21:50sense the right is why it anticipated these cultural
00:21:54and social interaction processes to
00:21:58bring certain characters to power, no, Bannon
00:22:01himself acknowledges that Donald Trump strangely, he is not a
00:22:05conservative, that is, he does not fit the mold of the American
00:22:08right for a lot of reasons, for the life he
00:22:11led, for the lifestyle of a businessman, of
00:22:15women, in short, no, that is, he did not
00:22:19the. American conservative, but there was something in
00:22:22this community, that's where he says
00:22:26Ernesto mentioned, he didn't build a medium for the
00:22:29right, he built an ecosystem for the right
00:22:32and it's a crusade that I think has been going on for a long time,
00:22:35that is, these last symptoms in
00:22:38Brazil, we have seen it for several years since
00:22:42Brexit in Europe, that is, from my point of view, they are the
00:22:46culmination of a process that the right has been
00:22:49cultivating and nurturing for many
00:22:52years, so it's not just that they put a lot of
00:22:56money to change the public conversation in an election where there is
00:22:59disinformation, fake news and there is mud from both sides, no,
00:23:02but that there is, from my point of view, a cultural
00:23:06crusade that
00:23:09they started long before the left and that
00:23:13that is, the reality coincides also
00:23:16at a time when in Latin America there were left-wing governments. That is,
00:23:20this beginning to sow this
00:23:23type of digital right-wing hatred begins at a time
00:23:27when the pink tide is in Latin America, there is Kirchner, there is Lula,
00:23:30there is, except Mexico,
00:23:33except Mexico, because Mexico is a inverse process,
00:23:36one is a topic we discussed with Gustavo, that Mexico
00:23:40experienced its far-right early in
00:23:442006, of course with Calderón, that is, with
00:23:47Calderón begins, shall we say, uh,
00:23:50it doesn't begin, the
00:23:52resources from electronic
00:23:55and mass media are deployed,
00:23:59and the
00:24:02hate campaign against López Obrador, that is to say, and with
00:24:05all the language, let's say, that now that
00:24:09I saw it on screen again,
00:24:12I said, this man named Felipe Calderón was able to govern this country with
00:24:15that string of
00:24:18well, of nonsense and
00:24:20lies because they are lies, right? Uh, for example, saying
00:24:24that the opposition in Mexico should copy
00:24:27Venezuela, you say, well, what is he talking about, what does he have to copy
00:24:31from Venezuela, if in Venezuela what Trump did was annihilate the
00:24:35political class of the opposition and the government, but
00:24:39that is perhaps a thesis, I don't know what you think, I think that
00:24:42even the methods, right, of interference
00:24:45have become more sophisticated, of course, thanks to new
00:24:48technologies. 2006, it must be said, was a
00:24:52lawfare against López Obrador, the first in the region,
00:24:56no, more aggressive, exactly, because it
00:24:59prevented the arrival of López Obrador to
00:25:03power, and I think that, for example, in the
00:25:05Brazilian case, it is important to point out, not
00:25:09only that Lula has had political electoral desgaste for
00:25:13many years, it comes from having
00:25:17had a government of succession.
00:25:29there was an attempt to take replicated
00:25:32from Washington, from the Capitol, that is, the Bannon method appears
00:25:35there, the taking of the three powers
00:25:39in Brazil in January 2023,
00:25:43that is to say, it comes from a
00:25:46at the polls fair and square, Lula still in another attempt. And again
00:25:50he is a candidate, that is, I think it comes, that is, for him to be two points behind
00:25:54after the governments and the contests he had, and
00:25:57let's say, and an apparatus from the United States against him, the truth is that
00:26:01it also seems to me a... an achievement, right? That is,
00:26:04I think that in the way
00:26:07in which from this circle, I think where
00:26:11technological giants and millionaire
00:26:15contracts are mixed, that is to say, the digital
00:26:17right, the right,
00:26:20in the digital world is successful not
00:26:24only because it is attractive, because it is seductive, because it also
00:26:27disputes rebellion with the left, but because it is a great business
00:26:31and they know that. in Spain with
00:26:35Vox, with Le Pen, he knows with Brexit, that
00:26:38is, why a big question, why after
00:26:42Brexit triumphs in the United Kingdom, Nigel Farage
00:26:46does not become prime minister of the United Kingdom, that is to
00:26:49say, he goes to the sewers, that is, it was something very focused, very
00:26:53segmented on a
00:26:57destabilization operation of Europe, right, exactly, let's go to a
00:27:00break and now we'll go to the... questions, of all the
00:27:03questions, will
00:27:07is happening in relation to Mexico with the other
00:27:10Latin American countries, leave us, we return to the public
00:27:13debate,
00:27:21who we are is something that we show with
00:27:23pride,
00:27:26that's how I recognize myself, Quintín Oltic
00:27:29Inchivali, that's how I identify myself. INE
00:27:32recognizes you, asks you to include your self-perceived gender identity or choose to
00:27:36show this data, also if you identify as an indigenous or
00:27:39Afro-Mexican person, and on the back with the new QR code data, your voter ID
00:27:43becomes more reliable. Your INE updates with you, the
00:27:47INE with you always.
00:27:50Do you know what happens when the government thinks of the people? The minimum
00:27:54wage increases and poverty decreases. In
00:27:572018, the minimum wage was 2,800
00:28:01pesos per month or 8 years later it is
00:28:049,584 pesos per month. With this, we have
00:28:08achieved that labor poverty is at its historical
00:28:11minimum since 2005.
00:28:14With honesty, we give results.
00:28:18Government of Mexico. These are the five good news about the
00:28:22performance of the Mexican economy. First, the
00:28:25minimum wage increased and labor poverty is at its
00:28:28minimum. Second, we are among the countries with the lowest unemployment
00:28:32in the world. Third, inflation and the cost of the basic
00:28:36basket decreased. Fourth, the peso is one of the strongest
00:28:39currencies in the world. Fifth, a record year for foreign
00:28:42direct investment and there have been no gasolinazos. With
00:28:46honesty, we give results, government of
00:28:49Mexico.
00:28:56We return to the public debate. We are
00:28:59talking, discerning, describing
00:29:03digital rights and obviously the political-electoral
00:29:06phenomenon that this has generated, for now in
00:29:10Latin America, but not only in Latin America, there is also the case of
00:29:14Spain, there is the case of uh Germany, very serious
00:29:17too, uh, in short, in
00:29:20Japan, it's not, uh,
00:29:24it doesn't happen only in one region of the world, it's something that is
00:29:28globalizing now in
00:29:31real terms. The
00:29:34question at this moment
00:29:38makes Mexico exceptional
00:29:41to the wave of victories of the
00:29:44far-right in Latin America,
00:29:47or if that far-right is
00:29:50really advancing in Mexico and we don't see it, we are not
00:29:54underestimating it.
00:29:56Gustavo, I see two elements: one, the social base of the Fourth
00:30:00Transformation, I think it has advanced
00:30:02in basic rights for young people, "Youth Building the Future" has a high
00:30:06percentage of young people who integrate into a job, Benito
00:30:10Juárez scholarships, universities, I think
00:30:12that social base is a containment against
00:30:16easy discourses, although they exist in Mexico and are impacting. The other
00:30:19I think is economic. I think the economic integration we have with
00:30:25economic moment that the United States is experiencing, I think it is a
00:30:29dam that prevents
00:30:32the United States from daring to go stronger in these discourses and in
00:30:36these campaigns in our country. So the United States restrains itself. I think
00:30:40at the moment it cuts ties basically with Europe, with Canada
00:30:43and and your your really your only strong commercial partner left
00:30:47is Mexico, it is convenient for there to be political stability in the
00:30:51country and it restrains itself from advancing
00:30:54more strongly against those discourses and
00:30:58I think there we have a