Bosnia and Herzegovina: N1 Bosnia and Herzegovina

20260810 21:00 UTC · 00:30:59 · 523 transcript segments · GDELT Visual Explorer · plain-text transcript · Event Map

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Transcript

Google Cloud Speech-to-Text API (Chirp) + Gemini 2.5 Flash Non-Thinking. Treat it as a searchable index of what was broadcast, not a quotation record.

00:00:30Good evening. This is a new edition of the show Outside the Box. More than two years have
00:00:33passed since the fateful October 7th, a date that etched itself into global consciousness
00:00:37as a point of complete moral and political
00:00:41breakdown. We are still trying to
00:00:43understand what actually happened, from the brutal,
00:00:46inexcusable attack by Hamas militants
00:00:50on Israeli civilians, to the retaliation which, in
00:00:53its scale, duration, and systematic nature, and which can
00:00:57be inferred from the conclusions of the International Commission
00:01:00of the United Nations, has taken on the contours of genocide against the population of Gaza. In
00:01:04that time span, measured not only in days, months,
00:01:08years, but in destroyed lives, ruined settlements and
00:01:11cities, the world watched as the lines between security
00:01:15and revenge blurred, and how international law is relativized
00:01:19and human dignity is turned into a collateral
00:01:23category. The two-state solution, which for decades
00:01:26figured as the only reasonable horizon, today appears
00:01:30both necessary and almost impossible. Necessary because
00:01:34without political and territorial equality, there is no
00:01:37minimal security for either Israelis or
00:01:40Palestinians. Impossible, because the facts on the ground,
00:01:43the colonization of the area by settlements and the spiral
00:01:46of violence make this idea more of a declaration than
00:01:50an implementable plan. Therefore, we ask if the two-state
00:01:53solution is just a mantra of diplomatic speakers or
00:01:57if it still exists as a realistic architecture of peace? Tonight,
00:02:00in the show Outside the Box, we deal with what is echoing louder and louder
00:02:04within Israeli society itself: how this time
00:02:07of war, destruction, and international condemnation is forming
00:02:11a new self-image in Israeli society. Has
00:02:14the moral price of retaliation become too heavy, even for a country that
00:02:18justifies its security policies with historical trauma,
00:02:22and is Benjamin Netanyahu's government, with the support of
00:02:25radical partners, responsible for the greatest
00:02:28strategic and ethnic catastrophe in recent Israeli
00:02:32history? While one part of society stands behind the government, the other part increasingly
00:02:35clearly states: this is not a path to security,
00:02:39but a path to moral destruction. Stay with
00:02:42us.
00:02:52The recently concluded ceasefire offers a respite, but does not remove
00:02:55fundamental questions, because, according to reports since its entry
00:02:59into force, hundreds of violations have been recorded, hundreds
00:03:02of dead and wounded. It is a ceasefire that is definitely
00:03:05not yet peace, but
00:03:08some transitional point on the horizon
00:03:11of uncertainty. Tonight, on the show Outside the Box, for the second time
00:03:15since the war began, Israeli journalist Gideon Levy, one
00:03:19of the most provocative, most consistent, and to many,
00:03:23most controversial critics of Israeli policy towards
00:03:25Palestinians, an intellectual who refuses to agree to ideological
00:03:29reflexive reactions,
00:03:32who forces us to think outside
00:03:35national and ethnic narratives. His texts
00:03:39raise questions that many avoid. Tonight
00:03:42we will go through some. Good evening, Mr. Levy, thank you for
00:03:46speaking to
00:03:46N1.
00:03:51Good evening, thank you for inviting me.
00:03:55I listened to you recently and I must admit that
00:03:58the level of uh,
00:04:02how should I put it, moral self-incrimination that
00:04:05you express, especially when you say that all Israelis,
00:04:08including you, bear responsibility. What is it in
00:04:12Israeli society, media, and political culture, in
00:04:15your opinion, that allowed such collective blindness and
00:04:19denial to be normalized to such
00:04:23an extent that criticism in newspapers like yours
00:04:26is almost perceived as treason?
00:04:38It's interesting that you started with this question, it's a crucial
00:04:41question for us to understand
00:04:45how Israelis live
00:04:48peacefully with themselves, when just an hour
00:04:51away a disaster is unfolding. And
00:04:55I'm glad you mentioned the media, because
00:04:58the media is the answer to this. What happened in
00:05:01this
00:05:02war
00:05:09is that the Israeli media, without
00:05:13government pressure, did not
00:05:16report on the atrocities in
00:05:19Gaza, not because of ideology, but
00:05:22because they know that the Israeli public doesn't want to
00:05:25see it, and if viewers and readers don't
00:05:29want to see and hear it, then they won't
00:05:33show it. Apart from what I
00:05:36published in some smaller media, you couldn't
00:05:40see Gaza on television,
00:05:42on the news. What you watched in Israel
00:05:46was not watched. That's how
00:05:50people's brains were
00:05:53washed.
00:05:56It was reported in a way that showed that no atrocities were happening,
00:05:59that everything was in accordance with
00:06:03international law, that it was a defensive war,
00:06:06that 60, over
00:06:0960,000 people killed
00:06:12was a proportional
00:06:15uh reaction to October
00:06:187th, that
00:06:2120,000 killed children is also
00:06:25proportional and that they are part
00:06:28of the moral index that we
00:06:30in Israel invented for ourselves. All of this
00:06:33together created a situation in which
00:06:36Israel after October 7th
00:06:40does not want to watch, does not want to see Gaza, does not want to
00:06:43hear about Gaza, shows no empathy,
00:06:47no humanity towards that terrible
00:06:51catastrophe. Let's stay with
00:06:55the media. So, it seems that there is a sharp division
00:06:58between a few, but
00:07:01intellectually strong critical media like
00:07:03Haaretz and the mass media, these deeply
00:07:06entrenched media that reproduce the narrative
00:07:10of the government and the security establishment.
00:07:13How do you see the balance of power between these two
00:07:16universes of information? Do critical media
00:07:19even have the power to shape public opinion, or is their influence
00:07:23limited to intellectual enclaves
00:07:27that essentially rarely change the dominant political
00:07:30dynamic?
00:07:38I would say the latter.
00:07:43Haaretz
00:07:45is the oldest
00:07:48Israeli newspaper. It is published in Hebrew and English.
00:07:51It is well-established, but the mass
00:07:54media, there are many more of them than
00:07:58Haaretz, they are much more influential than
00:08:01Haaretz, both television channels
00:08:04and on social media, but also
00:08:07other print media.
00:08:10Haaretz tries, but cannot change
00:08:13the mainstream, and the mainstream brainwashes,
00:08:17goes with the flow, tells
00:08:20Israelis that there is no problem, that the whole
00:08:23world is anti-Semitic, everyone hates us,
00:08:27such things,
00:08:30which plays into the hands of Israelis, but has
00:08:33nothing to do with reporting.
00:08:36Hmm.
00:08:39Uh, when I simply listen to you on... I can ask you
00:08:43what comes to my mind as a logical
00:08:47question, and it concerns precisely those claims about the almost
00:08:50unanimous stance among Israeli residents. Still,
00:08:54allow me to mention that strong peace bloc, organizations
00:08:58like B'Tselem, Breaking the Silence, and others who
00:09:02believe in and advocate a two-state solution, but do not
00:09:06see a convincing peace partner in Hamas or parts of the Palestinian
00:09:09power structures. What about them? What status do they have?" in society and media.
00:09:23I appreciate them, I love them, but they are
00:09:27small, and they are
00:09:30delegitimized in mainstream media,
00:09:34so they are hardly written about, not
00:09:38reported on. You mentioned some NGOs two months
00:09:41ago. A large press
00:09:44conference was held. The two largest
00:09:48human rights organizations,
00:09:51B'Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights,
00:09:55both said that what was happening in Gaza
00:09:58was genocide, and this was cited worldwide, but
00:10:02Israeli media did not report from that
00:10:05press conference, except for Haaretz. Nothing that was
00:10:09said there, which was both concerning and interesting, nothing
00:10:13was conveyed to the Israeli
00:10:16public. Therefore, it is very difficult to fight
00:10:19against an entire coalition when
00:10:22everyone is satisfied, because Israelis want to
00:10:25know, and the media
00:10:28caters to
00:10:32their needs.
00:10:34Haaretz does what it can, but it is not enough. When we talk
00:10:38about the war in Gaza, global discourse moves
00:10:42between two extremes: absolute
00:10:45identification with Israeli fears
00:10:48and absolute identification with
00:10:51Palestinian suffering. Is it possible
00:10:55to imagine an ethical space between these two
00:10:58poles, a space in which we can simultaneously acknowledge the victims
00:11:01of October 7th, so that it doesn't become a moral
00:11:05alibi for the destruction of Gaza, especially not the killing of innocent
00:11:08people?
00:11:15I think that is precisely what every
00:11:19conscientious person
00:11:21should adopt as their stance. That is... Precisely
00:11:25the right stance. October 7th happened, it was terrible.
00:11:291200 Israelis were
00:11:32killed. I was there,
00:11:35I was there two days later, on October 9th,
00:11:39on the spot. What I saw there, I had never
00:11:42seen before, maybe in Sarajevo in '93,
00:11:45although I'm not sure even there. I was in
00:11:49Sarajevo during the siege, but in any case, it was
00:11:52terrible and it should be... judged
00:11:56and it should be publicly condemned, and the whole world
00:11:59should hear about it. Then
00:12:03the war came, which very
00:12:06quickly
00:12:10went beyond, exceeded all
00:12:13proportions.
00:12:16And from Gaza, which is
00:12:20home to 2.3 million
00:12:23people, mostly refugees in the second and third generation,
00:12:26you can condemn
00:12:30October 7th and fight
00:12:33against it, but understand that there is no
00:12:36proportionality.
00:12:381200 innocent
00:12:41people who were killed in the south
00:12:44of Israel in a brutal way, on the other hand,
00:12:48you have the killing
00:12:51of 20,000 children, a thousand
00:12:55babies. What is the connection between
00:12:58these two things and
00:13:00self-defense? What do you see
00:13:04as the greatest psychological
00:13:07or spiritual mechanism that today prevents a good
00:13:11portion of Israeli society from seeing Palestinians as people
00:13:15with equal status and dignity? Can this
00:13:18mechanism ever be dismantled
00:13:20from within?
00:13:24It
00:13:28is very difficult, it is very difficult
00:13:32to maintain a brutal occupation, like the Israeli
00:13:35occupation, for almost 50, 60
00:13:38years. Often it is barbaric,
00:13:42brutal, not legitimate. It is difficult
00:13:45to maintain that kind
00:13:48of occupation, and at the same time understand that
00:13:51the victims of that occupation are human beings
00:13:55like us. Like many other phenomena in
00:13:58history,
00:14:00phenomena of occupation,
00:14:02extermination, first
00:14:06you have to build for yourself
00:14:09an inhuman image
00:14:13of the enemy or the occupied or
00:14:15the oppressed. In this way you legitimize what
00:14:19you are doing. This dehumanization,
00:14:21demonization of Palestinians began long
00:14:25before October 7th. It lasted throughout all the years
00:14:28of occupation, constantly saying that all Palestinians
00:14:32are terrorists, that they are born to kill, that
00:14:35they want only one thing, which is to push the Jews into
00:14:39the sea. One after another. That is what
00:14:43you need to maintain
00:14:45the occupation. I have spent my whole life
00:14:49trying to break that vicious circle,
00:14:53trying to humanize Palestinians. I write about the victims,
00:14:57at least once a week I go to the occupied
00:15:00territories and write stories about the victims, for
00:15:0440 years. But it's hard to fight against that
00:15:06machinery. What is the
00:15:10balance of power within parliament?
00:15:13Do there exist opposition political
00:15:16structures
00:15:18with which you, as the voice
00:15:21of the intellectual community, could discuss problems
00:15:25in a way that you are not
00:15:29excluded, or rather, not eliminated from the conversation at the very
00:15:32start?
00:15:41First, they eliminate me. I am on
00:15:43television. I used to appear often on Israeli
00:15:47television. In the last two years, they invited me only
00:15:51twice on Israeli
00:15:53television. Yet, there was a time when I was
00:15:56almost every evening on
00:15:59some television worldwide. But in Israel,
00:16:03no one ordered them not to invite me, but they
00:16:06knew that if I participated in the program.
00:16:10As for opposition parties, I do not
00:16:14see any of them offering a real
00:16:18alternative. None of them are against
00:16:21the war. None of them have said a
00:16:25word about genocide. None of
00:16:27them advocate
00:16:31or strive to stop the occupation,
00:16:34apartheid. They are much closer to the government
00:16:38in their basic positions than it
00:16:41even seems
00:16:42from the outside.
00:16:46They only fight against Netanyahu personally. Many
00:16:50Israelis want him to step down, but that is not
00:16:53ideology, that is a personal
00:16:55matter. You received one
00:16:59of the most significant Israeli journalism awards, the Sokolov
00:17:02Prize, in the year 2021. This implies
00:17:06in some circles..." in Israel, there is exceptional
00:17:10recognition for your journalistic
00:17:13engagement. Yet, critics fault
00:17:16you, I came across this while preparing for this
00:17:20conversation, that you perhaps do not sufficiently take into account
00:17:24the fact that since its inception
00:17:26in 1948 of the last century, Israel
00:17:30has faced a combination of hostile states,
00:17:33irregular armed groups, rocket
00:17:36attacks, and calls for its
00:17:38destruction.
00:17:47First, I received the award, and I was grateful,
00:17:50it touched me, but it was 2021 or
00:17:542022. I'm not sure I would have
00:17:57received
00:17:59that award in 2025. I am almost certain I would not
00:18:02have. Yes, so, of course, there are
00:18:06Israelis, unfortunately. Since October 7th,
00:18:10that number has decreased, but there
00:18:13are still brave
00:18:16Israelis who
00:18:20speak publicly, who agree with me, who
00:18:24are interested in what I will write, but
00:18:26unfortunately they are a small and increasingly
00:18:30smaller minority, and
00:18:33therefore those awards,
00:18:38even if I received them, do not
00:18:41reflect the atmosphere in
00:18:44Israel today. Today Israel is more
00:18:47nationalistic, more racist than
00:18:50it has ever been, and I am much lonelier today
00:18:54than ever before. But I am not the story;
00:18:58the story is the suffering of the Palestinian people and
00:19:01above all the question of how to get out of
00:19:04this. In your text, there is
00:19:08a fascinating tension. On the one
00:19:12hand, deep humanism and identification with
00:19:15Palestinian suffering, and on the other hand, a rigid
00:19:19diagnosis of Israeli power structures. How do you reconcile these
00:19:22two positions? Do you believe that moral
00:19:26sensitivity towards Palestinians is possible only if the
00:19:29narrative of Israeli security is rejected, or do you believe that it is
00:19:32possible to simultaneously acknowledge Jewish
00:19:36trauma and condemn Israeli policy?
00:19:49I acknowledge Jewish trauma as long as it is
00:19:53not manipulated, as long as it is not
00:19:56exploited
00:20:01for illegal, illegitimate purposes, which is
00:20:05often the case. I part of Israel. I was born
00:20:08here, I will die here. I am
00:20:12part of everything that
00:20:15I, along with all Israelis, go through. I go through everything
00:20:18they go through. There is no doubt about that. But I am not willing to
00:20:22justify everything or anything because
00:20:26of what we have been through or what we are going through. And another thing I
00:20:30want to emphasize
00:20:31is
00:20:35that there are many voices in the Arab world, among
00:20:38Palestinians, which are
00:20:42hard to listen to if you are an Israeli, who call for
00:20:46the destruction of Israel, who threaten. But someone
00:20:50has to ask the question why they
00:20:52say that. When the Secretary-General
00:20:56of the UN said that
00:20:59there was a context for
00:21:02the crimes of October 7th,
00:21:042023,
00:21:06Israel condemned him, declared him persona non grata,
00:21:10but he spoke the truth. Yes, there is a context. It doesn't
00:21:14justify the crime, but we must understand
00:21:18that everything has its reason. Let's
00:21:22deal with the reasons, not just
00:21:24the consequences.
00:21:27The slogan that has become a global symbol
00:21:31of resistance is "Free Palestine from the river to
00:21:34the sea." Uh, it is also
00:21:37a fierce subject
00:21:39of controversy. Uh, some interpret it as
00:21:43a call for the liberation of territory from military
00:21:46domination and apartheid. Others interpret it
00:21:50as a call for the elimination of Israel. How do you
00:21:53read this phrase? Do you believe that it is
00:21:56possible that within the same slogan,
00:21:59emancipatory and destructive impulses
00:22:02coexist, some who actually desire
00:22:05equality and political freedom for Palestinians and others who perhaps
00:22:09carry elements of the very negation
00:22:11of Israel?
00:22:18"to both exist."
00:22:20Yes, both exist. As you know, I don't know in what
00:22:24proportions, but there are those,
00:22:27anti-Semitism, I don't deny that anti-Semitism
00:22:31exists, and many express their
00:22:34anti-Semitism in that way, but there are many
00:22:38conscientious people who believe that
00:22:41between the river and
00:22:44the sea, everyone must
00:22:47be free, and with
00:22:50that I can wholeheartedly agree. That is precisely my
00:22:53dream, my vision: equality
00:22:56between the river and the sea. Israel should
00:23:00be one democratic state, but whoever
00:23:03has another idea that can be implemented, I will gladly
00:23:07listen to it, but the call
00:23:09for freedom from the river to the sea does not
00:23:12necessarily mean the extermination of Israel. Yes, it
00:23:16means the
00:23:19end of the Jewish state and the establishment
00:23:22of another state that will be a democracy for all,
00:23:26for both Palestinians and Israelis. That is not
00:23:29extermination. That is called democracy in every
00:23:33language.
00:23:36Does that suggest that
00:23:39the two-state solution is truly
00:23:42dead?
00:23:48"I will be so happy."
00:23:52I would like to be wrong, but I think
00:23:56that with 700
00:23:58thousand Jewish
00:24:01settlers in the West Bank who have
00:24:04taken all the land, especially
00:24:08in the past two years, the facts
00:24:11on the ground are such that I do not see how any
00:24:15Israeli government will evacuate them from there in
00:24:18that context." I think
00:24:22the train has left for a two-state
00:24:25solution. Maybe I am wrong. Maybe I would
00:24:29be happy if someone proved to me that it is still an option, because that would be
00:24:33the best solution, to divide into two states,
00:24:36one Jewish, one Palestinian. But if that is not
00:24:40possible, as I think it is not possible, then we should
00:24:44stop talking about an impossible solution
00:24:47and start thinking about an alternative.
00:24:50Because for 20, 30, 40 years
00:24:54we have been talking about two states, nothing has moved. In
00:24:58reality, we are now further from that solution than ever
00:25:02before. We are further from it, because
00:25:05there are more and more settlers, Jewish settlers
00:25:09in the West Bank,
00:25:12which is the last place left where Palestinians could
00:25:15have their own state. Therefore, why don't we
00:25:18try something else? Democracy,
00:25:21equality, one person, one vote, because
00:25:25for 55 years now these two peoples have been living in one
00:25:28state. Let that state be democratic, not
00:25:32an apartheid state.
00:25:35You say that there are increasingly more
00:25:37settlers, settlements in the West
00:25:41Bank. Where do these people come from? Do they come of their own
00:25:45will, or are they guided by
00:25:49powerful political
00:25:50structures?
00:25:59Firstly, we cannot separate them from
00:26:02the army, from the police, and from
00:26:05the government. All these organs
00:26:08protect them, support them
00:26:11with money, with budget, with protection, and
00:26:15enable them to settle there. They come
00:26:19from various places, but what truly
00:26:22encourages them, it's not that the government sends them there,
00:26:25they are partly
00:26:28Jews who believe in crazy ideas that only, for example,
00:26:32Jews have the right to live in this land, that Jews
00:26:36are the chosen people and
00:26:39that they have the right to do whatever
00:26:43they want, that Palestinians are nothing, trash, they say.
00:26:46So they are motivated by very radical
00:26:50racism and nationalism which
00:26:52is in combination with
00:26:55religion, because mostly they are religious, especially the
00:26:59violent ones. They have no boundaries, they are very
00:27:04violent, very dangerous, and things are getting worse and worse, and
00:27:07the government and the army, by not
00:27:10stopping them, become partners in
00:27:13that project. Yes, religious
00:27:16identifications are often actually used as weapons
00:27:20in geopolitical narratives. How, Mr. Levy, can we avoid
00:27:24the Palestinian struggle from being
00:27:27reduced simply to Islam, and Israel
00:27:30to the question of Judaism, instead of talking
00:27:33about rights, statehood, security,
00:27:37democracy, universal principles, which
00:27:40you emphasize?
00:27:42You know something
00:27:50about religious turmoil in your part of the world,
00:27:54and you know how difficult
00:27:57it is. Until a few
00:28:01years ago, the
00:28:04conflict between
00:28:06Israelis and Palestinians
00:28:10was mainly a political and territorial conflict
00:28:14that should have been resolved at that
00:28:17stage. It was not resolved mainly because
00:28:21of Israel, not only because of Israel, but predominantly because of
00:28:24Israel, because Israel was not ready to
00:28:28give Palestinians their rights, and
00:28:30now it is entering a new phase
00:28:33where fundamentalist,
00:28:37extremist, religious actors on both
00:28:40sides lead the main discourse. This is much worse,
00:28:44because when you deal with fundamentalists, there is no
00:28:46room for compromise. The word
00:28:49compromise
00:28:51is completely foreign to them. They don't know what that
00:28:54means. Then things are much worse, and I think that
00:28:58now we are entering that phase where I have
00:29:02my fundamentalists, my jihadists, and they have
00:29:06their fundamentalists.
00:29:10they are still not the majority on both sides
00:29:13and that's why it's important to find
00:29:16a solution now, let me briefly
00:29:19return to the topic we
00:29:23only partially opened,
00:29:26that is anti-Semitism, Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek
00:29:30says that as long as there are people like you... you, Mr. Levi,
00:29:33anti-Semitism has no chance, do you
00:29:37sometimes feel that
00:29:39you carry on your back the burden of moral
00:29:42testimony of your own society, do you have
00:29:46the feeling that history might have unintentionally put you in that role?
00:30:02a big role for my small shoulders, I don't believe
00:30:06I'm that important, I'm not being falsely modest, but I'm
00:30:10not that influential, that important in any
00:30:13direction, I'm a journalist, I
00:30:17try to do my job to
00:30:20report, to inform
00:30:23Israelis about what's happening in the occupied
00:30:27territories and to re-humanize
00:30:31Palestinians for... Israelis, you know what,
00:30:34Palestinians are not what they are
00:30:37presented to be, because Israelis and Palestinians no longer
00:30:41meet. I have my own moral
00:30:44compass, of course and that
00:30:47motivates me, but in many
00:30:50cases I am accused of the opposite, that
00:30:54my, that anti-Semites
00:30:58use my.
Data courtesy of The GDELT Project (gdeltproject.org), from the Internet Archive TV News Archive. Film strip and transcript are GDELT's, rehosted here under their terms of use, which permit it with this citation.